Muhammed Enes Topgül | Marmara University (original) (raw)

Uploads

Books by Muhammed Enes Topgül

Nasim Kutub, 2024

"Menga ustozim, unga esa ustozi, unga ham ustozi... shunday rivoyat qildi..." Bir talabaning Sam... more "Menga ustozim, unga esa ustozi, unga ham ustozi... shunday rivoyat qildi..."
Bir talabaning Samarqanddan boshlanib, Buxoro, Marv, Basra, Ray, Makka, Madina va boshqa ilm markazlariga qilingan, goh farog'at. goh mashaqqat ichra o'tgan ilmiy safari, bularning barchasining yagona guvohi sifatida yozilgan risola hajmidagi kundaligi.
Umr, kechinma, ilm... Bari o'tkinchi, bitiklar boqiydir.
Asarda muallif "voqelikdan rivoyatlarga ko'chgan postmodern hikoyani e'tiboringizga havola qilmoqda. Gohida ismsiz asar qahramonining bir kuniga va turmush tarziga, goho yosh ilm tolibining nigohlaridan hadis halqalariga, dars o'tish usullariga, o'sha davr olimlariga, jamiyatning turli qatlamlarining o'zaro munosabatlariga guvoh bo'lamiz. Ba'zan esa risolaning poyonsiz sarguzashtlariga hamrohlik qilamiz.
Ilmiy va badiiy uslublarni o'z ichiga olgan ushbu asar faqat hadis tarixiga qiziquvchilar uchun emas, islomiy ilmlar va o'rta asr islom madaniyati tarixiga qiziquvchi keng kitobxonlar ommasiga mo'ljallangan bo'lib, o'quvchiga o'sha davr muhitini his qilishga imkon beradi.

Ketebe, 2024

We have some information about how a book was written in the classical period of Islam. In additi... more We have some information about how a book was written in the classical period of Islam. In addition to the teacher’s interest, intellectual capacity, and personal effort, the connection between the teacher and the student contributed to the development of the book during the process of teaching the text. However, there is no study in which this development process of a book is followed through utilizing specific texts and especially his students’ copies of the book. However, every time the scholar instructed to use the text, he/she was also engaged in activities to fill the shortcomings of the text. This book aims to reveal the development process of a book, referring to the example of the book Lisān al-Mīzān by Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī (d. 852/1449), one of the Mamluk period scholars. In this book, Ibn Ḥajar’s students’ copies of Lisan al-Mīzān that were presented by them to Ibn Hajar were compared in the context of three subjects, and the additions that were made between the first edition of the text, which was written in 805/1403, and the last edition, which was completed in 852/1449, were examined. While doing this, two dates were defined for the copies of each pupil, namely the date it was written (the date of copying), and the date the student presented it to the master; thus, the aim here is to determine what additions were made in the text during its presentation to the teacher and subject to what improvements. Since the date of presenting the students’ copies to the teacher is mostly certain, it has been examined how Lisān al-Mīzān developed in nearly fifty years between the first text written by Ibn Ḥajar and the text in which he entered the final revisions. As a result, it was determined that approximately one-third of the final text was additions to the text through the process of the reading/instructing of the text done with the students during the years after the first edition. These findings show that the process of instruction and discussion for especially voluminous books significantly contributes to the finalization of the work.

Ketebe, 2021

“Bana hocam, ona da onun hocası, ona da onun hocası… şöyle rivayet etti…” Bir ilim yolcusunun Se... more “Bana hocam, ona da onun hocası, ona da onun hocası… şöyle rivayet etti…”

Bir ilim yolcusunun Semerkant’tan başlayıp Buhara’ya, Merv’e, Basra’ya, Rey’e, Haremeyn’e ve daha nice merkeze uğrayarak kâh ferahlık kâh meşakkat içerisinde geçen rihlesi ve tek tanığı kendi derlediği risale hacmindeki bir günce. Ömür, macera, ilim… Her şey biter, yazı kalır.

Elinizdeki kitapta yazar “gerçekten kurmacaya” uzanan post-modern bir anlatı ortaya koyuyor. Kimi zaman hâkim bakış açısıyla isimsiz kahramanın bir gününe ve hayat akışına, kimi zaman bizzat genç ilim tâlibinin kendi gözünden hadis halkalarına, derslerin işleniş usullerine, dönemin âlimlerine, birbiri ile temas eden farklı çevrelere tanıklık ediyoruz. Kimi zaman da risalenin bitmeyen serüvenine ortak oluyoruz.

Romanla akademik bir araştırma arasında gidip gelen bu melez metin, sadece hadis tarihine ilgi duyanlar için değil, İslami ilimler ve ortaçağ İslam kültür tarihiyle ilgilenenler için de dönemin ruhuna dokunmaya imkânı sunuyor.

İFAV, 2015

In this study which deals with early Shī‘īte ilm al-rijāl (science of narration) through the book... more In this study which deals with early Shī‘īte ilm al-rijāl (science of narration) through the book Ma‘rifah of Abū Amr Muhammad b. ‘Omar b. Abd al-Azīz al-Kashshī (III-IV/IX-X. centuries) primarily Shī‘īte mobility in Khorāsān region in the period of al-gaybah al-sughrā is examined, then it is tried to be revealed that how much the book benefited from the Shī‘īte written tradition and the nature of Abū Ja‘far al-Tūsī’s influence over the book. After that, the usage of isnād in the book is analyzed, and via this glance some opinions are reached regarding early Shī‘īte hadīth literature. At this point, some thoughts are mentioned especially on how isnād’s can be read in terms of history of hadīth. Ma‘rifah’s content analysis is pointed out in relation with early Shī‘īte rijāl literature, importance of the book in terms of different disciplines is mentioned, biographies’ internal system is investigated in framework of Kashshī’s views concerning jarh and ta‘dīl and lastly number and qualities of rāwī’s (narrator) included in the book are touched upon. The jarh-ta‘dīl style of Ma‘rifah is analyzed within the scope of alfādh (wordings) and forms of jarh-ta‘dīl; thus some conclusions are reached on early Shī‘īte ilm al-rijāl through the forms showing Kashshī’s style of jarh-ta‘dīl and the progress of alfādh in Shī‘īte ilm al-rijāl

Book Chapters by Muhammed Enes Topgül

İslam İlim Geleneğinde Nevevî, 2022

Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Başkanlığı (YEK), 2019

Articles by Muhammed Enes Topgül

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, 2024

This paper argues that early ḥadīth compilations reflect theological debates among Islamic sects ... more This paper argues that early ḥadīth compilations reflect theological debates among Islamic sects in the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. In early Muslim society, each sect or group held distinctive opinions on controversial theological issues, such as free will versus predestination and the significance of the Companions. Each side defended its position using specific arguments. When the Qurʾān provided sufficient evidence to support their views, they used it; otherwise, they turned to the extensive ḥadīth compilations to bolster their doctrines. However, these collections did not always perfectly align with their needs, as they sometimes contained counter-narratives and unfavorable transmitters. In such cases, some narrators or traditionalists deliberately interfered with or falsified both the isnāds and the texts of the ḥadīths. It is possible to trace these manipulations in the ḥadīth books compiled during the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. This paper aims to highlight examples of falsification in ḥadīth literature by using the method of comparison (muʿāraḍa) and to emphasize the possibility of identifying the transmitters responsible for these manipulations.

Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023

This article analyzes the use of Shīʿī sources in Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī’s famous work on weak ḥa... more This article analyzes the use of Shīʿī sources in Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī’s famous work on weak ḥadīth narrators, Lisān al-Mīzān. While other Sunni historians and ḥadīth scholars had occasionally turned to Shīʿī rijāl sources, Ibn Ḥajar used these works extensively. In Lisān al-Mīzān, he cited 12 Shīʿī rijāl authors, particularly Abū Jaʿfar al-Ṭūsī, 787 times in total. Thus, Ibn Ḥajar both expanded the scope of the ḍuʿafāʾ literature and demonstrated the Shīʿī identity of the narrators through the Shīʿī works themselves. It is also significant that most of the Shīʿī narrators are included only in the first three volumes of Lisān, and that they were added to the book during the revision process following the first draft of the work. Addressing each of these issues, the article examines the usage of Shīʿī sources by both Ibn Ḥajar and his predecessors. Furthermore, it traces Lisān’s revision process by consulting its authoritative manuscripts, and shows the function of quotations from the Shīʿī rijāl sources in ḥadīth-transmitter criticism.

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2023

The digital ḥadīth databases “Jawāmi‘ al-Kalim” and “Jāmi‘ Khādim al-Ḥaramayn” include standard f... more The digital ḥadīth databases “Jawāmi‘ al-Kalim” and “Jāmi‘ Khādim al-Ḥaramayn” include standard features that help to define the sources of ḥadīths, scan voluminous ḥadīth sources, and swiftly access information about the narrators. They also include a feature that presents the number of narrations, allowing users to see the relationship between scholar and disciple and quickly determine the forms of transmission (ṣīgha) used among them. However, when these digital ḥadīth databases are used intensively and more actively to research specific issues, it has been determined that they contain some technical flaws. It is anticipated that presenting 15 identified issues with concrete examples will prevent the loss of work and time that researchers who actively use these digital ḥadīth databases in the field of ḥadīth encounter.

http://isad.isam.org.tr/vdata/sayi49/isad049_topgul.pdf

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2021

A Proposal for a Methodology of Determining Scholarly Circles of Ahl al-Ḥadīth: The Case of Basra... more A Proposal for a Methodology of Determining Scholarly Circles of Ahl al-Ḥadīth: The Case of Basra During the First Half of the 2nd/8th Century
This paper explores the regional and local differences among ahl al-ḥadīth and proposes a methodology to identify ḥadīth circles in the early prominent cities (amsār). By distinguishing varieties of ahl al-ḥadīth, scholars may produce more accurate narratives on the history of the ḥadīth. The paper focuses on Baṣra, one of the most important centers of learning during the 2nd/8th century, together with Medina and Kūfa. It examines in three stages the data in the hadith collections, biographical dictionaries (rijāl books), and books of ḥadīth methodology.
Firstly, by examining the 1,500 narrators who lived in Baṣra during the 2nd/8th century, we determine a master set of narrators on which isnād data will be based. It primarily utilizes rijāl books that were arranged on the basis of geography. We examine in detail major rijāl books such as Ibn Saʿd’s al-Ṭabaqāt, Yaḥyā b. Maʿīn’s al-Tārīkh, Khalīfa b. Khayyāt’s al-Ṭabaqāt, Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal’s al-ʿİlal, and Abū Dāwūd’s Suālāt. Based on the data given in these sources, we have reached a master set of 900 narrators. By examining teacher-student relationships of all transmitters, we identify 23 narrators who were cited the most. In order to verify this, we analyze al-Mizzī’s Tahdhīb al-Kamāl to identify the teacher-student relationships of 49 random narrators from the successor (tābiʿūn) generation downward, and then the 30 most frequently cited transmitters. Following this, we check the metadata of transmission in the sources that contain numerous narrations and reflect mostly transmission networks based in Iraq such as Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal’s al-Musnad, ʿAbd al-Razzāq b. Hammām, and Ibn Abī Shayba’s al-Muṣannaf. In the end, the number of narrators falls from 30 to 21, thereby identifying the narrators most active in ḥadīth circles.
Based on this narrow set of narrators, it seems that the tradition of ḥadīth in Baṣra was generally based on Medina and specifically on Abū Huraira, contrary to the common assumption that it was based on the companions who came to Baṣra after its conquest. In other words, the foundational generation that played a role in the transmission of ḥadīth in Baṣra seems to have been the successors, but not the companions. Among them, the circles of al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, Muḥammad b. Sīrīn, Thābit al-Bunānī, and Yaḥyā b. Abī Kathīr stood out. According to this, Qatāda b. Diʿāma and Yūnus b. ʿUbayd were the closest students of al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, whose scholarly origins is difficult to determine; after him, Qatāda led the circle. Muḥammad b. Sīrīn transmitted from his teacher Abū Huraira most of his teachings and his closest students were Ayyūb al-Sakhtiyānī, ʿAbdullāh b. ʿAvn, and Hishām b. Ḥassān; then his circle was led by Ayyūb. Thābit’s closest teacher was Anas b. Mālik who transmitted ḥadīth semi-systematically and his closest student was Ḥammād b. Salama. Lastly, Yaḥyā’s closest teacher was Medinese Abū Salama b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān and his closest students were Hishām al-Dastuvāʾī and Damascene al-Awzāī. As seen here, the successor’s knowledge of ḥadīth depended on the Medinan network.
Next, we compare results derived from transmission data with the historical information and rijāl books. I examine the information in the rijāl books in two subsections as primary and secondary data. Primary data includes information showing teacher-student relations. As examples for primary data, we can count the information on who led the scholarly circle after a teacher, the emphasis on the length of time a transmitter passed with his teacher, a student’s acknowledgment of his teacher’s role in his acquisitions of knowledge, or vice versa. In addition, we can mention here certain concepts indicating close teacher-student relations such as ṣāḥib-aṣḥāb-ṣaḥiba, jalīs-jalasa ilā-mujālasa, ikhtalafa ilā, arwa al-nās, awthak al-nās, aḥfaẓ al-nās, aʿlam al-nās, athbat al-nās, and asnad al-nās as well as some expressions of the critics indicating hierarchical relationships between teachers and students such as fulān aḥabbu ilayya min fulān fī hadīthi fulān/fī fulān. Secondary data comprises information that illuminates personal connections between teachers and students. We count as examples for the secondary data a student’s description of his teacher’s physical or psychological conditions and his account of various kinds of secondary information on his relations with his teacher. Although this information might seem unimportant at first, we make use of this data for determining who was associated with the circles. In comparing data of transmission with the information provided by rijāl books, we observe a concurrence between the two.
Finally, we compare the results derived from hadith collections and rijāl books with the books on hadith methodology. As the books on methodology are organized by subject, the opinions of some scholars on issues related to the transmission of ḥadīth are mostly listed together. When we examine the results mentioned above in order to determine scholarly circles, we observe that all results are verified by methodology books. The circle of Ibn Sīrīn had negative opinions on the issue of transmission by the general meaning (al-riwaya bi’l-ma‘na) and the writing down of ḥadīth (kitâbat al-hadith), whereas the circle of al-Ḥasan held positive opinions. In respect to relations with innovators (ahl al-bid‘a), the Ibn Sīrīn’s circle held extremely negative attitudes, whereas al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī’s circle, especially al-Ḥasan and his student Qatāda, were accused of being Qadarite. On the use of personal judgment—another issue of the dispute at that time—Muḥammad b. Sīrīn and his students maintained distance. We observe nevertheless that there are some exceptions and one should not depend solely on this data.
This paper draws attention to the importance of treating the history of ḥadīth in a more nuanced manner by integrating temporal and spatial elements to its large narrative. It also argues that the information in hadith collections, rijāl, and methodology books concur with each other when they are examined with a balanced perspective. If one examines the data in one kind of source alone, one may reach incorrect conclusions. In short, this method seems to produce largely consistent results in determining scholarly circles for transmission of ḥadīth in the prominent cities during the first half of the second century.

Nasim Kutub, 2024

Ketebe, 2024

Ketebe, 2021

İFAV, 2015

İslam İlim Geleneğinde Nevevî, 2022

Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Başkanlığı (YEK), 2019

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, 2024

Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2023

http://isad.isam.org.tr/vdata/sayi49/isad049_topgul.pdf

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2021

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2019

The separation of the Shīʿīte community from the mainstream Sunnis is not solely relevant to the ... more The separation of the Shīʿīte community from the mainstream Sunnis is not solely relevant to the process of a sect’s identity-creation and systematization. Rather, this separation also influenced the study of ḥadīth during the second/eighth century. Throughout the second century, ḥadīth transmitters from the group of Ahl al-ḥadīth (People of tradition) and those from the Shīʿīte tradition participated within the same scholarly circles and attended classes taught by the same scholars. However, by the end of the second century and the beginning of the third century, Shīʿīte students were only able to continue their studies in Shīʿīte scholarly circles. Certain scholar-leaders, such as Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq and Mūsā al-Kāẓim, contributed significantly to the identity creation of the community. During this process of separation, critics from Ahl al-ḥadīth reviewed the Shīʿīte-inclined transmitters in an increasingly negative tone. Further, every group that fell outside of the mainstream Muslim community participated, in one way or another, in fabricating traditions in order to legitimize their own positions. In addition to fabrications, alterations in contexts and alternative interpretations emerged in this period. Particularly, certain alterations occurred to the contexts of the transmissions by the Shīʿīte-inclined transmitters from Ahl al-ḥadīth circles to Shīʿīte circles. Although this article includes discussions on Sunnī-Shīʿīte narrative transitivity, it aims in particular to identify alterations to contexts during narrative transmissions or later stages.
It seems that reinvention or alteration to the contexts of prophetic traditions played a significant role in influencing sectarian principles, even if they cannot be compared with fabrications or ungrounded interpretations. When one examines in detail the traditions under the headings of virtues or defects, “reinvention of contexts” or “alterations of contexts” occur in three notable ways: 1- A tradition from a Sunnī source is transmitted to a Sunnī source or more generally to a Shīʿīte source with completely different background information; 2- A lengthy tradition in a Sunnī source is transmitted partially to a Shīʿīte source and that part is placed beside multiple transmission of the same narrative; 3- A tradition from both Sunnī and Shīʿīte sources is transmitted with a new meaning and loses its original sense, thereby supporting the sectarian position.
Identifying the period in which context alterations occurred and the actors responsible for the alterations is important to tracing Sunnī-Shīʿīte narrative transitivity. This article examines several traditions that exist in the sources of both schools and enable us to trace transitivity. It analyzes the traditions on “Hypocrite’s grudge and Muslim’s love”, “I am warrior” and “Alī’s gate” as examples of reinvented or altered contexts; and the traditions of “Twelve caliphs” and “May God make you proud” as examples of semantic shifts in meanings. Narrative transitivity and context alterations primarily occurred from the end of the second century and the beginning of the third century until the first half of the fourth century. This argument corroborates many parallel studies. Almost all of the individuals who were responsible from the narrative transitivity and context alterations were identified as transmitters from Kūfa who were accused of being Shīʿīte-inclined scholars.
While identifying these transmitters, studying the chains of transmissions in alternative sources seems to be as useful as analyzing the texts of the traditions. In fact, some traditions are recorded in Shīʿīte sources with Sunnī chains of transmission until a specific generations, but then the names in the chains diverge from those that are found in Sunnī biographical dictionaries. Particularly, starting in the beginning of the third century, the proportion of Shīʿīte-inclined scholars in Sunnī chains decreases and Shīʿīte transmitters are mostly recorded in Shīʿīte biographical dictionaries. This is related to the fact that the transmitter, before whom are Sunnī authorities and after whom are Shīʿītes, can be held responsible for a particular ḥadīth’s transition into Shīʿīte sources and its context alterations. One should take into consideration both the transmitter’s Shīʿīte inclinations and the forms of recording by Shīʿīte scholars in order to identify responsibility for the context alterations in the second century.
Context alterations and changes to the texts of traditions seem to match up with Shīʿīte thought in this period. In fact, it is noteworthy that at a time before the theory of twelve imams was solidified, the tradition of “twelve caliphs” is not recorded in Shīʿīte sources. Similarly, in narrative transitivies during the second century, praises of Alī and the Prophet’s family as well as statements targeting his opponents could take more emphasized forms and some political implications might be added to the traditions. However, certain themes, such as chastity and return, which had a role in institutionalized Shīʿīsm were not included during this period. The investigation of changes in transmissions from this point of view can improve our understanding of the development of Imāmī Shīʿīsm.
The history of the early Sunnī tradition can only be understood by examining in detail the development of other sects/schools and their relations to the Sunnī community, because no religious school can be examined in isolation. This method seems to be difficult for certain schools such as Muʿtazila and Murjiʾa, but it fits well in terms of a parallel reading of Shīʿīte and Sunnī sources, because both have considerable scholarly accumulation. This kind of study will also enable us to understand dark spots in the activity of jarḥ-taʿdīl and the composition of books during the second and third centuries.

Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2018

This article argues that it has been clearly observed that some transmitters have been associated... more This article argues that it has been clearly observed that some transmitters have been associated with Shīʿīte thoughts in rijāl type works written by Ahl al-hadīth scholars prior to the formation of the Shīʿa as a sect. Naturally, Shīʿīte accusations during the first three centuries after the hijrah denotes a proximity to a thinking and a belief form, and not an affiliation to a certain sect. This proximity generally can be observed as believing in ʿAlī b. Abī Tālib’s legitimacy and his opponents’ illegitimacy in his wars and the expressing of this openly in society, being close to Shīʿīte circles, criticizing or insulting the other companions of the Prophet, compiling and narrating traditions about the virtues (faḍā’il) of ʿAlī b. Abī Tālib or Ahl al-bayt, or the defects and the faults (mathālib/maʿāyib) of the companions of the Prophet, believing in the preference and priority of ʿAlī over ʿUthmān, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar, participating in Shīʿīte revolts or considering these as legitimate, and accepting distinctive theological or jurisprudential opinions. If one glances over classical history, ṭabaqāt and rijāl books, it is clear that 207 of al-Kutub al-Sitta narrators are accused of having Shīʿīte views, albeit with different wordings. In this article certain methods are followed in order to examine these transmitters and to ascertain whether they are Shīʿīte or not. Ultimately, the present article claims that following four essential questions whereby this issue can be answered through certain transmitter categorization: 1- What was the time of Sunnī and Shīʿīte hadīth circles’ separation, 2- What was the period of the traditions’ transition from Ahl al-sunna to the Shīʿa, 3- What was the problem of narration from Ahl al-bidʿa, and 4- what is the execution type of jarh-taʿdīl. The first question’s answer is provided by the framework of those transmitters’ historical periods, geographical context and the extent of their tendency towards the Shī ͑a views. The historical periods of both the accused transmitters and the other transmitters show them having different extent of tendencies toward the Shī ͑a and this reveals that dissociation of Sunnite-Shīʿīte course circles can be dated to the beginnings of the 3rd/9th century. Before this historical period, transmitters with Shīʿīte tendencies seem to have been following both schools’ circles. The response to the second inquiry is that it is understood that the narrative transitivity among Sunnite and Shīʿīte was mostly elicited by transmitters with Shīʿīte tendencies in the 2nd/8th century. The third question’s response is that it is obvious that there are crucial differences between theory and practice regarding the hadīth narration from the Ahl al-bidʿa that are drawn from classical usūl al-hadīth sources. Yet, the fact that there are tens of transmitters with Shīʿīte tendencies in al-Kutub al-Sitta indicates that the early style of the transmitters must be dealt with attentively and thoughtfully. The last claim of this paper is that early jarh-taʿdīl practices are undertaken via texts which are almost always narrated, contrary to general acceptance.
This article tentatively asserts that the narrations can be influential to examine the fairness of the transmitter. The argument at this point is that most of the time there is no possibility of a meeting personally among transmitters and critics (munaqqid) to have taken place. Possibility of acquiring knowledge of jarh-taʿdīl via disciple-master relationship or recognitions that accusations over transmitter are widespread among critics are not considered as reasonable due to the difficulty of proving them and the scarcity of their quantity. The reliability position or ethnic background of the subject transmitters are also discussed here and some conclusions are attained. The ultimate goal of the article is to demonstrate how the static information in the rijāl books can be useful in terms of the history of hadīth. Since, such a research can be possible only through thematic approaches, hence the attempt in this article to examine the status of the above mentioned transmitters from different angles and viewpoints around a certain theme will not just pave way for possible interpretations regarding those transmitters but open the ways for some new opinions on the above discussed topics and the reveal some of the obscure periods of the history of hadīth

Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2018

One comes across records about whether or not the rāwīs dye their hair and beard in the biographi... more One comes across records about whether or not the rāwīs dye their hair and beard in the biographical works, which aim at determining the rāwīs' qualification in terms the science of hadith. This article aims at defining in which period and under what influences these data were put into the biographical works, although they are not directly related with the transmitter criticism (jarḥ and taʿdīl). The rise of such records in the 3rd century hijri necessitates to approach the question in the context of the social, political and intellectual debates of that period. Studying through this perspective, it is salient that there is a relationship between those records and the Miḥna, and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who was exposed to pressure by the political power. Apparently, he located the dying of hair and beard, which he considered a rejuvenated sunna, as a way of non-violent resistance towards the government. Nevertheless, dyeing activities in early periods and those in the time of Aḥmad and later differ from each other in terms of style, objective and addressees. Consequently, this article both discusses the contextual influences on rijāl literature and follows the change in the meaning of the dying activity through the classical hadith collections.

Ilahiyat Studies, 2017

The evolution of early Islamic literature cannot be explained merely by scientific reasons. Indee... more The evolution of early Islamic literature cannot be explained merely by scientific reasons. Indeed, each work is a product of the social, political, scientific, and economic frame of its time. During the first century of the ʿAbbāsid rule, Muslim society experienced various social movements, such as Shuʿūbiyyah; meanwhile, Shīʿī communities began to develop their identity. Both movements opted to write relevant works in a similar manner to take aim at their opponents; accordingly, they compiled the points that condemned their opponents or their assumptions in separate works. The general name for this literature is mathālib (defect, fault, slandering). It developed into two subgenres, namely, mathālib al-ʿArab and mathālib al-ṣaḥābah. The objective of this paper is to present the existence of this genre, which has yet to be subject to a self-contained study, to identify the authors of these works in the first three centuries after the Hijrah and to interpret the available data about this genre with regard to ḥadīth history.

Dîvân Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, 2017

Determining the early centers of Islamic disciplines and the relations among them would fill many... more Determining the early centers of Islamic disciplines and the relations among them would fill many gaps within the history of Islamic scholarly disciplines in general and of hadith in particular. However, there is no widely accepted methodology for identifying these centers, the nature of scholarly journeys (rihlas), or the relationship between political actors and the rise of cities. Nor is there a consensus on the questions of what kinds of sources can serve as the basis for such inquiries and of how they can best be used. This article argues that centers of Islamic learning and rihla destinations can be determined through nisbas (attributive adjectives– adjectives denoting origin, profession, intellectual affiliations, etc.), which are recorded as standard information in tarikh, tabaqat and rijal works and may give information about a person’s familial, tribal, professional, and madhab affiliations. Utilizing isnad data, this article makes observations concerning early Sunni and Shi‘i centers of knowledge and rihla directions and destinations.

TALID, 2013

Studies on Shī‘īte hadīth in Turkey began in 1977 and tended to a regular increase especially af... more Studies on Shī‘īte hadīth in Turkey began in 1977 and tended to a regular increase especially after the formation of the Council of Higher Education. Since 2000's, these studies took a much more scholarly form in terms of both source utilization and writing style. Twenty five books and approximately sixty articals including the translations written in this field makes one think that Shī‘īte hadīth studies have reached to a certain point. However, the fact that these studies are not undertaken in a definite framework of a programme or a project is a crucial problem. In addition, they share some characteristic drawbacks as well. This article, discusses and evaluates studies on Shīīte hadīth in Turkey first, and gives an inventory of these studies, then puts forward several suggestions

Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2012

To have Shī‘īte tendencies, i.e tashayyu, considered bid'a according to Ahl-al Hadīth. And, excep... more To have Shī‘īte tendencies, i.e tashayyu, considered bid'a according to Ahl-al Hadīth. And, except for some circumstances, reports of a narrator with Shī‘īte tendencies are refused. However, when the concept of tashayyu is studied, it should be kept in mind that it has a wide, range of usage, and thus different meanings depending on the period and the author. Especially before the foundation of Shī‘īsm, the difference between the considerations of some communities and established mazhab must be taken into account while evaluating the rāwī. On the other hand, regional understandings and especially tafdeel discussions had an important impact on the use of the concept. The article, also includes a brief study of three leading hadith scholars’ works (Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ijlī and Ibn Hibbān), which will help realize different meanings of the concept and clarify its background.

İslam Hukuku Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2011

Within the Islamic thought, throughout history, sunnah/hadith is dealt through different approach... more Within the Islamic thought, throughout history, sunnah/hadith is dealt through different approaches. Each school has followed a different method in determining soundness of hadith. It is striking that these differences had decreased since 4th century AH and those schools had been influenced by each other. In shaping of sunnah understanding of Hanefids known as Ahl-al Ra’y, especially Īsā b. Ebān and al-Jassās had important impacts other than Abū Hanīfe and Imāmayn. After al-Jassās, it is observed that Abū Zayd al-Dabūsī contributed to this method from many angles. In this paper, al-Dabūsī’s understanding of sunnah/hadith is tried to be determined and analyzed through his methodology book named Takvīm al-adilla

Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Başkanlığı (YEK), 2021

Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Başkanlığı (YEK), 2019

Klasik, 2015

This book is a collection of seven important articles on the Shī‘ī understanding of hadith. Five ... more This book is a collection of seven important articles on the Shī‘ī understanding of hadith. Five of them were translated from English to Turkish, whereas the other two were first published in this edition

Dîvân Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, 2022

Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2020

İslam Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2020

Dîvân Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, 2019

Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 2018

Dîvân Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, 2017

İslâm Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2017

Dîvân Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, 2015

HTD, 2011

Textual criticism of Islamic traditions is an independent study field which became more visible b... more Textual criticism of Islamic traditions is an independent study field which became more visible by the modern times. In this frame, it is discussed in some researches that the hadith’s submission (arz) to the positive sciences defined as a criterion for textual criticism besides Qur’ân, sunnah, intellect (akıl), historical facts and consensus (icma). However, it is ascertained that in Osman Oruçhan’s work entitled “Hadith and Science” in which arz to the positive sciences determined as textual criticism and the hadith related in positive sciences are studied in terms of isnad and text and in the other works sufficient information regarding the science of “arz” is not given. Therefore, it is essential to examine the possible inconvenience of recognition of positive sciences as criteria for textual criticism, in particular touching upon the nature of science and critique of science through the abovementioned book.

American Oriental Society, 229th Meeting, Chicago, March 15-18, 2019

USEAS, 2018

Education policy of the republican modernization contains a number of ideological, by some means,... more Education policy of the republican modernization contains a number of ideological, by some means, repercussions. The best place to observe this fact, as it can be recognized, is religious textbooks prepared within some certain curriculum. “The curriculum program of primary schools” released after the establishment of the republic of Turkey, and the textbooks written within the scope of this program become more of an issue in order to follow the problematique that is also pointed out by contemporary social scientists. Religious courses are fixed by one hour a week in the third, fourth and fifth grades in the concerned curriculum and the content of the courses is designated in detail. Numerous textbooks are written within the mentioned curriculum, for example Abdülbâki Gölpınarlı (d. 1982) and Tüccârzâde İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan (d. 1963) as well as Yusuf Ziya Yörükan (d. 1954) who is the subject of this presentation.
Yusuf Ziya, graduated from Istanbul University (Darülfünûn) Philosophy Department in 1922, was appointed as instructor of history of sects to Ilahiyat Faculty (Divinity School) in the end of 1925 and pursued many academic and administrative positions till the end of his life. As a prolific author, he maintained relationships with political actors of that date. His religious textbooks for third, fourth and fifth grades were written in Ottoman Turkish script in 1927, and reprinted in 1929 with new Latin script. This study aims at discussing the content of the subject religious textbooks in the context of instrumentalization of classical religious knowledge for contemporary discourses, and within this scope at determining how much the usage of ayah’s (verses) and hadith’s, and the way of interpreting religious texts are related with the coercion of the age.

130 (748) civarında doğdu. Aslen Horasanlı olup Ukl kabilesinin âzatlısıdır. Dedesinin adı Rûmân ... more 130 (748) civarında doğdu. Aslen Horasanlı olup Ukl kabilesinin âzatlısıdır. Dedesinin adı Rûmân olarak da kaydedilmiştir. Genç yaşta ilim tahsili için yolculuklara (rihle) başlayan Zeyd o dönemin merkez coğrafyasındakiler kadar uzak bölgelerdeki ders halkalarına da iştirak etti.

107 (725) yılında Basra’da doğdu. Bâhile kabilesinin mevâlîsindendir. Ebû Bekir ve Ebû Gıtbe küny... more 107 (725) yılında Basra’da doğdu. Bâhile kabilesinin mevâlîsindendir. Ebû Bekir ve Ebû Gıtbe künyeleri ile anılsa da bu künyeleri niçin aldığı ve ailesi hususunda bilgi bulunmamaktadır. (...)

Semerkant’ın yaklaşık 50 km. güneydoğusundaki Keş (günümüzde Şehrisebz) şehrindendir. Ne zaman do... more Semerkant’ın yaklaşık 50 km. güneydoğusundaki Keş (günümüzde Şehrisebz) şehrindendir. Ne zaman doğduğu kesin olarak bilinmemekle birlikte hoca-talebe ilişkilerine bakarak III. (IX.) yüzyılın ikinci çeyreğinde dünyaya geldiği söylenebilir. Ailesi ve hayatı hakkında da fazla bilgi bulunmayan Keşşî’nin ilmî faaliyetini büyük oranda Keş ve Semerkant’ta sürdürdüğü anlaşılmaktadır.

http://www.edebifikir.com/roportaj/muhammed-enes-topgul-yolculuk-yoksa-ilim-yok-denebilir.html, 2022

İlim Dergisi https://www.ilimdergisi.org/soylesiler/muhammed-enes-topgul-ile-rivayetten-raviye-kitabini-konustuk/, 2020