Militia Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

These five articles were written by late 2009. They were my first analysis linking William S. Lind’s Fourth Generation Warfare strategy to John Tanton’s anti-immigration movement; the anti-immigration movement to the white nationalist or... more

These five articles were written by late 2009. They were my first analysis linking William S. Lind’s Fourth Generation Warfare strategy to John Tanton’s anti-immigration movement; the anti-immigration movement to the white nationalist or white supremacist movement; showing how the Christian Right took over the primary vehicle of the anti-immigration movement, namely, the Minutemen Civil Defense Corps; and, showing that William S. Lind’s role, beyond developing the Fourth Generation Warfare strategy, has during the time period of this initial study (2005-2009) written strategic assessments in the form of brief articles that, when combined with Thomas Chittum’s book, Civil War II: The Coming Breakup of America, give insight into how the Patriot militia movement may have perceived the strategic situation. As my first analytical attempt, no doubt there are errors of judgement. But, this analysis drove me to understand the Christian Right—thus the first book that will be published here is on the Christian Right—and the Patriot militia. The latter is the topic of the second book, of which several draft chapters have already been posted to academia.edu. The third book covers the Tea Party movement.

In January 2018 a cross belt plate of the Devizes Loyal Volunteers was found in Potterne by Mark Flitton (Figure 1). The find was reported to the Portable Antiquities Scheme (WILT-19531D) and subsequently donated to Wiltshire Museum,... more

In January 2018 a cross belt plate of the Devizes
Loyal Volunteers was found in Potterne by Mark
Flitton (Figure 1). The find was reported to the
Portable Antiquities Scheme (WILT-19531D)
and subsequently donated to Wiltshire Museum,
Devizes. The belt plate dates to AD 1799–1808.
The front face is decorated with the Devizes coat of
arms, depicting a castle with a crown above, flanked
by the letters G R. It features an inscription, reading
DEVIZES LOYAL VOLUNTEERS. The bent
spike at the top of the belt plate’s reverse side is
incomplete and measures 4.8mm wide at the break.
At the bottom of the reverse are two circular studs
with flattened tops, 12.9mm in diameter.

Der Artikel skizziert zunächst die Historie der Ethnisierung und Politisierung sozialer Gruppenzugehörigkeiten in Libyen. Das daran anschließende Kapitel stellt die Positionierung der indigenen Milizen in der libyschen... more

Der Artikel skizziert zunächst die Historie der Ethnisierung und Politisierung sozialer Gruppenzugehörigkeiten in Libyen. Das daran anschließende Kapitel stellt die Positionierung der indigenen Milizen in der libyschen Sicherheitsarchitektur dar. In den beiden Folgekapiteln werden grundlegende Staatsbürgerinnen- und Staatsbürgerrechte sowie deren Instrumentalisierung unter Muammar Gaddafi sowie die Situation der indigenen Minderheiten elaboriert. Am Ende steht eine kritische Diskussion des deutschen Engagements in Libyen. Hieraus leiten sich abschließend konkrete Empfehlungen ab.

When I began researching and writing on the American right-wing, I was heavily influenced by my experiences as a senior intelligence analyst covering the Serbian and Croatian wars of aggression against Bosnia & Herzegovina. I believed... more

When I began researching and writing on the American right-wing, I was heavily influenced by my experiences as a senior intelligence analyst covering the Serbian and Croatian wars of aggression against Bosnia & Herzegovina. I believed that the elites using the mass media were priming their populations for genocide--something I called an ethnic cleansing pre-disposition. For the American right-wing, I divided the soft versus hard ethnic cleansing pre-disposition. The soft versus hard came from the SPLC's differentiation of hard anti-immigrant groups from white supremacists. Or something like that.

I would submit that this chapter lends added weight to Clarkson’s original insight and observation. In the seventeen years since Clarkson first wrote his book, the Christian Right has developed a Fourth Generation Warfare strategy and... more

I would submit that this chapter lends added weight to Clarkson’s original insight and observation. In the seventeen years since Clarkson first wrote his book, the Christian Right has developed a Fourth Generation Warfare strategy and related strategies, operational plans, propaganda campaigns, multi-billion dollars of information infrastructure, and myriad networks to win their war against a secular American democracy that appears to consider the “culture wars” over, neglects to examine the Christian Right’s strategy, overlooks its organization building and networking, and the cross-linking of right-wing movement segments through the spread of narrative structures. The Ron Paul-linked Oath Keepers and Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, the National Precinct Alliance, and his homeschooling curriculum are all part of this war.

This chapter presents the “hole-in-the-donut,” that is, the actual plan that the Christian Right had for the development of the Patriot militia in the 1990s. Chapters 14, 15, and 16 established the operational links and the ideological... more

This chapter presents the “hole-in-the-donut,” that is, the actual plan that the Christian Right had for the development of the Patriot militia in the 1990s. Chapters 14, 15, and 16 established the operational links and the ideological affinities between the Christian Right, the National Rifle Association and other gun rights absolutist organizations, the Wise Use/County Rule movements, and the Patriot militias. Of course, the Christian Reconstructionists did not necessarily hide their intentions to create a Patriot militia movement, but then again, they did not necessarily broadcast clearly those intentions.

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and... more

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and shrines. Drawing on Social Movement Theory (SMT), this article analyzes the response by various Shia nonstate actors—militia leaders, religious clergymen, populist preachers, and seminal poets. It argues that they used the IS threat to Shia holy sites to develop and deploy a mobilization frame that has come to be referred to as the “shrine protection narrative.” The article also documents the manifold consequences of the shrine protection narrative: it underpinned a mass recruitment drive that saw tens of thousands enlist; it legitimized foreign Shia militias to enter the conflicts in both Syria and Iraq; it justified the formation of entirely new militias who declared the centrality of shrine protection to their mandate; and it mobilized them to enact political violence. In doing so, this article extends existing studies of SMT to demonstrate that “sacred spaces”—and particularly the need to protect religious sites from specific threats—can serve as a powerful mobilization frame towards political violence.

Part II up to this point has emphasized bringing together different segments of the broad right-wing and more or less circling around the Patriot militia movement that lurked in the background of the discussion. This chapter brings the... more

Part II up to this point has emphasized bringing together different segments of the broad right-wing and more or less circling around the Patriot militia movement that lurked in the background of the discussion. This chapter brings the Patriot militia into greater focus and argues that it was the Christian Reconstructionists through a very small number of select organizations within the Council for National Policy, with extensive links to the National Rifle Association, Gun Owners of America, and the Second Amendment Foundation and the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, that carries the most responsibility for forming the Patriot militias. To be sure, the anti-Semitic, white supremacist Christian Identity movement was there at the creation, and in greater number of participants at the 1992 Estes Park meeting in Colorado where the Patriot movement germinated as an idea (discussed below); indeed, the right-wing had a long history in forming various militia groups over the previous decades. But, in terms of strategy and organizational linkages, let alone the tremendous communications and organizational network resources available to the Christian Right, the Christian Reconstructionists were the senior partners and the Christian Identity movement the junior partners.

NOTE: The Barbara Coe discussed in this paper, see footnote 8, is not the same as Professor Barbara A. Coe at Western Washington University. Part III examines William S. Lind’s two Fourth Generation Warfare articles to generate its key... more

The link of Oath Keepers and the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association with the ALEC corporate land grab was integral to the overall strategy at the Bundy ranch confrontation. The main Fourth Generation Warfare claim... more

The link of Oath Keepers and the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association with the ALEC corporate land grab was integral to the overall strategy at the Bundy ranch confrontation. The main Fourth Generation Warfare claim made by ALEC, Oath Keepers, CSPOA, the Tenth Amendment Center, and the John Birch Society centers on delegitimizing the federal government’s constitutionally correct ownership of public lands in the West.

Breve análisis de las fuentes de archivo donde podemos encontrar documentación sobre milicias y paisanaje en Canarias. Posteriormente estudio las milicias canarias tras la reforma de Dávalos en 1771 y la constitución del paisanaje en... more

Breve análisis de las fuentes de archivo donde podemos encontrar documentación sobre milicias y paisanaje en Canarias. Posteriormente estudio las milicias canarias tras la reforma de Dávalos en 1771 y la constitución del paisanaje en Tenerife en 1793 y 1795.

THIS PAPER WAS LAST EDITED ON NOVEMBER 18, 2010. It still has some editing required, but it represents my first effort to link the Christian Right's Council for National Policy to all the major social movements on the right, including... more

THIS PAPER WAS LAST EDITED ON NOVEMBER 18, 2010. It still has some editing required, but it represents my first effort to link the Christian Right's Council for National Policy to all the major social movements on the right, including the Pioneer Fund to the CNP itself, the anti-immigrant movement, the militia movement, and the Tea Party movement. This paper uses the term "Tea Bag Party" which was the movement's first name. It also focuses on a key organization that receives no recognition, TheVanguard.org, but which Bill Berkowitz rightly noticed and brought to some attention.

El artículo se centra en el análisis de las condiciones financieras y militares de Cataluña durante los meses posteriores a la victoria sobre los militares sublevados en Barcelona en el contexto de la expansión y consolidación de la... more

El artículo se centra en el análisis de las condiciones financieras y militares de Cataluña durante los meses posteriores a la victoria sobre los militares sublevados en Barcelona en el contexto de la expansión y consolidación de la Guerra Civil española. Se aborda la capacidad financiera de las instituciones catalanas para sostener el esfuerzo de guerra, se aportan datos cuantitativos en relación al número total de los efectivos organizados y ofrece una aproximación al estado y calidad del armamento disponible en ese territorio, así como a las problemáticas relativas a la adquisición o fabricación del equipo y material necesarios para organizar, de manera efectiva, la respuesta armada al ejército rebelde.

quarterly for the professional development of Army historians and as Army educational and training literature. The bulletin is available at no cost to interested Army officers, noncommissioned officers, soldiers, and civilian employees,... more

quarterly for the professional development of Army historians and as Army educational and training literature. The bulletin is available at no cost to interested Army officers, noncommissioned officers, soldiers, and civilian employees, as well as to individuals and offices that directly support Army historical work or Army educational and training programs. Correspondence, including requests to be added to the distribution of free copies or to submit articles, should be addressed to

In post-Revolutionary Massachusetts, the militia was a well-respected institution. So when the commonwealth expanded into the far-flung District of Maine, Jeffersonians and Federalists battled one another for the plum. As external forces... more

In post-Revolutionary Massachusetts, the militia was a well-respected institution. So when the commonwealth expanded into the far-flung District of Maine, Jeffersonians and Federalists battled one another for the plum. As external forces bred internal dissent, the militia fell into disarray just as the country drifted toward another war with England.

This chapter demonstrates that the dominant Anti-Defamation League—Southern Poverty Law Center narrative of the Patriot militias that emerged in the mid-1990s, contrary to Robert Churchill’s libertarian interpretation, recognized that the... more

This chapter demonstrates that the dominant Anti-Defamation League—Southern Poverty Law Center narrative of the Patriot militias that emerged in the mid-1990s, contrary to Robert Churchill’s libertarian interpretation, recognized that the white supremacists and Christian Identity religious movement were linked to a minority of Patriot militias. This narrative also recognized that opposition to gun control and staunch opposition to the federal government were the driving ideology of the Patriot militias—not racism or anti-Semitism—contrary to Churchill’s misinterpretation of their findings. However, as the previous chapter showed, opposition to gun control and opposition to the federal government were actually rooted in religious ideas, and, secular libertarian ideas as well. But, I contend that the majority of Patriot militias, though not all, which were not clearly linked to the Christian Identity or white supremacist movement, were more likely than not linked—at least in the realm of core ideas and narrative—to the Christian Right. And, only a minority, at best, of the non-white-supremacist Patriot militias could be considered as secular constitutional militias.

Even as millions of rural workers have organized into agrarian movements, their efforts to benefit from progressive social mobilizations often fail. To understand how agrarian movements can overcome these difficulties, this contribution... more

Even as millions of rural workers have organized into agrarian movements, their efforts to benefit from progressive social mobilizations often fail. To understand how agrarian movements can overcome these difficulties, this contribution acknowledges a dilemma central to all agrarian movements: As their members create ties to land they necessarily confront new forms of exclusion. We discuss this exclusionary land dilemma, with a focus on Sumatra's agrarian reactionaries as an elite class possessing a potent exclusionary force that seeks to erase agrarian movement legitimacy and block rural workers' mobilizations to reclaim and occupy land. We trace these agrarian reactionaries' public life across a state-corporate-criminal apparatus and their repression of two agrarian movement mobilizations. We find agrarian reactionaries' actions offer a partial explanation for the still-limited gains of Sumatra's rural workers' movements. Agrarian reactionaries legitimize their exclusions with nativist, ethno-territorial ideas that co-opt indigenous rights claims. In response, laborers and agriculturalists are now refining a more inclusive land politics - one of greater unifying influence that does not depend upon claims of indigeneity - to overcome reactionary repression.

This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions... more

This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘statemanipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘stateparallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized.

With the deadly ISIS advance, the sudden rousing of Shia militias and the threat of Kurdish secession, Iraq faces a host of deep-seated and intractable problems. Together, these events raise a number of serious questions, not just for... more

With the deadly ISIS advance, the sudden rousing of Shia militias and the threat of Kurdish secession, Iraq faces a host of deep-seated and intractable problems. Together, these events raise a number of serious questions, not just for Iraq and its future but also for the broader
Middle East, the United States and its Coalition partners and the international community. While these challenges and questions will drive much academic debate, political analysis and media discussion in the months and years ahead, they are not the central purpose of this chapter. While there is always a risk in commenting on unfolding events, including the potential to overstate their significance and likely long-term impact, it is difficult to ignore the significance of the deadly ISIS advance and all that has happened since. This chapter argues that key to understanding these events is coming to terms with the three varied and complex legacies of the 2003 Iraq War. The first central legacy of the Iraq War is the ongoing consequences of several critical mistakes made by the US-led Coalition before, during and immediately after the 2003 intervention. The second legacy addressed here is the fact that the 2003 war shattered – perhaps irreversibly - Iraqis fragile cultural mosaic and its rich and complex history of overlapping and intersecting communities, ideologies and narratives. The third and final legacy of the 2003 Iraq War detailed in this chapter is its significant regional and global consequences – from spiralling sectarianism across the Middle East to a profound challenge to America’s status as the last remaining superpower and its use of military power for ‘humanitarian’ ends. The argument here is that these three important legacies set in train a sequence of events that have served as the collective catalyst for the expansion of the ‘Islamic State’ from mid-2014.

The Christian Reconstructionists have proven that they can conceptualize what they want to achieve, devise a theology and a follow-on strategy to achieve their goal, devote resources to achieving their goal, and then implement their... more

The Christian Reconstructionists have proven that they can conceptualize what they want to achieve, devise a theology and a follow-on strategy to achieve their goal, devote resources to achieving their goal, and then implement their strategy. Thus, starting in 1983, the Christian Reconstructionists conceived as part of their long-term strategy to reconstruct America’s political, economic, and cultural systems consistent with their interpretation of the Old Testament, the need to develop a Patriot militia force. They worked with white supremacists to establish a network of Patriot militia units based on the operational principles found in the seminal article on Fourth Generation Warfare written by their own preeminent military strategist William S. Lind employed at the Christian Right’s premier strategic think tank, the Free Congress Foundation. But where does the militia fit into the Christian Reconstructionist’s strategy? The answer to this question is related to the literature’s unasked question: how do the Christian Reconstructionists actually plan to come to power? Answers to these two questions are conceptually linked: the Patriot militias are the armed wing of the Christian Right available to contest local territories when the federal government collapses due to a catastrophic economic crisis.

Răsfoind filele din istoria Basarabiei interbelice, marcăm o serie de personalităţi de o importanţă majoră pentru teritoriului dintre Nistru şi Prut. Una dintre acestea a fost Vladimir Cristi, născut în 1880, s. Teleşeu, jud. Orhei, în... more

Răsfoind filele din istoria Basarabiei interbelice, marcăm o serie de personalităţi de o importanţă majoră pentru teritoriului dintre Nistru şi Prut. Una dintre acestea a fost Vladimir Cristi, născut în 1880, s. Teleşeu, jud. Orhei, în familia nobilului basarabean Grigore Cristi. Exponent al nobilimii V. Cristi îşi face studiile la Universitatea din Moscova şi cea din Paris, după care a deținut mai multe funcții în cadrul Zemstvei basarabene, iar în 1917 primeşte funcţia de comisar gubernial al Basarabiei. În această calitate s-a implicat în soluționarea problemei de a opri procesul de incorporare a regiunii Pruto-Nistrene în componența Ucrainei. Odată cu proclamarea Republicii Democratice Moldovenești la 2 XII 17, devine ministru de interne, în această calitate întreprinde un șir de măsuri pentru buna organizare a miliției, va apela la practica permutării șefilor de miliție dintr-un post în altul, inclusiv a fost unul dintre inițiatorii unor reglementări organizatorice ale organelor de drept din Basarabia. După Unirea din 1918, devine deputat în Parlamentul României şi ministru pentru Basarabia în guvernul lui N. Iorga, îşi încheie activitatea în calitate de primar al Chişinăului (1938-1940), se stinge din viață fiind încarcerat de regimul totalitar la închisoarea Văcărești.

The recruiting and conscription of Prussian militia and volunteers in the years 1813-15

The following study is dedicated to the history of internal affairs agencies in Bessarabia during the beginning of XXth century. This article has a number of unique data that present the reformation of local internal affairs agencies,... more

The following study is dedicated to the history of internal affairs agencies in Bessarabia during the beginning of XXth century. This article has a number of unique data that present the reformation of local internal affairs agencies, beginning with disolution of Tsarist police and the foundation of militia at 17th April 1917. The following study focuses on the organization and activity of the new internal affairs agencies' structure between 1917 and 1918, taking as an example the militia that activated in Chisinau, the centre of the province of Bessarabia.

1 Chronographia Johannis de Beke, H. Bruch (Hrsg.): 's-Gravenhage 1973, cap. 81b (S. 273). Der lateinische Text spricht über die coloni (= Bauern) von Stellingwerf. 2 Über die Burg, das ,olde huys of slot' zu Vollenhove, siehe: Arnold... more

1 Chronographia Johannis de Beke, H. Bruch (Hrsg.): 's-Gravenhage 1973, cap. 81b (S. 273). Der lateinische Text spricht über die coloni (= Bauern) von Stellingwerf. 2 Über die Burg, das ,olde huys of slot' zu Vollenhove, siehe: Arnold Gevers, Albert Mensema und Jos Mooijweer: De havezathen van Vollenhove en hun bewoners, Alphen a/d Rijn 2004, S. 58-70. Der bischöfliche Wehrkomplex umfasste 1309 vermutlich nicht mehr als einen Burgfried mit einer Ringmauer und einem Wassergraben.

US MILITARY & NATIONAL GUARD & MILITAR Y GUARDIA NACIONAL DE EE UU & 美国军事和国民警卫队... more

quarterly for the professional development of Army historians and as Army educational and training literature. The bulletin is available at no cost to interested Army officers, noncommissioned officers, soldiers, and civilian employees,... more

quarterly for the professional development of Army historians and as Army educational and training literature. The bulletin is available at no cost to interested Army officers, noncommissioned officers, soldiers, and civilian employees, as well as to individuals and offices that directly support Army historical work or Army educational and training programs. Correspondence, including requests to be added to the distribution of free copies or to submit articles, should be addressed to

Based on previous studies of the Reforms of the 18th century and to the proyectismo of this era, this article deals with one such concrete project undertaken by the first intendant of Huancavelica, with the aim of using convicts in that... more

Based on previous studies of the Reforms of the 18th century and to the proyectismo of this
era, this article deals with one such concrete project undertaken by the first intendant of Huancavelica,
with the aim of using convicts in that mine. The intendants responsible for the program of
reforms began local projects because of the regional diversity. One example is the epigonal project
of Fernando Márquez de la Plata. Considering this plan within a wider context will allow us to
understand its logic, as well as the changes that it experienced over time.

The economic analysis of conflicts assigns a crucial role to the rebellion making process. However, the existing literature on this issue often rests on unsatisfactory micro-foundations. It tends to overemphasize two extreme forms of... more

The economic analysis of conflicts assigns a crucial role to the rebellion making process. However, the existing literature on this issue often rests on unsatisfactory micro-foundations. It tends to overemphasize two extreme forms of mobilisation, namely purely greed-driven or, alternatively, purely ideology-driven. It doesn’t fully address the puzzles associated with the leader-followers interaction within violent organisations. The present paper is an empirical account describing how rank and file members of an ethnic militia are mobilised. The survey shows that the purely economic explanation of violent mobilisation doesn’t hold despite the fact the militia levers its own funds. At least two other considerations are at play for members: first, the feeling of danger, the desire of protection against fuzzily identified risks (criminality, unknown future, menace from other ethnic groups etc.); second, the social proximity to militia insiders. In fact, vulnerability (either perceived...

Este libro propone una interpretación posible sobre el lugar de las fuerzas militares, la violencia y los hombres en armas en la configuración de un orden político republicano, en la Argentina del siglo XIX. Inserto en los últimos debates... more

Este libro propone una interpretación posible sobre el lugar de las fuerzas militares, la violencia y los hombres en armas en la configuración de un orden político republicano, en la Argentina del siglo XIX. Inserto en los últimos debates historiográficos que renovaron la historia política sobre América Latina, y mediante una periodización que se desplaza de la clásica división de la historia argentina "antes y después de Caseros (1852)", este trabajo aborda el referido problema a partir de una provincia de tradición militarizada, Tucumán, y de una región que también estructuró sus relaciones a través de las armas, el norte argentino. En particular, pone especial atención en el análisis de un tipo de fuerza que se constituyó en parte activa de la construcción republicana decimonónica, la milicia, y en su estrecho vínculo con la institucionalización provincial, la construcción ciudadana y la vida política.

death squads as components of normal policing in Brazil

These five articles were written by late 2009. They were my first analysis linking William S. Lind’s Fourth Generation Warfare strategy to John Tanton’s anti-immigration movement; the anti-immigration movement to the white nationalist or... more

These five articles were written by late 2009. They were my first analysis linking William S. Lind’s Fourth Generation Warfare strategy to John Tanton’s anti-immigration movement; the anti-immigration movement to the white nationalist or white supremacist movement; showing how the Christian Right took over the primary vehicle of the anti-immigration movement, namely, the Minutemen Civil Defense Corps; and, showing that William S. Lind’s role, beyond developing the Fourth Generation Warfare strategy, has during the time period of this initial study (2005-2009) written strategic assessments in the form of brief articles that, when combined with Thomas Chittum’s book, Civil War II: The Coming Breakup of America, give insight into how the Patriot militia movement may have perceived the strategic situation. As my first analytical attempt, no doubt there are errors of judgement. But, this analysis drove me to understand the Christian Right—thus the first book that will be published here is on the Christian Right—and the Patriot militia. The latter is the topic of the second book, of which several draft chapters have already been posted to academia.edu. The third book covers the Tea Party movement.

TABULAR DATA. This chapter presents the “hole-in-the-donut,” that is, the actual plan that the Christian Right had for the development of the Patriot militia in the 1990s. Chapters 14, 15, and 16 established the operational links and... more

TABULAR DATA. This chapter presents the “hole-in-the-donut,” that is, the actual plan that the Christian Right had for the development of the Patriot militia in the 1990s. Chapters 14, 15, and 16 established the operational links and the ideological affinities between the Christian Right, the National Rifle Association and other gun rights absolutist organizations, the Wise Use/County Rule movements, and the Patriot militias. Of course, the Christian Reconstructionists did not necessarily hide their intentions to create a Patriot militia movement, but then again, they did not necessarily broadcast clearly those intentions.

AMERICAN soldiers from the War for Independence through the first year of the Civil War demonstrated and defined their understanding of the nature of American republicanism and how they, as citizens and soldiers, were active participants... more

AMERICAN soldiers from the War for Independence through the first year of the Civil War demonstrated and defined their understanding of the nature of American republicanism and how they, as citizens and soldiers, were active participants in the republican experiment through their military ...

Latvians in the Home Guard Units of Imperial Russia (1806-1807): Sources in the Collection of the Latvian War Museum. The 20ttl century is characterized by both the formation of Latvian national units in various armies and the formation... more

Latvians in the Home Guard Units of Imperial Russia (1806-1807): Sources in the Collection of the Latvian War Museum.
The 20ttl century is characterized by both the formation of Latvian national units in various armies and the formation of the Latvian national army. In previous centuries, the armies of various armies controlled the current territory of Latvia, and some of them formed troops from the local population. This was the case during the Livonian Confederation, when the Latvian nation formed, and at a later period. Historians know about the home guard battalions in Swedish-controlled Vidzeme in the 17lh -18th century. The recruitment of Latvians for the needs of the Imperial Russian Army starting from the 1890s is not lesser known.
Besides recruitment for the regular army, the Russian Empire formed temporary home guard units since 1797. This was done during complicated military and political situations, when there was a shortage of trained reserves. This happened in the years 1806-1807,1812 and 1854-1855. In the 1870s, the Home Guard became a permanent part of the military structure, because compulsory military service was introduced in 1874.
The collections of the Latvian War Museum hold a small set of documents, devoted to the formation of the Home Guard in the provinces of Vidzeme and Kurzeme in 1806-1807. This was during the War of the Fourth Coalition (The war between France, its satellites and Russia, Prussia and Great Britain). These documents were published in Latvian for information and propaganda.