Ausonius Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

http://giemmardelplata.org/archivos/librosyactas/ Capítulo publicado en: Florio, Rubén (dir.) Varia et diversa: Sus contactos con la Historia, Mar del Plata, UNMPdP / UNL, 2018, pp. 157-206. // The main purpose of this research is... more

http://giemmardelplata.org/archivos/librosyactas/
Capítulo publicado en: Florio, Rubén (dir.) Varia et diversa: Sus contactos con la Historia, Mar del Plata, UNMPdP / UNL, 2018, pp. 157-206. // The main purpose of this research is proposing a new critical approach to the reading of the poem entitled De Raptu Helenae, which was written by Blossius Aemilius Dracontius in the 5th Century. We will particularly examine its exordium, in order to suggest that there is a strong formal connection between the compositional technique of centonal poems’ authors and certain narrative strategies adopted by Dracontius when he inscribes his text in the epic proemium’s tradition. Once established that the invocation of Homer and Virgil substitutes the conventional request to the Muse for inspiration, we shall demonstrate that the apparent praise constitutes actually a veiled attack to those pagan authors, structured by the semantic inversion of different quotes and allusion taken from Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Prudentius and Ausonius, among other poets.
Centonal compositions - epic proems - Dracontius

This translation was prepared in 2006 for a memorial for Peter Smith, who taught at the University of Victoria until 1998, and who translated Curculio and Asinaria for me to direct. Peter wrote his doctorate on Ausonius. Ausonius wrote a... more

This translation was prepared in 2006 for a memorial for Peter Smith, who taught at the University of Victoria until 1998, and who translated Curculio and Asinaria for me to direct. Peter wrote his doctorate on Ausonius. Ausonius wrote a number of poems that commemorated the Professors at Bordeaux. This one remembers Leontius the grammaticus, who was given the cognomen Lascivus.

Der dritte und letzte Teil der Ausonius-Gesamtausgabe.

The Final Pagan Generation shows how the generation of Romans born in the 310s adapted to their changing religious and political environments. The included chapter introduces the religious landscape of the Roman world of the early fourth... more

The Final Pagan Generation shows how the generation of Romans born in the 310s adapted to their changing religious and political environments. The included chapter introduces the religious landscape of the Roman world of the early fourth century and sets the stage for their story.

This is a lightly edited and footnoted version of a talk given at Brown University at the conference 'Renewing the Classics: Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity' (10/11/11). It examines the imitation and reinvention of late antique Latin... more

This is a lightly edited and footnoted version of a talk given at Brown University at the conference 'Renewing the Classics: Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity' (10/11/11). It examines the imitation and reinvention of late antique Latin literature in the work of the American poets Thomas Parkinson and Kenneth Rexroth and the Australian poet Peter Porter. It won't be published in any other form, so I put it here for the curious.

Le manuscrit Paris BNF lat. 7558, copié dans le second quart du IXe siècle, est le seul témoin connu d’un poème introduit par les mots INCIPIT VERSUS DREPANI DE CEREO PASCHALI, longtemps attribué à Florus de Lyon († vers 860). Cette... more

Le manuscrit Paris BNF lat. 7558, copié dans le second quart du IXe siècle, est le seul témoin connu d’un poème introduit par les mots INCIPIT VERSUS DREPANI DE CEREO PASCHALI, longtemps attribué à Florus de Lyon († vers 860). Cette attribution, qui n’a jamais reçu de justification, remonte à l’anthologie de la poésie latine chrétienne de Georg Fabricius, achevée à Bâle en 1562. Reproduisant l’édition princeps, publiée deux ans plus tôt par les soins de Guillaume Morel, d’un ensemble de poèmes provenant du latin 7558, G. Fabricius avait procédé à un amalgame entre le nom d’auteur donné par l’intitulé du De cereo paschali, Drepanius, et Florus, signature interne de l’un des poèmes anonymes édités par Morel : il avait ainsi créé artificiellement le nom de Drepanius Florus, reçu et accepté par toute la bibliographie ultérieure. Cela n’allait pas cependant sans difficulté, et cette bibliographie, après avoir vu en Drepanius Florus un mystérieux poète du Ve puis du VIIe siècle, s’accorda vers le milieu du XVIIe siècle à reconnaître en lui le diacre Florus de Lyon, dont Drepanius n’aurait été que le surnom — opinion encore imprimée de nos jours. En réalité, Drepanius Florus n’a jamais existé qu’en vertu d’un malentendu créé par G. Fabricius : le manuscrit transmettait des poèmes de Florus de Lyon, et, séparément, un De cereo paschali attribué à Drepanius. Il fallait donc distinguer les deux noms, mais aussi distinguer les deux oeuvres. S’il n’était pas Florus de Lyon, qui était ce Drepanius ? L’histoire littéraire et, plus largement, l’onomastique latine ne connaissent qu’un personnage de ce nom, Latinius Pacatus Drepanius.

Mémoire présenté à l'Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres

Ausonius' Mosella represents a river that is a matrix of multi-species relationalities--spatial, legal, sympathetic, antipathetic, cosmological, economic, and filial. Reading the river as relational unlocks new perspectives on the... more

Ausonius' Mosella represents a river that is a matrix of multi-species relationalities--spatial, legal, sympathetic, antipathetic, cosmological, economic, and filial. Reading the river as relational unlocks new perspectives on the alluvial nature of late antique intertextuality, broadening our hermeneutic horizons from other texts to the wider living world.

L’eros nuziale nel Cento e il disagio che gli interpreti provano di fronte alla imminutio (vv. 101-131), la sezione che descrive la prima notte d’amore tra i coniugi come fosse un atto di violenza sessuale. La tecnica centonaria,... more

L’eros nuziale nel Cento e il disagio che gli interpreti provano di fronte alla imminutio (vv. 101-131), la sezione che descrive la prima notte d’amore tra i coniugi come fosse un atto di violenza sessuale. La tecnica centonaria, maneggiata con abilità, permette di conferire al materiale virgiliano nuovi significati grazie al potenziale allusivo ad altri generi ed autori: si mette in scena uno ‘spettacolo di potenza’ letteraria, da parte di un membro dell’élite socioculturale come Ausonio (che ha ricevuto l’incarico di comporre il centone direttamente da Valentiniano I), per cui il controllo di tutti i diversi registri e generi letterari passa attraverso la padronanza completa degli strumenti filologici, retorici e letterari che presiedono al riuso dei classici. In tale operazione, deve essere recuperato anche l’ambito dell’oscenità e del burlesco: con gesto padronale (anche se con tutta l’ambiguità e l’ipocrisia che deriva dall’ostentazione di un potere culturale, sociale e sessuale), Ausonio vuol dimostrare che solo colui che è in grado di ludere in poesia su ‘certe cose’, mantenendosi nell’alveo di una raffinata ed esclusiva tradizione letteraria (che trae all’infinito ogni suo elemento dal testo dei classici, e di Virgilio in particolare, e dalla letteratura erudita ad esso connessa) è immune dal loro fascino lubrico nella realtà della sua vita proba e signorile, ciò che naturalmente non riesce alle grottesche figure dei filologi-Curii e dei filologi-priapi, che nella loro insipienza e mancanza di controllo culturale confondono i due piani della vita e della letteratura.

«The tale of Niobe had a wide-ranging and long-lasting literary afterlife, but Ovid’s version in the sixth book of the ‘Metamorphoses’ (6, 146‑312) is perhaps the most celebrated example in Latin literature of an attempt to describe... more

«The tale of Niobe had a wide-ranging and long-lasting literary afterlife, but Ovid’s version in the sixth book of the ‘Metamorphoses’ (6, 146‑312) is perhaps the most celebrated example in Latin literature of an attempt to describe Niobe’s physiognomy: after a happy marriage, Niobe becomes a ‘mater dolorosa’ and a symbol of pain. My contribution focuses on a short and suggestive epigram from the Ausonian collection of ‘Epigrammata’ (‘Epigr.’, 57 Green) in which Niobe is the protagonist. I demonstrate how this case-study of Ovidian literary influence is associated with the poetic effects derived from the rhetorical practice of the προγυμνάσματα. In this epigram Niobe’s suffering illustrates perfectly how Ausonius changes a long literary tradition that was familiar to him, so as to display his literary skill, his linguistic dexterity and his ability to give the heroine a new meaning that is connected to the literary repertory of his erudite readers.» || "L’histoire de Niobé a connu une postérité vaste et durable, mais sa version ovidienne, dans le sixième livre des « Métamorphoses » (6, 146‑312), est peut-être l’exemple le plus célèbre de tentative d’un auteur latin pour décrire la physionomie de l’héroïne qui, après un marriage très heureux, devient ‘mater dolorosa’ et donc un symbole de douleur. Ma contribution se concentre sur une pièce courte mais significative de la collection ausonienne d’« Epigrammata » (‘Epigr.’, 57 Green), dont Niobé est la protagoniste. En particulier, je voudrais montrer comment cet exemple de l’influence littéraire ovidienne s’accompagne d’effets poétiques issus de la pratique rhétorique des προγυμνάσματα. Dans cette épigramme, la souffrance de Niobé illustre parfaitement comment Ausone transforme une longue tradition bien connue de lui, afin de manifester sa compétence littéraire, ses talents linguistiques et sa capacité à conférer à l’héroïne une signification nouvelle, qui s’inscrit dans le répertoire culturel de son lectorat d’érudits."

This paper examines some epigrams of Ausonius’ Bissula, underscoring the literary dimension in which the biographical relationship between the poet-patronus and his young slave-alumna is rewritten in these verses. The girl is seen as an... more

This paper examines some epigrams of Ausonius’ Bissula, underscoring the literary dimension in which the biographical relationship between the poet-patronus and his young slave-alumna is rewritten in these verses. The girl is seen as an erotic subject and elegiac domina, whose ambiguous identity results in an ideal combination of perfect Latin upbringing and natural German beauty (see in particular the indigenous feature of the blonde hair), which makes her superior to the Latiae pupae and, implicitly, to the puellae of the elegiac tradition (Biss. 3-4). The theme of Bissula’s beauty, which needs no artifice, becomes central in Biss. 5-6, in connection with the subject of the portrait, in which Ausonius proposes again, in a new and original way, some conventions of ecfrastic poetry. The highlighted models make it possible to establish what the general tone of the collection must have been and to reconsider hypotheses about its incompleteness.

Bringing together an international team of historians, classicists, and scholars of religion, this volume provides the first comprehensive overview of the extant Greek and Latin letter collections of late antiquity (ca. 300–600 C.E.),... more

Bringing together an international team of historians, classicists, and scholars of religion, this volume provides the first comprehensive overview of the extant Greek and Latin letter collections of late antiquity (ca. 300–600 C.E.), illustrating how letter collections advertised an image of the letter writer and introducing the social and textual histories of each collection. Each chapter addresses a major collection of Greek or Latin literary letters, examining their assembly, publication, and transmission. In addition, contributions reveals how late antique letter collections operated as a discrete literary genre with their own conventions, transmission processes, and self-presentational agendas. This book will fundamentally change how people both read these texts and use letters to reconstruct the social history of the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries

This chapter identifies a typically late antique phenomenon: the emergence of a pervasive “poetics of silence”, involving a metaliterary problematization of language and representation. This phenomenon, reminiscent of the postmodern... more

This chapter identifies a typically late antique phenomenon: the emergence of a pervasive “poetics of silence”, involving a metaliterary problematization of language and representation. This phenomenon, reminiscent of the postmodern “linguistic turn”, is not restricted to the field of literature, but can be defined as omnipresent in late antique culture, underlying Augustine’s semiotics, Evagrius Ponticus’ hesychasm, Gregory of Nyssa’s apophatic theology or Pseudo-Dionysius’ negative mysticism. The chapter focuses on the different ways in which this problem (embodied in the metaphor of silence) is tackled by several authors: Sidonius Apollinaris, Fulgentius, Augustine of Hippo, Ausonius, Rutilus Namatianus and the anonymous writer of the Peruigilium Veneris. At times, silence is depicted as the haven of tranquillity which enables literary creation; at other times, it is a threat of dissolution hovering over the fragility of the poet’s work; most often, it is the deep, ultimately unknowable reality beyond the murmuring of words. Despite this variety, there is something common to all these authors: their problematizing approach to human language and their inner distrust of the classical idea of representation, teetering on the brink of collapse amidst the crisis of certainties that shook the very foundations of late antique society.

This paper begins with a study of the etymology, meaning and main occurrences of Latin ineptia(e), followed by the literary analysis of its usage in connection to ‘minor’ or ‘light’ poetry in the works of Catullus, Martial, Pliny the... more

This paper begins with a study of the etymology, meaning and main occurrences of Latin ineptia(e), followed by the literary analysis of its usage in connection to ‘minor’ or ‘light’ poetry in the works of Catullus, Martial, Pliny the Younger, and Ausonius. The results show that ineptiae equals nugae as a technical term of literary criticism in discussions around ‘minor’ poetry, where it can relate to an (ironic) self-deprecating or apologetic attitude (variously interpreted and expressed) on the part of those practicing that type of poetry. Further attention is then devoted to a larger group of terms (including apinae, tricae, quisquiliae, burrae), which, as ineptia(e), originally belong to everyday language and are used in the specifically literary sense of ‘light poetry’, showing the progressive accentuation of the lexicon of apologetic modesty.

Auson. epigr. 57 Green is an ecphrastic mythological poem which, though focussed on the tale of Niobe and composed of only two couplets, constitutes an illuminating case-study of the afterlife of Ovid and an innovative translation of a... more

Auson. epigr. 57 Green is an ecphrastic mythological poem which, though focussed on the tale of Niobe and composed of only two couplets, constitutes an illuminating case-study of the afterlife of Ovid and an innovative translation of a Greek epigram (Anth. Plan. 129). The aim of my paper is twofold: to highlight the links which the Latin text maintains with its Greek model in its subsequent process of ‘Romanization’, and to demonstrate how Ausonius’ new interpretation of the tale of Niobe, the Ovidian paradigms and the overall intertextual construction of the epigram allow the poet to display his literary sophistication and to create different layers of appreciation amongst his potential readers. || Keywords: Niobe; Ovid; Ausonius; epigram; intertextuality.

The prose preface to Ausonius' 'Griphus ternarii numeri' recalls a tradition which dates back to a well established tradition (especially Martial and Statius) and more generally highlights the literary culture of Ausonius, with hints and... more

The prose preface to Ausonius' 'Griphus ternarii numeri' recalls a tradition which dates back to a well established tradition (especially Martial and Statius) and more generally highlights the literary culture of Ausonius, with hints and quotations from Catullus, Horace, Virgil and Ovid. The text shows to be structurally organized around the number three also central in the following verses, and reveals many points of contact with other works of Ausonius and the recipient of the poem, the famous orator Symmachus.

Dopo un rapido sguardo all’epistola dedicatoria in prosa all’amico Assio Paolo e ai carmi introduttivi del libellus per Bissula, la schiavetta sveva di Ausonio (Biss. praef., 1 e 2), il presente contributo prende in esame i primi due... more

Dopo un rapido sguardo all’epistola dedicatoria in prosa all’amico Assio Paolo e ai carmi introduttivi del libellus per Bissula, la schiavetta sveva di Ausonio (Biss. praef., 1 e 2), il presente contributo prende in esame i primi due componimenti a lei dedicati (Biss. 3 e 4). Dall’analisi emerge che questi rinviano insistentemente al lessico e a motivi della poesia ‘minore’ epigrammatica, elegiaca, comica, rivelandosi perfettamente rispondenti alle linee programmatiche delle prefazioni e agli ipotesti in esse presenti. In particolare la presenza di certi temi di ascendenza elegiaca – la puella vista come domina ed elogiata per la sua naturale bellezza – colloca la Bissula nel solco della poesia amorosa improntata alla sublimazione dell’eros e all’idealizzazione dell’amata, che è cantata con accenti anche lascivi ma non osceni. D’altra parte la sequela di epiteti affettuosi con cui si apre Biss. 4 e che ha un suo modello privilegiato nel lessico erotico plautino, accosta l’io-poetico all’innamorato della commedia, giustificando l’autoironica evocazione del personaggio del canus amator che si è ravvisata in Biss. 1. È dunque evidente la trasfigurazione letteraria del rapporto tra Bissula e il suo patrono, qualunque fosse la realtà biografica di tale rapporto. In questa prospettiva si dovrà interpretare anche l’elogio della duplice identità, latina e germanica, dell’alumna; esso, infatti, più che a un fine di propaganda politica volta a favorire l’integrazione delle popolazioni barbare nell’impero romano, sembra rispondere a un’esigenza culturale e letteraria: l’ambigua puella da un lato rivela l’orgoglio del provinciale colto, pienamente romanizzato e integrato che diviene maestro di lingua e costumi latini, dall’altro incarna, con i suoi i tratti etnici originari e l’educazione perfetta, l’ideale connubio di bellezza naturale e di raffinatezza della puella elegiaca.

The aesthetic changes in late Roman literature speak to the foundations of modern Western culture. The dawn of a modern way of being in the world, one that most Europeans and Americans would recognize as closely ancestral to their own, is... more

The aesthetic changes in late Roman literature speak to the foundations of modern Western culture. The dawn of a modern way of being in the world, one that most Europeans and Americans would recognize as closely ancestral to their own, is to be found not in the distant antiquity of Greece nor in the golden age of a Roman empire that spanned the Mediterranean, but more fundamentally in the original and problematic fusion of Greco-Roman culture with a new and unexpected foreign element—the arrival of Christianity as an exclusive state religion. For a host of reasons, traditionalist scholarship has failed to give a full and positive account of the formal, aesthetic and religious transformations of ancient poetics in Late Antiquity. This book attempts to capture the excitement and vibrancy of the living ancient tradition reinventing itself in a new context in the hands of a series of great Latin writers mainly from the fourth and fifth centuries AD. A series of the most distinguished expert voices in later Latin poetry as well as some of the most exciting new scholars have been specially commissioned to write new papers for this volume.

This note analyzes Ausonius’ Bissula 5 and 6. Three basic interpretative alternatives are discerned and explored: (1) “Bissula cannot be represented,” (2) “Bissula can be represented but only by a poet,” and (3) “Bissula can be... more

This note analyzes Ausonius’ Bissula 5 and 6. Three basic interpretative alternatives are discerned and explored: (1) “Bissula cannot be represented,” (2) “Bissula can be represented but only by a poet,” and (3) “Bissula can be represented after all.” It is argued that we cannot reduce the poems’ meaning to any of these alternatives, but the poet exploits polysemy, allusions and prosodic patterning to encourage each of them. The ruse lives up to Ausonius’ promise of an annoying, intoxicated, and dreamlike game for this ambigua puella.

The subject of the paper are the reasons of intense, though short-lived, interest that a few Latin authors of the last years of the 4th century had in the druids. The druids, the most emblematic institution of the Gallic religion, are... more

The subject of the paper are the reasons of intense, though short-lived, interest that a few Latin authors of the last years of the 4th century had in the druids.
The druids, the most emblematic institution of the Gallic religion, are mentioned by Greek and Latin authors up to the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Afterwards they completely vanish from literature only to reappear in the 390ties in the works of Ammianus Marcellinus, Ausonius of Bordeaux and the anonymous author of the Historia Augusta.
In older scholarship it was quite widely accepted that the druidic episodes in three lives of emperors in the HA can be treated as proving the revival of indigenous Gallic priesthood in the 3rd century, and that Ausonius’ Commemoratio professorum Burdigalensium testifies to their survival at least up to the end of the 4th century. Nowadays scholars are more cautious about the actual renaissance of the druidism. But even if this revival is – as I think – a late antique literary phenomenon, the question imposes itself about the sources of the sympathetic interest in this vernacular religious institution that Latin authors of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD treated as alien and ominous.
I suggest that there are three reasons of the popularity of the druids in late antiquity, especially in the intellectual milieu of Gaul in the second half of the 4th century. Firstly, we should have in mind the vivid “ethnographic” interest of the late ancient intelligentsia, especially in one’s own people and family history. Because of their unquestionable aristocracy and antiquity the druids were attractive not only as a subject of research but also as ancestors and forefathers. Secondly, the druids were considered philosophers, indigenous Gallic representatives of Pythagoreanism – the school that the intellectuals of Late Antiquity voluntarily identified with. Thirdly, they were seen as teachers, and thus proper role models for Ausonius and his fellow-professors in Bordeaux. The re-disappearance of the druids from literature after the end of the 4th century should be linked to the disappearance of the group of Gallic pagan intellectuals and writers. In the 5th century too, there were authors interested in local history and traditions but their heroes were Christian martyrs, not heathen priests.

From the volume of a 2011 Berlin conference on ways of looking at late antiquity: Marco Formisano and Therese Fuhrer, eds., Décadence, Winter (Heidelberg) 2014, 171-97. Includes readings from two Virgilian centos: the Biblical cento of... more

From the volume of a 2011 Berlin conference on ways of looking at late antiquity: Marco Formisano and Therese Fuhrer, eds., Décadence, Winter (Heidelberg) 2014, 171-97. Includes readings from two Virgilian centos: the Biblical cento of Proba and Ausonius' Cento Nuptialis.

The paper explores the ideological reasons for the late-antique expansion of the imperial aristocracy. It suggests that in the fourth century the senate transformed from a Republican élite, whose legitimacy derived from the institutions... more

The paper explores the ideological reasons for the late-antique expansion of the imperial aristocracy. It suggests that in the fourth century the senate transformed from a Republican élite, whose legitimacy derived from the institutions of the Roman city-state, into an explicitly global class, whose authority was an emanation of the beneficence of a sacred ruler towards the human species.

Bachelor's dissertation (it. Lettere Classiche) at the University of Naples Federico II in Greek Literature entitled “La tradizione della Saffo epigrammatica. La ricezione della figura di Saffo nell’epigramma greco” (eng. THE TRADITION OF... more

Bachelor's dissertation (it. Lettere Classiche) at the University of Naples Federico II in Greek Literature entitled “La tradizione della Saffo epigrammatica. La ricezione della figura di Saffo nell’epigramma greco” (eng. THE TRADITION OF EPIGRAMMATIC SAPPHO. THE RECEPTION OF SAPPHO’S FIGURE IN GREEK EPIGRAM); supervisor prof. Giulio Massimilla.

This paper enters the debate about the unity of the Cathemerinon and it proposes a tentative solution to the lack of a clear structural patterning in the second part of the collection. To do that, the author reads the hymns 7-12 from the... more

This paper enters the debate about the unity of the Cathemerinon and it proposes a tentative solution to the lack of a clear structural patterning in the second part of the collection. To do that, the author reads the hymns 7-12 from the perspective of the liturgical year and demonstrates that the seventh and the eighth poems are referred to Lent and Easter, while the eleventh and the twelfth ones are undoubtedly linked to Christmas and Epiphany; concern- ing the hymn “for every hour” (Cath. 9) and the one for “the burial of the dead” (Cath. 10), they both may be related to the Ordinary Time. Lastly, the paper draws attention to symmetries of themes, motifs and meters between the two halves of the Cathemerinon.

The kind of literature that is called cento is studied in this thesis with a special focus on two late antique Latin wedding poems, Cento Nuptialis written by Ausonius in the late 4th century A.D., and Epithalamium Fridi probably written... more

The kind of literature that is called cento is studied in this thesis with a special focus on two late antique Latin wedding poems, Cento Nuptialis written by Ausonius in the late 4th century A.D., and Epithalamium Fridi probably written in Carthage some hundred years later. These two poems are the only late antique Latin centos which belong to the same genre; they are therefore investigated with the aim of showing how centos belonging to the same genre may relate in different ways to both their text of origin and their genre. The method used is based on the belief that centos are best described as ‘open works,’ with a wide ‘field of possibilities.’ In the analyses a hermeneutical approach is applied, and the Model Reader’s interpretations are in focus. The two wedding centos relate in different ways to text of origin and genre. Associations which forecast the events of the part of the poem called Imminutio, a ‘notion of combat’, and the double circumstances lying behind the composition of the poem are found crucial for the interpretation of Cento Nuptialis. The humour of the Imminutio part is explained as a result of incongruity between cento, text of origin and genre-expectations. In Epithalamium Fridi, it is shown that the text of origin is sub- ordinated to the panegyric scope of the epithalamium of occasion. Some general conclusions are cautiously suggested. These concern: various kinds of reinterpretation of the text of origin through the lens of a cento; different kinds of guidance for the interpretation of a cento; and different functions for which centos may be particularly apt, e.g. subversive and humorous poems.

Cet article explore les stratégies déployées par les familles pour favoriser certains de leurs enfants, en consacrant le plus souvent une fille à la vie religieuse menée à la maison à peu de frais. Les cas de consécration d’enfants issues... more

Cet article explore les stratégies déployées par les familles pour favoriser certains de leurs enfants, en consacrant le plus souvent une fille à la vie religieuse menée à la maison à peu de frais. Les cas de consécration d’enfants issues de riches familles de l’aristocratie romaine sont bien connus grâce à Jérôme, mais le phénomène touche aussi des familles de milieu plus modeste comme la famille d’Ausone. Le droit canon et le droit civil cherchent à protéger la liberté des enfants d’embrasser la vie monastique. Basile de Césarée réclame la maturité avant tout engagement dans la vie religieuse et le droit civil interdit aux parents de désheriter les enfants voués à Dieu, mais les voix qui demandent le respect de la liberté de l’enfant à choisir ce chemin ardu vont contre les pratiques sociales et ne seront pas écoutées au Moyen âge.

This paper examines Ausonius’s epitaph XIV Green, dedicated to Hector, focusing on some issues of textual criticism. A particular attention is paid to the intertextual relationship between this epigram and some similar poems of Latin... more

This paper examines Ausonius’s epitaph XIV Green, dedicated to Hector, focusing on some issues of textual criticism. A particular attention is paid to the intertextual relationship between this epigram and some similar poems of Latin Anthology, concerning the same topos.

Par l’analyse des certaines épigrammes d’Ausone, différemment liées aux typologies traditionnelles, d’origine épigraphique, où la connaissance des conventions et des mécanismes de la composition aboutit à une réflexion et à un jeu sur ces... more

Par l’analyse des certaines épigrammes d’Ausone, différemment liées aux typologies traditionnelles, d’origine épigraphique, où la connaissance des conventions et des mécanismes de la composition aboutit à une réflexion et à un jeu sur ces mêmes conventions et ces mêmes mécanismes, on cherchera à éclaircir dans quelle mesure la tradition épigrammatique grecque offre à l'auteur non seulement un répertoire des modèles à traduire et à récrire, mais aussi un répertoire de techniques de composition. On analysera, en particulier, l'épigramme 37 Green, une "épitaphe" (au sens large) qu'on peut rapprocher de la typologie hellénistique des "énigmes épitaphiques", et les textes de la série sur l'orateur Rufus qui se fondent sur la parodie des modalités ecphrastiques (45-46-47-51-52 Gr.). Nous terminerons avec des observations sur les épigrammes 11 et 67, dont on peut proposer une interprétation métapoétique.