Nuclear Weapons Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

This article examines how 'safety case' experts working on Finland’s nuclear waste repository project at Olkiluoto summoned, conjured, or channeled memories of Seppo—a deceased colleague whose ‘specter,’ as some put it, still ‘haunts’ their scientific community. For some, Seppo’s postmortem presence manifested as gaps in knowledge left behind by an expert often reluctant to document the methodological assumptions underlying his knowledge-practices. For others, it manifested as anecdotes about Seppo’s stubbornness, irritability, and intellectual intensity as well as his more jovial demeanor during sauna nights, workplace parties, or trips abroad. Still others caught themselves asking ‘What Would Seppo Do?’ while troubleshooting at work. Inspired by anthropological and philosophical work on ancestors and haunting, the article unpacks how the multi-millennial time horizons of nuclear waste risk, the intergenerational time horizons of expert succession, and the everyday time horizons of a single expert life-course shared entwined fates. It focuses less on what knowledge disappeared when an expert’s body died – or how it could have been preventatively backed-up or managed – and more on what has lived on of the expert in and through surviving colleagues. Analysis of 'afterlives of expertise' like these can, it concludes, provide insights for a current moment of intergenerational transition in nuclear energy sectors in Europe, North America, and beyond.

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- Nuclear Engineering, European Studies, Expert Systems, Nuclear Physics
- by Victoria Putyrskaya
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- Nuclear Weapons, Modeling, Italy, Biological Sciences

En 1971, la France dispose de la force de dissuasion planifiée au début de la Ve République : des Mirage IV dotés de bombes de 60 kt (quatre fois la puissance déployée à Hiroshima), des missiles sol-sol au plateau d’Albion (150 kt), ceux de la force océanique, embarqués dans des sous-marins, d’une puissance nominale de 500 kt. À quel prix ? Les 193 essais aériens puis souterrains, réalisés au Centre d’Expérimentation du Pacifique de 1966 à 1996 n’ont pas seulement impacté l’écosystème des atolls de Moruroa et Fangataufa où ils ont été tiré : ils ont bouleversé la vie de l’ensemble des Polynésiens, qu’ils aient été concernés, travailleurs et riverains des sites, par les retombées radioactives, ou que leur mode de vie ait été transformé par la gigantesque entreprise qui a mobilisé une centaine de milliers d’hommes et des milliards de francs, des Marquises à Bora-Bora. Écrire l’histoire d’un deuxième contact, après la « découverte » de la Polynésie, et les différentes facettes de cette rencontre entre deux mondes, voici l’ambition de ce livre.

- by Renaud Meltz
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- Pacific Island Studies, Postcolonial Studies, Nuclear Weapons, French Polynesia

From the volume Introduction:
"Leonardo Campus’ chapter explores the Italian political perspectives on the crisis, using new documents from Italian, US and British archives, as well as interviews. The divisive nature and the desire for peace that characterized such reactions are highlighted. The government, led by the Christian Democrat’s Fanfani, gave unenthusiastic support to the US moves, while Togliatti’s Communist Party supported the USSR. Moreover, as the presence of NATO nuclear missiles made Italy both a target at risk and a possible subject of negotiation, it will be shown how Fanfani secretly tried to use them to play a role as a peace mediator."

- by Leonardo Campus
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- Political Parties, Italian (European History), Italian Studies, Nuclear Weapons

The crisis in Ukraine, which began in 2013, has had significant implications for European security. Cristian Nitoiu identifies three perceived security threats implied by developments in Ukraine and how these threats may develop in future years: the threat of so called 'hybrid warfare' spilling over from the standoff between Ukraine and Russia; the threat posed by nuclear weapons; and the threat posed by more conventional forms of warfare. Perceptions of security threats are arguably more salient than actual threats, most times having a deep influence on the actions of states and other international actors. Hence, they play a key role in the way the EU, Kyiv and Moscow will shape their policies towards each other in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. While Russia can employ a wide range of capabilities, the EU and Ukraine have very few instruments to tackle security threats, be they traditional or nontraditional. In the case of Ukraine, but also more broadly the postSoviet space, EURussia/Ukraine relations are affected by the perception of three types of security threats: so called 'hybrid warfare', nuclear threats and traditional military threats (i.e. territorial invasion). Hybrid warfare In the West and Ukraine the perception of the threat posed by hybrid war has recently increased sharply. The annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine have put the spotlight on the way states engage in conflict by using a series of (sometimes innovative) tools and strategies. Hybrid war combines the use of conventional and nonconventional capabilities, the use of irregular troops, cyberattacks, support for terrorist, rebel and criminal groups, or the use of the media and civil society for propaganda purposes. In eastern Ukraine in particular we have witnessed a combination of the use of both state and nonstate actors by all the sides involved. States tend to use parts of this toolkit even in times of peace, however in such situations these instruments are not combined in order to pursue certain assertive foreign policy goals.

In the preparatory meetings for the 2015 Review Conference (RevCon) of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), the nuclear abolition or disarmament movement has urgently reiterated the demand that nuclear-weapon states (NWS) must live up to their Article VI commitments as defined by the 1995 and 2000 RevCons’ final reports. Increasingly, this demand is predicated on a humanitarian imperative to prevent the horrific effects of nuclear war or nuclear-weapon accident. The term humanitarian imperative is the most recent expression of a long-standing moral demand by the global antinuclear movement that the human and environmental suffering resulting from nuclear war or accident constitutes a supreme moral evil and, perhaps, a supreme moral emergency. The NWS have resolutely resisted this demand, in part because they fear the effects of instability and insecurity that might result from nuclear abolition. Indeed, the results from all of the NPT RevCons have demonstrated that the demand for nuclear abolition has failed to pressure the NPT NWS to act beyond strategically and politically prudent nuclear arms reductions. Moreover, some of the NPT NWS have initiated nuclear-weapons modernization projects, which indicate their sustained commitment to nuclear deterrence for the indefinite future. The current political contest between antinuclear global civil-society groups and the NPT NWS raises two focal questions. First, assuming nuclear disarmament is truly a humanitarian and moral imperative, what are the policy preconditions for effective implementation? The academic and policy literature offers a variety of answers to this question that is important to review. A second and more important question is to what degree do such policies ensnare the NPT NWS in unanticipated violations of international ethical imperatives? In particular, is it possible to undertake nuclear abolition in a morally responsible manner if at least one ethical imperative is genuinely violated in the very effort to realize it? This article begins with preliminary remarks on the latest efforts by some global civil-society groups to reframe nuclear abolition as a humanitarian imperative. It then argues that nuclear disarmament is not likely to happen merely because of the concerted expressions of moral demand by moral entrepreneurs and global civil-society groups. This is not to say that moral pressures from such groups are not necessary. On the contrary, the NPT NWS are not likely to reconsider their nuclear options without such pressures. Rather, the demand must be conjoined to a series of political interactions among rival NWS that resolve, transcend, or significantly mitigate their security, status, and trust dilemmas. In other words, the morally required end of nuclear abolition might tragically ensnare nuclear-armed rivals in a range of moral and political dilemmas that might involve significant instances of moral violation. If this paradoxical outcome is realized, then the paramount question for all involved is how to satisfy the moral imperative of nuclear abolition in ways that are not morally irresponsible.

- by Strategic Studies Quarterly and +1
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- Nuclear Weapons, Deterrence, Nonproliferation Treaties, Cold War

Developing a mass-casualty medical response to the detonation of an improvised nuclear device (IND) or large radiological dispersal device (RDD) requires unique advanced planning due to the potential magnitude of the event, lack of warning, and radiation hazards. In order for medical care and resources to be collocated and matched to the requirements, a [US] Federal interagency medical response-planning group has developed a conceptual approach for responding to such nuclear and radiological incidents. The "RTR" system (comprising Radiation-specific TRiage, TReatment, TRansport sites) is designed to support medical care following a nuclear incident. Its purpose is to characterize, organize, and efficiently deploy appropriate materiel and personnel assets as close as physically possible to various categories of victims while preserving the safety of responders. The RTR system is not a medical triage system for individual patients. After an incident is characterized and safe...

- by Debra Forsha
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- Terrorism, Nuclear Weapons, Public Health, Medicine

This is a detailed review of my best-selling book Drinking with Ghosts: The Aftermath of Apartheid's Dirty War (BestRed, South Africa, 2014) by Dr Iain Edwards in the South African Journal of Science, May-June 2015. The book was long-listed for the 2015 Alan Paton Award, and long-listed for the Academy of Science of South Africa’s 2016 Humanities Book Award.

- by Michael Schmidt
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- Military History, African Studies, Nuclear Weapons, Africa
- by Donald Pierce
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- Radiation, Nuclear Weapons, Modeling, Risk

La decision adoptada por el Gobierno irani de "reanudar sus investigaciones" y “desarrollo nuclear con fines pacificos” a partir del 9 de enero de 2006, genero una vasta reaccion internacional. Dicha reaccion es logica, ya que si bien de acuerdo al Tratado de No Proliferacion (TNP) todos los Estados, incluido Iran, tienen derecho a hacer uso de la tecnologia nuclear con fines pacificos, este proceso puede llevar a la posibilidad de enriquecer uranio y, eventualmente, a obtener la capacidad para fabricar armas nucleares.

- by Ricardo Arredondo
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- International Relations, Philosophy, International Law, Nuclear Weapons
- by Lino Camprubí
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- History, Cold War and Culture, History of Science, Nuclear Weapons

Compliance is a central concept in both the study and practice of international relations, and the body of literature is correspondingly extensive. Although justice has already been shown to play an important role in international negotiations, its potential impact on actors’ compliance behavior has not been sufficiently explored to date. We examine the relationship between the two concepts, and posit that actors’ perceived justice considerations with a regime influence their compliance behavior. To illustrate the importance of including justice considerations in the study of compliance, we investigate Germany’s behavior as a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty during the 1960–80s. The empirical illustration exemplifies how a member’s justice contentions, borne of an unjust regime, can lead to contested compliance and regime conflict. The case illuminates the need to broaden our understanding of compliance and its complexity in both conceptual and practical terms.

- by Marco Fey and +1
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- International Security, Nuclear Weapons, Nonproliferation Treaties, Justice

Reflections on the India-Pakistan summit over Kashmir

The only account of the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior by somebody who was actually on board. Robie was on board as a journalist for 11 weeks leading up to the sabotage by French secret agents. His media coverage of the Rainbow Warrior affair led to Robie being awarded the New Zealand Media Peace Prize. More than 60 photographs (mostly by the author), cartoons and other illustrations.

- by David Robie
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- Nuclear Weapons, Indigenous Politics, Political Journalism, Environmental Politics
- by Marco Roscini
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- Law, International Law, International Security, Political Science
- by Robert (Bo) Jacobs
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- American History, Japanese Studies, Nuclear Weapons, Hiroshima and Nagasaki

Planetary defense scientists frequently consider nuclear explosive devices (NEDs) among the suitable tools for deflection of an asteroid or comet that threatens to impact Earth, and absolutely necessary to stop one that is large or gives us only short warning. However, the development of any options in this direction has several negative implications for the nuclear non-proliferation regime and the global nuclear order as such. In his presentation, Michal Smetana critically unpacks the seemingly objective scientific rationality of nuclear deflection and discusses how the support for NED development de-stigmatizes technology that, similarly to the impact of a large asteroid or comet, also carries the risk of destroying human civilization with a non-zero probability. Humanity thus appears to be facing an existential dilemma: a necessary instrument of our security has the potential to wipe us out. Can we hope to resolve this? In the second half of his presentation, Smetana presents findings of his latest research into attitudes to nuclear weapons use, suggesting that the U.S. public is much more supportive of the use of nuclear weapons than previously assumed. Does this have implications for deciding planetary defense policy?

An article on nuclear victims written for Independent Catholic News website 29 December 2015

- by Elizabeth Chappell
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- Cultural History, Psychology, Japanese Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies

The nuclear arms control architecture that underwrites European security is crumbling. Europe cannot achieve global nuclear disarmament or build its own credible deterrent, but it can clear the path for the next generation of arms... more

The Nobel Peace Prize-winning advocacy strategy of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) was primarily a discursive one. We aimed to change the way that people talk, think and feel about nuclear weapons, changing their social meaning from symbols of status to outdated, dangerous machines that have repulsive effects. Representatives of the nuclear-states often marginalize those calling disarmament by dismissing them as deluded. In her protest outside the room where states were negotiating the TPNW, US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley chided them, saying “we have to be realistic.” However, ICAN campaigners called attention to the discrepancies between these claims to “realism” and the mystification that surrounded these nuclear weapons. To change how nuclear weapons were discussed, we brought nuclear weapons into new arenas where humanitarianism, human rights and environmentalism are regular conversations, and to inject these discourses into traditional nuclear forums. We demanded from states the meaningful participation of survivors, affected communities, medical professionals, faith leaders, humanitarian agencies, activists and academics in the nuclear conversation. We pointed out when forums and panels excluded women, people from the Global South and those who have experienced nuclear weapons’ effects.

- by Elizabeth Minor and +2
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- Gender Studies, International Relations, International Law, Global Civil Society

This book chapter examines Herbert Remmel’s childhood experience which juxtaposed Hitler’s Germany and de Valera’s neutral Ireland. Born in 1936 in Cologne he experienced the war from the perspective of a child. As a fortunate nine year old, he escaped the bombed out Rhineland by taking advantage of a humanitarian operation involving the Irish Red Cross and the Save the German Children Society (SGCS). He landed off the mail-boat from Liverpool at Dun Laoghaire in Dublin on 27 July 1946 as a member of the first group of approximately 80 German children arriving under the scheme. Herbert’s experiences with his two Irish foster families instilled in the young German boy a deep and intimate appreciation of Ireland, its society, the Irish sense of place, the people’s traditions, the Irish rural way of life and Irish nationalism. Though only in Ireland for just under three years, the interlude was indelibly imprinted on his being and identity. His experience granted him rare insights into both his native fatherland, Germany, and his fostering motherland, Ireland.

- by Mervyn O'Driscoll
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- Military History, Modern History, Diplomatic History, International Relations
- by Hugh Gusterson
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- Nuclear Weapons

Quantum technology is complicated and scary. But its impact on nuclear policy may not be as drastic as often anticipated, at least not in short to medium term. My new paper tells why it won't make oceans transparent and detecting... more

- by Katarzyna Kubiak
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- Nuclear Weapons, New Technologies, Submarines, Nuclear deterrence

Will AI-enabled capabilities increase inadvertent escalation risk? This article revisits Cold War-era thinking about inadvertent escalation to consider how Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology (especially AI augmentation of advanced conventional weapons) through various mechanisms and pathways could affect inadvertent escalation risk between nuclear-armed adversaries during a conventional crisis or conflict. How might AI be incorporated into nuclear and conventional operations in ways that affect escalation risk? It unpacks the psychological and cognitive features of escalation theorising (the security dilemma, the 'fog of war', and military doctrine and strategy) to examine whether and how the characteristics of AI technology, against the backdrop of a broader political-societal dynamic of the digital information ecosystem, might increase inadvertent escalation risk. Are existing notions of inadvertent escalation still relevant in the digital age? The article speaks to the broader scholarship in International Relationsnotably 'bargaining theories of war'that argues that the impact of technology on the cause of war occurs through its political effects, rather than tactical or operational battlefield alterations. In this way, it addresses a gap in the literature about the strategic and theoretical implications of the AI-nuclear dilemma.

- by James Johnson
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- Artificial Intelligence, Nuclear Weapons, Strategy, Deterrence Theory

The dominant paradigm of international relations theory has long seen influence over nuclear arsenals as the preserve of presidents, premiers and generals of the world's great powers, not underfunded activists, feminist campaigners, radical nuns or even diplomats of small states. The approach of this special section could not be more different. In fact, we have intentionally curated a collection of articles that try to ‘de-center’ the academic conversation about nuclear weapons. The inspiration for our approach comes from the Humanitarian Initiative on Nuclear Weapons, which since its emergence after the 2010 Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, has dramatically reshaped the diplomatic discussions on nuclear disarmament, led by small states and middle powers. The shift in discourse has been accelerated by revitalized civil society action, represented by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, a global NGO coalition, as well as renewed calls for disarmament from religious leaders – most notably Pope Francis. This special section, written from the perspective of scholars and practitioners associated with the Humanitarian Initiative, examines its dimensions and its potential impact on global policy making.

- by Matthew Breay Bolton and +1
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- Critical Theory, Discourse Analysis, International Relations, Critical Discourse Studies
- by Paul D Beaumont
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- Latin American Studies, Nuclear Weapons, Latin America

Drawing on the documents kept in the Polish archives, the author of the article explores the issue of the storage of nuclear weapons within Poland’s territory during the Cold War. The weapons were under strict supervision of the Soviet Army, yet in case of war they were to have been made available to Polish Army units. The weapon storage programme in Poland was code-named Vistula and was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the Polish People’s Republic. The article contains an analysis of the agreement (and other related documents) concluded
between the Polish People’s Republic and the Soviet Union on 25 February 1967 on the storage of nuclear weapons in Poland. According to the agreement, the objective was to ‘increase combat readiness’ of the Soviet and Polish troops. Under the agreement, three nuclear weapon storage sites were built in Western Pomerania (Templewo, Podborsko and Brzeźnica-Kolonia) by the end of 1969. From the early 1960s the Polish People’s Army would expand its units capable of using such weapons. Their use was an important element of strategic planning, but in the initial period of the agreement Polish generals did not know the details of a possible transfer of nuclear warheads. It was not until the second half of the 1980s that relevant documents were drawn up to specify the ways and circumstances of a possible use of nuclear weapons by units of the so-called Polish Front (Sea Front).
The nuclear weapons were removed from Poland probably in 1990.

- by Jarosław Pałka
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- Nuclear Weapons, Cold War, Warsaw Pact, Polish People’s Army

In a world likely to remain hostage to thousands of nuclear warheads over the long term, in which
ancient realism---or as some wrongly refer to it as Cold-War thinking---appears to be an unbreakable
psychological barrier even for those who thoroughly understand the nuclear “threat of pain and
extinction" (Schelling), meeting Article VI (disarmament) of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) is quite a challenge. Current concerns relative to proliferation tendencies among non-compliant
regimes as well as the potential implications of the still uncertain nuclear renaissance---which, if realized,
would disseminate sensitive (dual-use) nuclear technology among numerous untrustworthy actors---further the disarmament challenge. As a result, all the states parties to the NPT, not to mention those
beyond the nonproliferation regime, have failed to make sufficient efforts within their different nuclear
roles and responsibilities towards meeting the NPT disarmament clause, with many of them exhausting
themselves in a cacophonic debate on who is required to do what under NPT Articles III (nonproliferation safeguards), IV (peaceful use of the atom) and VI.

- by Athanasios Platias
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- Nuclear Weapons, Balkans

Does the technological capability for "self-destruction" grow faster than the political capacity to control and restraint it? If so, then the uneven growth rates between technology and politics could provide a theoretical explanation for the "Fermi Paradox"-or the contradiction between the high probability of the existence of intelligent life, and the absence of empirical evidence for it "out there" in the universe. This paper postulates the anarchy-technology dilemma as a solution to the Fermi Paradox: in essence, intelligent civilizations develop the technological capability to destroy themselves before establishing the political structures to prevent their self-destruction.

Abstract: The People’s Republic of China launched Dong Feng-5 on the City of Makati, Philippines yielding a force of 5000 kilotons. Fatalities were estimated to range up to 5,377,360 and injuries were estimated to range up to 7,375,360. In any given 24-hour period, there are on average 19,735,367 people in the light (1 psi) blast range of the simulated detonation. Modeling casualties from a nuclear attack is of course, difficult. These numbers should be seen as evocative, not definitive. Fallout effects are deliberately ignored, because they can depend on what actions people take after the detonation. The draft paper should not be used for emergency planning or emergency response purposes where lives and health might be on the line. It is not a perfect simulation.

- by JR Miyage E Aquino
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- Strategy (Military Science), Nuclear Weapons
- by Tomas Radivoyevitch
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- Nuclear Weapons, Biological Sciences, Humans, Survivors

Nuclear energy is a safe, cheap, and reliable energy source, but it is surrounded by prejudice and fear. Some of the fears related to nuclear energy are justified. A large-scale nuclear event, rare as it is, can have an enormous clinical, environmental, and social impact, as it was in Fukushima in 2011 and Chernobyl in 1986. In the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster, many countries refreshed their nuclear emergency plans and coping models - but did they update them correctly and in accordance with the lessons learned from previous events? As this article will describe, it seems that the fundamental flaws in previous events that escalated a bad situation into a catastrophic disaster were not improper equipment or lack of training, but improper decisions taken at key moments and more specifically by key personnel. This is the primary lesson to learn from the past to prevent nuclear emergencies. It can lead us to a more secure future and is incorporated into a new nuclear disaster management model called the Operational Nuclear Defense Model (ONDM).

- by Avihai Koresh and +1
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- Nuclear Weapons, Disaster Management, Nuclear Energy, Disaster Preparedness
- by Mark Beumer
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- History, Historiography, Nuclear Weapons, Cold War
- by Harold Beck and +3
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- Nuclear Weapons, Risk, Japan, Spatio Temporal Analysis

Nükleer enerji neticede politik bir tercihtir ve asıl tartışma siyasi bir tartışmadır. Ayrıca nükleer felaketlerin yarattığı büyük insani trajediler nedeniyle, tartışma ahlaki ve vicdani bir çerçevede de yürür. Ama yine de konuyu meselenin teknik yanlarından ve ekonomisinden tamamen ayırarak tartışma imkânı pek yoktur. Bu nedenle nükleer enerjiyle ilgili sağlıklı, bilimsel verilere dayalı ve ayrıntılı bilgi sağlayan kaynaklar çok önemlidir.
Avustralya doğumlu olan ve halen ABD’de yaşayan yazar ve aktivist Helen Caldicott’un kitabı bu yönüyle önemlidir. ABD’nin en saygın nükleer karşıtı aktivistlerinden biri olan Helen Caldicott, çocuk sağlığı ve hastalıkları uzmanı bir hekim olarak konunun başta sağlık boyutu olmak üzere bütün alanlarında kendini yetiştirmiş çok yetkin bir isim. 1985’te Nobel ödülü almış olan Uluslararası Nükleere Karşı Hekimler Birliği’nin 1978’de kurulan ABD örgütü Sosyal Sorumluluk Sahibi Hekimler’in ve Nükleer Politikalar Araştırma Enstitüsü’nün kurucu başkanı olan, 1979’da ABD’de meydana gelen Three Mile Island nükleer kazasının ardından bölgede incelemeler yapan, ağırlıklı olarak ABD ve Avustralya’yı ve dünyanın başka yerlerini (Türkiye dahil) dolaşarak konuşmalar yapıp yazılar yazarak nükleer enerjinin tehlikelerine karşı kamuoyunu uyarmaya çalışan Caldicott’un yaptığı tartışmalar Türkiye için önemli argümanlar sunuyor.
Nükleer enerjinin bütün yönlerini çok sayıda kaynağa dayanarak inceleyen ve hem Three Mile Island, hem de Çernobil kazalarını detaylı olarak anlatan kitap, tabii ki 2011’de meydana gelen Fukushima nükleer kazasını ele alamıyor. Öte yandan rakamların sürekli değiştiği (daha doğrusu nükleer reaktör sayısının ve enerji üretimindeki payının sürekli düştüğü), nükleer enerjinin mevcut durumuyla ilgili bilgilerin, hızla büyüyen yenilenebilir enerjiyle ilgili rakamların ve nükleer silahlanmayla ilgili bazı gelişmelerin güncellenmesi gerekiyor.
Bu nedenle kitabı çevirmekle yetinmeyerek eskimiş veya tartışmalı görülen bilgileri editör notlarıyla güncelleme yolunu seçtik. Ayrıca Caldicott’un büyük bir öngörüyle Fukushima felaketinden 5 yıl önce tahmin ettiği deprem ve tsunami tehlikesinin ve kullanılmış atık havuzu felaketinin Fukushima’da nasıl gerçek hale geldiğini de yine notlarımızda hatırlatmaya çalıştık.
Ülkemizde neredeyse kırk yılı bulan santral kuracağız – kurdurmayacağız mücadelesine, Caldicott’un elinizdeki kitabının ışık tutacağını ve ufuk açacağını düşünüyoruz.

- by Yeni İnsan Yayınevi
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- Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Energy, Enerji, History of Nuclear Power
- by Derek C. Maus
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- Cold War and Culture, Nuclear Weapons, Cold War, Thomas Pynchon
- by Angel Versetti
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- Law, American Politics, International Relations, Indigenous Studies

This mixed-methods study investigates the hypothesis that playing Defcon, a nuclear warfare simulation game, can affect attitudes toward nuclear weapons and stimulate critical reflection on this issue. Participants were 141 college students who were randomly assigned to game playing (experimental) and article reading (control) conditions. A multivariate repeated measures factorial analysis revealed statistically significant differences between groups for three pairs of pre-/post-test items. In addition, total pre- and post-test scores showed a significant interaction with group assignment, reported frequency of game play, and gender, with women and less frequent gamers exhibiting greater attitude changes. In the second, qualitative phase of the study, 20 additional participants were interviewed to better understand how playing Defcon may stimulate both attitude change and critical reflection about nuclear weapons.

- by Tieja Thomas
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- Engineering, Ethics, Violence, Critical Thinking
- by Gökhan ERELİ
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- International Relations, Propaganda, Nuclear Weapons, Cold War

The paper maps the status of uranium in India and the legal and regulatory mechanisms to govern uranium in the country. This research analyses the Indian nuclear industry’s demand for natural uranium, its sources of supply and the legal framework that regulates the use of nuclear material in India. It has been conducted as a part of the global ‘Governing Uranium’ project, led by the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS). The project studies the governance of the production and trade of natural uranium. It has focused on the front end of the nuclear fuel
cycle. The objective of the project is to find any existing gaps in the global uranium governance and make recommendations for improving transparency, regulation and best practice in natural uranium.

- by Rajiv Nayan and +1
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- Global Governance, Strategic Studies, Weapons of Mass Destruction, Nuclear Weapons
- by Gleb Toropchin
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- Area Studies, International Relations, International Security, Nuclear Weapons