Palestinians in Israel Research Papers (original) (raw)

Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East (2019) 39 (2): 313–327
The article, based on two years of fieldwork, examines the meaning of displacement for Palestinian citizens of Israel who live in Jaffa. Specifically, it focuses on one key site, the Clock Tower Square, historically a hub of Palestinian urban economy. The discussion follows a group of local Palestinian activists who consciously chose the square to stage protests, thus reclaiming Arab Jaffa's material heritage and directly challenging recent histories of spatial expropriation by the Israeli state, the Tel Aviv municipality, and real estate developers. The analysis below also proposes a multiscalar understanding of these protests as a reclamation of Jaffa's Arab heritage as well as an act of remapping the nation and its colonized homeland. In this sense, the Clock Tower Square activists produce “wishful landscapes” that work to undermine the colonizer's project of normalizing occupation.

- by
- •
- Space and Place, History and Memory, Israel/Palestine, Palestine
- by Nisreen Mazzawi
- •
- Urban Ecology, Palestinians in Israel, Nazareth, Cultural Transformation

This essay was published in a special issue of ha-Kiṿun Mizraḥ, dedicated to the memory of the Iraqi Jewish author, Shimon Ballas (and edited by Almog Behar and Yuval Evri). The essay examines how Ballas, who was himself in exile from Iraq, relates the experiences of other exiles. Considering Ballas’ oeuvre, I detect his tendency to draw literary portraits—that is, to dedicate each novel to a detailed literary portrait of a single, forgotten historical figure. Unlike Albert Memmi, another Arab Jewish author who was fond of portraits (“portrait of the colonizer,” “portrait of the colonized,” “portrait of a Jew”), Ballas’s portraits were never abstract. They were based rather on true biographies of forgotten historical figures, ones who were never at home in a single nation or culture. The gallery that Ballas forms by amassing together these various portraits allows him to challenge the necessity of the Zionist narrative and to reintroduce other historical possibilities. Focusing on Ballas’ novel Locked Chamber (1980), which sketches a portrait of a Palestinian in Israel, I argue that in trying to convey Palestinian experiences Ballas does not draw on the content of Palestinian literature but rather on its form—particularly as it has been refined by the Palestinian author Ghassan Kanafani, whose work Ballas had researched and translated. By reading Edward Said’s thoughts on the episodic form of Kanafani’s writing, I show how Ballas borrows this technique both to convey the rupture introduced by 1948 into Palestinian and Arab time and to insist that he, too, is part of the Arab world.

- by Liron Mor
- •
- Hebrew Literature, Arabic Literature, Exile, Sephardi/Mizrahi Studies
- by Dr. Samuel Jacob KURUVILLA
- •
- Refugee Studies, Israel/Palestine, Palestinians in Israel

Despite the vast recent research on religious minorities in the Middle East, surprisingly little comprehensive work is published about the Druze as a political entity. Especially the current position of the Druze communities in the respective states is under-researched. The overall impression that emerges from the existing literature is contradictory and partly advocates an image of a uniform Druze political behaviour guided by the principles of religiously sanctioned dissimulation. However, this approach tends to generalize while neglecting the individual factors as well as broader political trends which shape each Druze-state relationship. The aim of this paper is to explore the position of the Druze communities of Syria, Lebanon and Israel on the political landscape of each state. This paper argues that the position of the Druze community in the three states is very different in each case and depended on many individual factors mainly demographic features, geography, collective memory, leadership and especially the type of the respective political system.

- by Tobias Lang
- •
- Middle East Studies, Lebanese History, Syrian Studies, Israel
- by Maha Nassar
- •
- Literary Journalism, Arabic Literature, Middle East Studies, Israel/Palestine
- by Salim Brake
- •
- Political Science, Local Government, Palestinians in Israel, Mixed Cities
- by Aviad Rubin
- •
- Israeli Politics, Arab-Israeli conflict, Palestinians in Israel
- by Arnon Y Degani
- •
- Israel/Palestine, Colonialism, Military and Politics, Zionism

This article offers a theoretical perspective for understanding leadership of minority groups by exploring the unique challenges and strategies of formal leadership of minority populations. One challenge is to negotiate the tension between minority and majority populations. The second challenge is to transition from traditional leadership patterns to elected public leadership patterns. Ultimately, a new form of hybrid leadership is formed, wherein elected public representatives bridge these conflicting forces, and simultaneously represent the minority group as well as the state and the majority group. The Arab-Bedouin population in the Negev serves as a test case. Methodologically, the article is based on interviews with parliamentarians, mayors, and other elected public officials from the Bedouin community.

- by Kassim Alsraiha
- •
- Management, Leadership, Local Government, Palestine

This article focuses on a rare leitmotif in literary productions by Palestinians. Both Susan Abulhawa’s Mornings in Jenin and Sayed Kashua’s Second Person Singular present Arab characters who, under unusual circumstances, impersonate or literally acquire the identity of the Israeli-Jewish other. In the respective fictional creations of Ismael/David and Amir/Yonatan, both Abulhawa and Kashua construe characters whose existence blur the borderlines between various versions of today’s Palestinian Arab and mainstream projections of its Israeli-Jewish counterpart. These characters represent, as the article demonstrates, the authors’ attempts at working out the implications of the idea that, as a result of the historical events of the Israeli Independence and the consequent Palestinian Nakba, the collision of two national yearnings has created a liminal space in which both the Israeli and the Palestinian narratives gradually infiltrate one another, developing an inextricable and dynamic bond between the Palestinian identity and its adversarial counterpart.

- by Maurice Ebileeni
- •
- Comparative Literature, Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Hybridization

Nasreen Qadri is an Israeli pop singer of Palestinian-Arab origin whose professional achievements came in return for her loyalty to Israel. Successfully crossing cultural lines, Qadri claims Mizrahi identity, challenges the Ashkenazi-Zionist definition of Jews and Arabs as antagonistic ethnonational binaries, and helps Mizrahim reclaim their Judeo-Arabic heritage. However, following her controversial attempts to convert to Judaism, she fell short of crossing into religious-national privilege in Israel-Palestine. Qadri’s failure to overcome colonial segregation testifies to how Israeli racism is based on a perceived religious blood community, which is anchored in state laws and to which non-Jewish women are mostly exposed. Qadri’s case demonstrates how racialized politics of conversion are related to demographic considerations that show the fragility of the Zionist settler-colonial project. Finally, this article suggests that Palestinians in Israel may face elimination, if they seek racial and religious equality with Jews based on a shared Arab culture with Mizrahim.

- by Nadeem Karkabi
- •
- Popular Music, Popular Culture, Race and Ethnicity, Religious Conversion

Causettes parisiennes Traduction de l’arabe par Sadia Agsous 01092024
Moulouk Mehdi 25/08/2024
je connais ce qu'est l'exode, je l'ai vécu j'avais 3 ans 09/11/2023
هل نملك قدرنا؟ Do we control our destiny? 01/09/2023
نغيب في التاريخ
We are lost in history 13/04/2023
I have a debt to Salman Natour 06/03/2023
Five messages and a rising cultural state 04/03/2023
Extrait de « Mémoires de Salman Natour » traduit par Mirvat Abd El Ghani
« Je suis né après la guerre de 1948. Je suis entré à l'école au moment où éclata la guerre de Suez. J'ai terminé mes études secondaires pendant la guerre des six jours. Je me suis marié pendant la guerre d'Octobre (Guerre du Yom Kippour). Mon fils est né pendant la guerre du Liban (1982). Mon père est mort pendant la guerre du Golfe. Une chose absurde que cette coïncidence entre les principaux événements d'une vie et ceux de l'Histoire (…) . Il nous est permis de dire que notre enfance nous a été usurpée, ce qui fait, semble-t-il, notre force. Sommes-nous une génération sans souvenirs?

With the establishment of Israel in 1948, military government was imposed on regions inhabited by the Palestinian-Arab majority, including the Palestinian Arab-Bedouin tribes of the Naqab (Negev). The justification was that the Arab population who remained in Palestine, and became citizenry of the newly established state, perceived to pose a threat to Israel's security. The article examines the establishment and dissolution of the tribal courts in the Naqab during the military government period by means of a critical analysis of official archival documents and newspaper reports published at the time. These sources reveal the power structure and the security considerations for the establishment of the tribal courts in the Naqab. Additionally, the article shows how the case of the tribal courts sheds light on patterns of action employed by the military government and the Israeli political system from 1948 to 1966, and the policies implemented towards the Arab-Bedouin population in the Naqab.

- by Kassim Alsraiha
- •
- Law, Palestine, Post-Colonialism, Colonialism (Law)
- by Nadeem Karkabi
- •
- Music, Space and Music, Heterotopia, Space and Place

According to Command of Arabic among Israeli Jews, a report by Shenhav et al. (2015), the vast majority of the Jews in Israel neither speak nor understand the Arabic language. Proficiency in Arabic has declined dramatically with succeeding generations. While slightly more than half of the participants in the study believe that knowledge of Arabic is important, the majority of the participants also stated that its importance is security related. This bleak picture of Arabic as a vanishing language among Israeli Jews is related to the protracted ethnonational conflict, which has divided “Jews” from “Arabs.” This is in contrast to the recently expanding number of Jewish Israeli musicians, mostly of the third generation (the grandchildren) of migrants from Arab countries, who sing in Arabic and receive wide local and international exposure. In this article I examine the discrepancy between the low rates of proficiency and interest in the Arabic language and the growing number of singers and audiences in Israel who appreciate music sung in Arabic. I first summarize the findings of the report. I then examine Jewish Israeli musicians who perform in Arabic, focusing on Neta Elkayam and Ziv Yehezkel, to consider the possibilities of a cultural dialogue between Israeli musicians and local Palestinian, as well as regional, Arab audiences. I discuss the political significance of these performances, both in the context of Mizrahi identity among the third generation and in relation to local and regional Arab audiences. In the last section, I tie these musical performances to the policy of the right-wing government in Israel and the rise of a new Mizrahi Zionist discourse in relation to the Arabic language and culture. Finally, I point to the possible negative consequences of this cultural shift for Palestinians.

- by Nadeem Karkabi
- •
- Music, Sephardi/Mizrahi Studies, Zionism, Settler Colonial Studies
- by Rebecca Manski
- •
- Middle East Studies, Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Middle East
- by Hillel Cohen
- •
- Urban Planning, Suicide Attacks, Jerusalem, Palestinians in Israel

Cet essai, sur le travail engagé du photographe israélien Miki Kratsman, met en avant la démarche nécessaire du passage du photojournalisme au témoignage documentaire (et même à la fiction) comme marque d'engagement politique ; il analyse le point de vue du photographe comme élément déterminant de son engagement, et interroge le rôle et la forme de l'archive. Enfin, il présente une utilisation mémorielle et engagée d'un réseau social (en l'occurrence Facebook) pour mettre en lumière des simples figurants de l'histoire.

- by Marc Lenot
- •
- Photography, Israel Studies, Israel/Palestine, Facebook

The vast multidisciplinary literature on marital dissolution tends to conceptualize divorce as a personal, individualist act that naturally resides in the domestic sphere. The article challenges this prevailing scholarly perspective by dissecting a substantially underexplored dimension of divorce as a citizenship-certifying act located squarely in the public sphere. Drawing on a pioneering qualitative study among Palestinian Christians in Israel as a case study, we argue that Israel’s divorce law, which locks Catholics into indissoluble marriages, should be recognized as a key state instrument for delineating the contours of citizenship—a boundary-demarcating apparatus between insiders and outsiders who are excluded from full and equal membership. The article provides novel insights into the complex interrelations between divorce, gender, and citizenship, showing how Palestinian-Christian women pay the price of a purportedly sex-neutral, no-exit regime. The article also illuminates a seldom-studied phenomenon we call “divorce conversion”: the act of changing one’s denomination for the sake of marital freedom, which is a hallmark of Palestinian-Christians’ third-rate status in the Jewish state. We conclude that divorce should be reconceptualized as a right to egalitarian female citizenship, serving as a basic precursor to women’s full participation in all spheres of life.

- by Karin Carmit Yefet and +1
- •
- Contemporary Christianity, Divorce, Palestinians in Israel, Democracy and Citizenship Education

המשפט הישראלי סולל שני נתיבים לשימוש בראיות חסויות בהליכים הנוגעים לשלילת חירות. הנתיב המשני הוא ההליך הפלילי, שם השימוש בחומר חסוי מוגבל בזמן או במהות. הנתיב המרכזי הוא הנתיב של סמכויות החירום – מעצר מנהלי, צווי הגבלה שונים, איסור יציאה לחוץ לארץ ועוד רשימה של סמכויות מינהליות הנשענות על ראיות חסויות. מוקד ענייננו הוא בנתיב המרכזי של השימוש בראיות החסויות ובעיקר במעצר המינהלי. בני אדם מנותבים בו למחוזות קפקאיים: נשללת חירותם לא כענישה על התנהגות עבריינית שהוכחה כדין, אלא על יסוד טענה בדבר מסוכנותם הנשענת על ראיות שהם אינם מכירים, אינם יכולים להזים, אינם יכולים להסביר ואינם יכולים להציע להן פרשנות אחרת מזו שבה אוחזות רשויות הביטחון.
הצעת חוק עורכי דין מיוחדים, התשע"ז–2017 [להלן: "הצעת החוק"] מבקשת להתמודד באופן חלקי עם בעיית הראיות החסויות באמצעות "העמדת עורך דין מיוחד שייצג את מי שכנגדו ננקטים ההליכים, שיפעל על מנת להגן בפני בית המשפט על עניינו של האדם שכנגדו ננקטים ההליכים". עורך הדין המיוחד "יקבל לידיו את המידע החסוי" ו"יבחן את הקשר בין המידע החסוי לבין הסעד המבוקש בהליך החסוי וכן את נחיצותו של הסעד המבוקש לאור המידע החסוי, ויפעל על מנת להגן על עניינו של האדם שכנגדו ננקט ההליך החסוי בפני בית המשפט". הצעת החוק הונחה על שולחן הכנסת בחודש מרץ 2017. יוזמה היה חבר הכנסת בצלאל סמוטריץ', ואליו הצטרפו חברי הכנסת אבי דיכטר ויעקב פרי, שכיהנו בעבר כראשי שירות הביטחון הכללי וחברת הכנסת מיכל רוזין.
מאמר זה הוא תגובתנו להצעת החוק. בחרנו לאמץ את קריאת הכיוון שלה – אימוץ מודל "הפרקליט המיוחד"; אולם הניתוח שלנו, מנקודת המבט של משפט וחברה, מתבונן באופן בו מיושם המעצר המינהלי בפועל, ולכן הצענו שינויים בהסדר המוצע ועשייתו למקיף יותר ושוויוני יותר. קונקרטית, מאחר ורוב המעצרים המנהליים שמדינת ישראל מבצעת הם של פלסטינים בשטחים הכבושים, אנו מציעים להחיל הסדר דומה של עורכי דין מיוחדים גם ביחס אליהם. עוד אנו מציעים לייחד תפקיד מרכזי בהקשר זה לסנגוריה הציבורית בישראל, ולאפשר מינוי סנגורים מיוחדים ומתרגמים במימון ציבורי. מאחר והסנגוריה הציבורית אינה מוסמכת לפעול בשטחים, הצענו מודל לפיו הסנגוריה הצבאית תיקח חלק בייצוג ציבורי של עצורים מינהליים פלסטינים, ואנו מתמודדים עם האתגרים הנובעים מכך. כמו כן אנו מציעים להחיל את הסדר הפרקליט המיוחד על הליכים מינהליים נוספים בהם נשללות זכויות יסוד על בסיס ראיות חסויות, כגון הליכי שחרור מוקדם של אסירים והליכי איחוד משפחות ובקשות מקלט.
המאמר הוא פרי עבודה, שאליה הצטרפה סמדר בן-נתן, בקליניקה לזכויות המיעוט הערבי-פלסטיני (הפקולטה למשפטים בחיפה).

- by Smadar Ben-Natan and +1
- •
- Legal Profession, Israel/Palestine, Comparative Studies on the Legal Profession, Criminal Law Criminal Procedure Law

This study compares state policies of Israel and Turkey regarding their citizens of Palestinian and Kurdish descent respectively. It then explores the reasons for the differences and points at the consequences for Israel’s and Turkey’s democracy. Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have faced systematic discrimination. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. While applying different methods in defining the boundaries of Israeli and Turkish ethnicity, both Israel and Turkey have refused to view members of these groups as equal citizens. Awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty dilution fears in Israel and of Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of trans-national community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel’s citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey’s citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into ‘inside outsiders.’ This has deprived them of fundamental constitutional rights and limited the prospects of democratic consolidation in both states.

- by Ioannis N Grigoriadis and +1
- •
- Political Participation, Middle East Studies, Kurdish Studies, Israel/Palestine

إن محور الاهتمام الرئيسي لهذه الدراسة هو البحث في عمليتي التغير والتحول اللتين شهدهما الخطاب الوطني الفلسطيني منذ سنة 1948 حتى السنوات الأخيرة (الإطار الزمني لهذه الدراسة هو 1948-2010) كما تجلتا في الأعمال الأدبية، ولا سيما في الروايات، وذلك في محاولة لفهمهما. بعبارة أُخرى: إن هذا الكتاب محاولة لفهم القوى الأساسية التي طورت خطاب الفلسطينيين، من خطاب تحرري استقلالي إلى خطاب مدني في سياق المواطنة الإسرائيلية. ولا يوفر علم الاجتماع المتعلق بالفلسطينيين المواطنين في إسرائيل فهماً كافياً فيما يتعلق بالتحولات الداخلية للمجتمع الفلسطيني، لأنه يركز في مجمله (في العقود الأخيرة تحديداً) على بنيوية العلاقة بين إسرائيل والمواطنين الفلسطينيين. فدراسة بنية هذه العلاقة تطلعنا على طبيعة إسرائيل أكثر مما تطلعنا على الهوية الفلسطينية والتحولات التي طرأت عليها. لذا نحن بحاجة إلى مؤشر داخلي، أو إلى نظرة من الداخل، فيما خص دراسة المجتمع الفلسطيني. وتأتي هذه الدراسة لتشكل خطوة في اتجاه ملء هذا الفراغ، ذلك بأنها ستتعامل مع الهوية الفلسطينية من وجهة نظر فلسطينية. ويشكل التحليل الأدبي وسيلة ناجعة لتحقيق هذا الهدف، لأنه يمكننا من الكشف عن جوانب في الهوية الوطنية والتطلعات التي يصعب الوصول إليها من خلال أساليب أو مناهج بحثية أُخرى. وبكلمات أُخرى: تأخذ هذه الدراسة بعين الاعتبار العلاقات المعقدة والترابط بين مجمل التحولات الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية والثقافية في السلوك البشري، وبالتالي في تشكيل الهوية.

- by Manar H . Makhoul
- •
- Intellectual History, Sociology, Literature, Postcolonial Studies

Group rights for the Palestinian-Arab minority are commonly considered in Israeli Jewish society as undermining Israel’s Jewish character. In light of this hostility, an important question arises: why is there de facto recognition of several group rights which protect and enhance Palestinian-Arab culture in Israel?
I will argue that in order to answer this question, a distinction should be drawn between the non-territorial group rights and the semi-territorial group rights that protect Palestinian-Arab minority culture. When group rights that protect the Palestinian-Arab minority’s culture are exercised in a non-territorial sphere, in a space which is shared by both Jews and Palestinian-Arabs, Jews are more likely to resist them. However, when group rights that protect the Palestinian-Arab minority’s culture are limited to a specific semi-territory, such as schools in which the teaching language is Arabic, or Sharia courts that bind only Muslims, they tend to be much less controversial.
The best example of non-territorial group rights relates to comprehensive language rights. That is, language rights that make Arabic visible in public spaces common to both Jews and Arabs, such as streets, roads, bus stops, municipal symbols, government websites and trains.
In contrast to the prevailing opinion among Israeli Jews, I will stress that not only do non-territorial group rights not represent a risk to Israel’s Jewish character, but that they also strengthen Israel’s democratic character. Comprehensive language rights for the Palestinian-Arab minority, for example, have never risked the dominant status of Hebrew. They therefore do not pose any risk to Israel’s Jewish character. On the positive side, comprehensive language rights for the Palestinian-Arab minority have the potential to reinforce Israel’s democratic character. This is because comprehensive language rights enhance the civic status of Palestinian-Arabs in Israel, which is currently vulnerable. They thus have the potential to mitigate Arabs’ exclusion from the Israeli public sphere.

- by Lana Tatour
- •
- Critical Race Studies, Israel Studies, Critical Race Theory, Race and Ethnicity
- by Fareed Khan
- •
- Middle East Studies, Race and Racism, Fascism, Israel/Palestine

This article examines the rise and key characteristics of Neo-Zionist political thought in Israel and its relationship with mainstream Zionist thought. It argues that despite the radical and repulsive discourses of Neo-Zionism and the critique expressed by liberal Zionists towards it, the former has always been embodied in classical Zionism. The justifications provided by Neo-Zionists are based on principles propagated by central leaders of mainstream Zionism. Utilising new perspectives in Settler-Colonial Studies, the article demonstrates how both strands encapsulate the Zionist continuum and continuous expansionist drive for new settlements in Palestine based on 'Biblical right' of Jews over the land of Palestine. Both advocate supremacist, exclusivist, and volkish rights for Jews with disastrous consequences for the indigenous people of Palestine. The convictions and practices of the Neo-Zionists in the post 1967 period help unveil the camouflaged motivations, justifications and practices of mainstream expansionist Zionism.

- by Amal Jamal
- •
- Israel and Zionism, Palestinian Studies, Settler colonialism, Palestinians in Israel

This paper offers a historical anthropology of fishing in Palestine in the decade preceding the 1948 war. It focuses on the polarisation, engendered by the Zionist Fisheries Project, between ‘modern’ fishing – designated for Jews within the project – and ‘primitive’ fishing, limited in scale and seasonal, which was gradually imagined by both British officers and Jewish bureaucrats as the destiny of Palestinian fishermen, in sharp contradiction to the reality on the waterfront in Jaffa. To understand the encounter between Zionist and Palestinian projects, the changes affecting the two communities are presented as parts of an intertwined history. By reconstructing the two projects, their respective development and struggle, the article analyses their different accessibilities to transnational networks – within the eastern Mediterranean and outside it – and the implications the projects’ different possibilities for action had on the shaping the social reality along the coast of Palestine.

Canadians United Against Hate -- An open letter to MPs and Senators who signed the May 20, 2021 letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau about the recent violence in Israel and occupied Palestine. / Canadiens Unis Contre la Haine -- Une lettre ouverte aux députés et sénateurs qui ont signé la lettre du 20 mai 2021 au Premier ministre Justin Trudeau au sujet des récentes violences en Israël et en Palestine occupée.

- by Fareed Khan
- •
- Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Canadian Politics, War Crimes
- by Seth Frantzman and +1
- •
- Indigenous Studies, Nationalism, Indigenous Knowledge, Indigenous Peoples Rights

In this article, I focus on the problems and possible consequences deriving from pitting together literary productions from the Americas, Europe, and Israel by Palestinian authors and authors of Palestinian descent who may write in languages other than Arabic. Due to their daily engagement in the languages of local majorities, literature from these distinct contexts is commonly characterized by the authors’ attempts at preserving cultural boundaries and exploring national identities both against the backdrop and under the influence of foreign cultural elements. In this section, I present critical readings of anglophone, Latinate, and Hebrew literary productions to facilitate my proposal of the necessity for establishing a polylingual literary category to include these texts in the national canon, and suggest a theoretical framework for reading them within both local and transnational contexts as well as alongside Palestinian literary productions composed in Arabic.

- by Yoav Peled
- •
- Citizenship, Palestinians in Israel, Immigration Status & Nationality

La tesis sostiene tres conclusiones. La primera es que los palestinos con ciudadanía israelí constituyen una dimensión específica del conflicto israelo-palestino. Se demuestra que esta dimensión es indisociable de las otras dos: los refugiados de 1948 y los palestinos de Cisjordania y Gaza bajo ocupación desde 1967. Su existencia no es solamente un asunto interno israelí, sino que esta minoría forma parte consustancial y es una dimensión del conflicto israelo-palestino, con capacidad de interferir en las otras dimensiones y en su resolución.La segunda es que el proceso de paz iniciado en 1993 no contribuyó a normalizar el estatuto de la minoría palestina israelí. Si bien los palestinos israelíes tuvieron la esperanza de que un acuerdo entre Israel y la OLP contribuiría a su normalización, el proceso de paz no tuvo ese efecto esperado, al contrario, agudizó las tensiones interétnicas en Israel, porque el proceso de paz puso de manifiesto que el consenso mayoritario judío israelí no está dispuesto a revisar o renunciar al proyecto nacional exclusivo. La tercera es que el establecimiento de un Estado palestino en Cisjordania y Gaza es necesario pero insuficiente para resolver el conflicto. Una resolución justa y duradera requiere ser global e incluir la cuestión de la minoría palestina israelí, lo que pasa por una normalización interna de Israel y una refundación constitucional que acabe con los principios vigentes que dan pie a las políticas de exclusión y a la cultura de la segregación, y que Israel asuma ser el Estado de todos sus ciudadanos. La cuestión de la minoría palestina israelí demuestra que las soluciones territoriales y que la lógica de la partición son insuficientes; se requiere también una solución democrática, la redefinición de Israel y el establecimiento de un nuevo orden en el que primen los derechos fundamentales para todos.

- by Isaías Barreñada
- •
- Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Middle East Politics, Palestinians in Israel

عن هبّة أيار ٢٠٢١ في فلسطين

- by Himmat Zoubi (Zu'bi)
- •
- Palestine, Palestinians in Israel

Israel"s aggressive foreign policy and use of excessive violence trigger profound concerns and draw reaction from regional countries and international community. Israel"s sui generis domestic factors, created by socio-cultural and historically-religiously legitimized claims, closely affect its aggressiveness within the country and beyond. This article will follow a different perspective in analyzing this situation; first, Israeli domestic politics shaped by religious parameters will be discussed in detail around Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel, Israel Shahak and Norton Mezvinsky"s well-known research. Then contemporary dynamics in Israeli politics creating a strong religious-right tendency will be evaluated while focusing on the last parliamentary elections (March 2021).

- by Mehmet Akif Koç
- •
- Religion, Cultural Studies, Philosophy Of Religion, Middle East Studies