Riots Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

All’indomani dell’unificazione italiana la classe dirigente liberale, impegnata a consolidare il fragile assetto costituzionale, temeva i rischi potenziali di una mobilitazione popolare incontrollata, o favorita da democratici e reazionari, all’ordine monarchico-costituzionale. Il pericolo, vero o presunto, di cospirazioni e insurrezioni costituì uno dei tòpoi tipici della cultura politica ottocentesca, cui non sfuggivano nemmeno le autorità di polizia, psicologicamente predisposte a vedere dietro ogni forma di dissenso l’azione di provocatori e spie. Da questo retaggio politico-culturale la politica di sicurezza adottata dalla Destra si caratterizzò per il suo duplice approccio: le autorità avrebbero dovuto da un lato «illuminare» la popolazione a non ascoltare la propaganda dei partiti d’opposizione, dall’altro praticare la più stretta sorveglianza contro gli agitatori politici per prevenire e nel caso reprimere eventuali disordini. Siffatta concezione trovò la sua realizzazione concreta nel primo decennio unitario con la promulgazione di leggi, regolamenti e direttive. Tuttavia, i tentativi di introdurre una normativa restrittiva del diritto di riunione e di associazione tra il 1861 e il 1865 non trovarono mai una maggioranza parlamentare pronta a sostenerli. Nel confronto tra la paura dei tumulti popolari e la difesa dei diritti costituzionali prevalse sempre quest’ultima, anche se ciò non impedì alle autorità di adottare all’occorrenza provvedimenti che in alcuni casi degenerarono in abusi e violenze verso i cittadini. Sebbene il periodo 1861-1871 difetti ancora di una ricognizione generale sui disordini urbani, in questa sede saranno esaminati alcuni aspetti, normativi e pratici della tutela dell’ordine durante le manifestazioni di dissenso. Si cercherà di rilevare dall’analisi incrociata dei documenti archivistici – articolati in fonti di polizia, giudiziarie e normative – indizi significativi su di un maggiore disciplinamento sull’uso delle armi e sulle procedure operative delle forze dell’ordine che, a partire dalle stragi di Torino, suggerirebbero una maggiore attenzione alla salvaguardia della vita dei civili, tumultuanti compresi.

- by
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- Police and Policing, Riots, Italian Risorgimento, Questione Romana

People abused by angry discipline as children, may tend to abuse or overly punish other people or themselves for perceived wrongs in their adult life. In some individuals, aggressive personality traits may be genetically inherited. The aggressive personality may feel weakened by having guidelines or boundaries for anger. Anger is a normal human emotion, and these guidelines can help express anger in a healthy way.

- by Ferdinand Sutterlüty
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- Situationism, Action Theory, Randall Collins, Collective Violence

The pernicious existence of race serves as the underlying force in modern societies. As such, the aim of this discussion is to postulate that leisure is a tool of racecraft: 1) the articulation of power, 2) the erection of places of demarcation, and 3) reification of the racial order. What is presented here is in one part a re-examination of seminal texts on Race in leisure studies and another part a case study of the 1919 Chicago race riots and the Biloxi wade-ins from 1959 to 1963. Both of these historical cases illustrate the simple act of recreational swimming in legally or socially segregated waters and pools outraged the White social order in the United States. This history is mirrored in the present day, not as another isolated horrible aside that arises from time-to-time in leisure but rather as the seemingly perpetual role of leisure to maintain the proper racial order, racecraft.

- by Rasul Mowatt
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- Critical Race Theory, Spatial segregation, Riots, racecraft

Post 2000, European cities have been shaken by a wave of urban collective action. In this Introductiory chapter to the book Urban Uprisings: Challenging Neoliberal Urbanism in Europe, we argue that this wave needs to be understood in connection with the structural context of neoliberal urbanism, and that it can be analysed using the concept of ‘urban social movement’. We argue that collective actions that may look different on the surface share an urban dimension – they are all in different ways reactions to the developments and effects of neoliberal urbanism, as they address and challenge spatialized social inequalities produced by processes of segregation and gentrification. Further, the chapter addresses three inadequacies in contemporary urban research that have been made particularly apparent by developments in the 2000s. First, considering the wave of urban collective action post 2000, it is curious that research on contentious politics and social movements rarely addresses the urban dimension. Second, the distinction made in contemporary research between urban "riots" and urban social movements (they even may be said to represent different research fields) is unsatisfactory for an adequate analysis of contemporary urban collective action. Third, while contemporary analyses of neoliberal urbanism have begun to take an interest in urban collective action, such analyses rarely draw on social movement research. Against this background, this Introductory chapter contributes toward a re-thinking of the relations between social movements, "riots"’ and neoliberalism.

- by Håkan Thörn
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- Social Movements, Urban Studies, Urban Sociology, Urban Social Movements
- by Sarabjot Singh
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- Architecture, Sikh Studies, Dissertations, Riots

The papers contained in this issue aim to illuminate this fundamental
maxim of social scientific investigation in the context of the psychology
of rallies, riots, and revolutions. The literatures reviewed and ideas advanced across this edition collectively speak to the importance of a generative social science, where researchers stay on the move between multiple perspectives in an effort to holistically comprehend unfolding socio-political phenomena: what Shweder [1] has dubbed ‘the view from manywheres.’

- by Séamus Power
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- Social Change, Psychology, Social Psychology, Anthropology
- by 혜민 이
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- Earthquakes, Floods, Riots, Strikes

A review of Elizabeth Hinton's America on Fire.

- by Jarrod Shanahan
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- American History, Liberalism, Black Power, Civil Rights (History)
- by Paul W Hanson
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- Riots, Critical urban theory

In light of increasing concerns in relation to police accountability, this article reviews the history of public order policing for one large provincial force (Greater Manchester Police). Explaining our misgivings about those narratives that discern a trend towards ‘negotiation’ and ‘facilitation’ between protestors and the police, we outline a critical framework for the analysis of police practice. This account is centred upon an understanding of the development of policing as the cornerstone of the fabrication of bourgeois social order, but stresses that this is mediated through its formal subservience to the rule of law, conflicting priorities and the need to establish ‘patterns of accommodation’ with the populations that are to be policed. All of this makes for the reproduction of ‘local social orders’, influenced by particular urban political contexts, as well as wider cultural currents. This article suggests that this is clearly evident in the facts surrounding the four major riots, and numerous other public order policing engagements, that mark the history of this particular provincial force.

- by Will Jackson and +2
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- Policing Studies, Police History, Riots, Greater Manchester Police

This article examines the poetry of Danez Smith as a practice of commoning. It introduces the concept of the uncommons as a way of thinking about how African American literature, culture, and political practice develop egalitarian forms of life in the face of white supremacism. It considers the ways in which the violences of white supremacism uncommon black life—that is, bar blackness from belonging—as well as the ways in which poetry and politics become avenues through which black life invents alternative socialities. From this perspective, the lyric qualities of Smith’s verse are social not because they prescribe a proper collective identity but because they invent modes of relation that transform social death into the possibility of another way of living. This is the uncommons: a reckoning with the racialized political economy of death that constructs commonality through dissonance, disruption, passion, and power.

Chapter 3 presents empirically informed analyses of a number of new public
space projects initiated first as counter-projects and counter-spaces
by a variety of community and historic preservation society interests.
It demonstrates further that, Vancouver City Council (VCC) proved
receptive to the counter-projects and provided an overarching strategic
spatial framework within which the projects on the ground were
devised and implemented. This chapter also introduces the importance
of the social animation of public space, whether through politicised
collective action or ludic enjoyment. Changing representations of space
through time are shown to have implications for spatial practice on the ground, based on differences in the way social behaviour in public
space is understood and interpreted.

- by Michael Edema Leary-Owhin
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- History, Cultural History, Urban Geography, Archival Studies

Fenomén otroctva je starý ako ľudstvo samé. Jeho podoba sa vyvíjala v kontexte prvých "primitívnych" spoločností, cez obdobie antiky, stredoveku až po novovek a nástup éry zámorských objavov v 15. storočí. Vtedy začalo byť kolonizátormi... more

- by Adam Šumichrast
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- Slavery, History of Slavery, Abolition of Slavery, United States History

Antifa's international networks, first noted by the Obama administration, remain largely unknown. The broad militant movement sweeping the United States in 2020 borrows heavily from foreign organizations, networks, governments, and at times, foreign intelligence services. Some of its key organizers and intellectual authors are either foreign nationals or American citizens trained abroad as professional revolutionaries and agitators.

Na obra o autor explora o direito de reunião no direito brasileiro a partir de sua concreção na atividade policial. A norma escrita na constituição, nas leis e nos precedentes judiciais, são confrontados com casos práticos, evidenciando... more

- by Steevan Oliveira
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- Policing, Policia, Protest Movements, Social protests
- by James M. Jasper
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- Social Movements, Violence, Nonviolence, Protest

Over the last few decades, state-owned and managed council estates have become the focal point of the UK government’s urban renewal program. Situated on some of London’s most valuable land, council estates have come to represent some of the final frontiers against the intensifying trend of gentrification. This paper explores the means through which narratives of decline, criminality and unlawful behaviour play a significant role in the stigmatisation of local residents of council estates. The paper argues that narratives of decline and criminality are part of an ideological assault aimed at delegitimising and stigmatising the local residents in order to clear the ground for subsequent property-led regeneration. To this aim, both the government and mass media have played remarkably key roles in the symbolic defamation of council estates and their resident populations. With a focus on the 2011 England riots, the paper begins by exploring the ways rioting has been used as a political tool to express anger in the face of police brutality, alongside wider issues regarding austerity and disenfranchisement in housing, education and employment. The paper presents how the representation of council estates as ‘Sink Estates’ and the portrayal of residents—particularly young black and minority ethnic group men— as a ‘problem group’ has served to downplay the complex socio economic issues plaguing a disadvantaged demographic. Finally, the paper will highlight how widespread council estate demolition does not serve the interest of the public but rather paves the way for the ever intensifying process of neoliberalisation —characterised by financialisation, deregulation and market liberation—in the city.

- by Hajara Iyal
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- Race and Ethnicity, Housing, Riots, Council Estates

Come, neighbours, no longer be patient and quiet, Come let us go kick up a bit of a riot; I’m hungry, my lads, but I’ve little to eat, So we’ll pull down the mills, and we’ll seize all the meat: I’ll give you good sport, boys, as ever you... more

Come, neighbours, no longer be patient and quiet,
Come let us go kick up a bit of a riot;
I’m hungry, my lads, but I’ve little to eat,
So we’ll pull down the mills, and we’ll seize all the meat:
I’ll give you good sport, boys, as ever you saw,
So a fig for the justice, a fig for the law.
‘The Riot’ Hannah More 1795

- by Dave Steele
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- Protest Movements, Riots

Unpublished working paper June 15, 2020-feel free to cite. The nature and causes of riots are widely misunderstood in the media and everyday discussions. This paper looks at the aftermath of riots in a suburban area of Paris to make a larger argument about what produces riots, the role of police violence, the activation of social boundaries, and the implied set of demands during and after riots. This profile uses the methods of visual sociology to show how youth often target symbols of the state to respond to state violence in an asymmetrical confrontation. It also presents original survey data about what non-riot participants think are the causes behind riots carried out by ethnic minorities and poor urban residents. It shows images from campaigns to ban the use of chokeholds in France, which recent protests have achieved.

- by Ernesto Castaneda
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- Social Movements, France, Contentious Politics, Paris

In 2011, the so-called Arab Springs spread from Tunisia to Algeria, pushing young people to the streets shouting, "I die today!". The lack of freedoms and violations of human rights performed by governments, as well as unemployment, poverty and inequality, fed up the Algerian people, who demanded a structural change in the country. Ten years later, we can see that the demands of the population were not met, and the riots died down, leaving the same gerontocratic regime in power. This revolutionary spirit has continued to be present among Algerians, but it has not reached the same magnitude as the revolts of 2011 until two years ago, with the beginning of the Algerian hirak. During all this time, thousands of people have taken the streets with one goal, to overthrow the institutional and repressive apparatus. Thus, we witness a different form of protest; peaceful, headless and with the intention of not repeating the mistakes of the past. As long as the script is not rewritten, the movie will remain the same. If we compare the development of both phenomena, it invites us to think that the Algerian hirak represents an alternative to change the system compared to the results of 2011.

- by RUBÉN GONZÁLEZ FERRERO
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- African Studies, Maghreb studies, Algeria, North Africa
- by Mark Robinson
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- Social Psychology, Social Identity, Audience Studies, Group Behavior

This article on the history of neighbourhoods (para) of colonial Calcutta considers the processes through which this peculiar spatial unit emerged in the colonial city, where community identities were fostered as well as contested. Seen as a place, a secured, stable location which helped in forming the community in an alien atmosphere, the para was a liminal space, neither a purely affective unit nor an administrative category, and neither a purely public or private domain. Borrowing liberally from each register to generate a unique spatial experience, paras were at the same time deeply exclusionary and also starkly patriarchal zones. The article brings forth these various strands in the history of the neighbourhood to enrich the understanding of colonial urbanism, Bengali society and culture.

- by Kaustubh Mani Sengupta
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- Space and Place, Urban History, Family, Urban Studies
- by Perrine Poupin
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- Social Movements, Police, Protest Movements, Police and Policing

The focus of the study are the prison riots that have been taking place in the New Bilibid Prison (NBP) in Muntinlupa City which is managed by the Bureau of Corrections (BuCor). Being the largest maximum security facility in the Philippines and being one of the largest correctional institutions in the world, NBP has numerous accounts of prison riots and disturbances. Given its situation; overly crowded by more than 300%, outdated, underfunded, existence of various gangs (Jones, 2014), the NBP provides a very conducive environment for prison riots to take place. In line with this, the researcher is interested as to the root of such events.

- by Randall Cahn Lomarda
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- Collective Behavior, Riots, Prison Riots

The following article, focussed on the analysis of the ongoing crisis of Indian democracy in the year 2020, is articulated in two parts. The first, after a synthetic summing up of how the crisis started in 2019, is an overview of the main developments which characterized the struggle against and for democracy in the year under review. The crushing of the anti-CAA/NRC democratic movement, the persecution of minorities, the harassing of NGOs, the attacks on journalists and the continuing repression in Kashmir are summarised. The celebration of the transformation of India from a secular democracy into a Hindu Rashtra through the inauguration of the construction of the Ram mega temple in Ayodhya is remembered. This first part ends by discussing the unexpected rise of the Indian farmers’ anti-government movement in the concluding months of the year.
The second part of the article is a case study of the repression of the anti-CAA/NRC movement. It is argued that it was pursued through fascist-like violence on the part of Hindutva thugs, abetted by the police. This culminated in the Delhi riots-turned-pogrom of February. In spite of all, the anti-CAA/NRC movement continued up to the explosion of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, which made the continuation of street manifestations and sit-ins impossible. The analysis continues through the examination of the veritable witch-hunt carried by the police, on the basis of fabricated evidence, against representative members of the anti-CAA/NRC movement and intellectuals known for their criticism of the Modi government.
In the conclusion it is argued that the political set-up prevailing in India is not a full-fledged democracy any more. Rather, it is a hybrid system which, below an outwardly democratic appearance, badly conceals its highly authoritarian nature.

- by Michelguglielmo Torri
- •
- History of India, Indian Politics, communalism in India, Hindutva

In the summer of 1981 a series of riots broke out across England. Here we look at the contemporary photojournalism of the Moss Side, Manchester, riots in the local newspaper, the Manchester Evening News, in order to better understand the riots and media representation of riots more generally. We begin by exploring the contradictory nature of photography (and news photography in particular) – what Susan Sontag refers to as photography’s narrowly selective transparency. We then outline a brief history of the riots, before turning to examine photographs in the Manchester Evening News at the time. We analyse the images both collectively and individually on the basis of what has been selected to be shown and why, and what has been excluded. This perspective allows us then to see in the photographs themselves what was intended to be excluded, primarily the causes of the riots – poverty, racism and oppressive policing; and the humanity of those who took part.

- by Shirin Hirsch
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- Photography, Race and Ethnicity, Manchester, Riots

Les affrontements entre la police et les manifestants se sont multipliés en l’espace de quelques années. Avec pour bilan un nombre effarant de blessés, mais aussi des décès. Comment en sommes-nous arrivés là ? Après Mai 68, la pacification du maintien de l’ordre avait fait la fierté des gouvernements français successifs. Mais, dans un contexte de tensions sociales accrues, de violences urbaines et de terrorisme, le maintien de l’ordre s'est militarisé et finalement brutalisé. La manifestation de rue se voit de moins en moins reconnue comme une expression légitime de la contestation. La violence de la répression, la simple vue de l’armement des forces de l’ordre exercent désormais, à elles seules, de puissants effets de dissuasion.
Grâce à des enquêtes menées depuis plus de vingt ans, Olivier Fillieule et Fabien Jobard établissent le constat implacable de ces régressions successives et les analysent. Les nouvelles « politiques du désordre » qu’ils décrivent mettent au défi notre démocratie.

- by Olivier Fillieule
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- Political Sociology, Social Movements, Political Science, Police
- by Robert P Parks
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- Middle East Studies, Political Science, Middle East Politics, Authoritarianism

En la Sevilla de 1652, que seguía sin recuperarse de la epidemia de peste de 1649, un grupo de tejedores forasteros lideró un motín contra el elevado precio del pan. Sus lemas clamaban contra el mal gobierno y exaltaban a un rey que poco se involucró en poner remedio a la situación mientras escalaba la magnitud de sus peticiones. Poca fue la duración pero grande el impacto a nivel mental que causó el último gran motín andaluz, el cual acabaría sin conseguir ninguno de sus objetivos y con sus cabecillas ajusticiados en las mismas calles que habían albergado sus atrevimientos. El presente artículo se centra en el análisis de una de las aristas más significativas de este suceso como es la actividad de los panaderos alcalareños, principales abastecedores de la urbe del alimento más elemental, el pan, cuyo alto coste fue uno de los desencadenantes principales del rompimiento. Por tanto, no es sorprendente que estos jugaran un papel fundamental tanto en la situación previa al motín como en el transcurso y postrimerías del mismo, tema en el que no se ha profundizado hasta ahora. Para su estudio nos serviremos de las fuentes primarias que los contemporáneos redactaron con la intención de reflejar los hechos de los que fueron testigos e informar a instancias superiores, entre estos testimonios podemos destacar el Tratado Verdadero de José Maldonado Dávila y Saavedra o el anónimo Diario Exacto, escritos poco después de los acontecimientos.

Дестабилизация или хотя бы ее угроза – неизбежная фаза развития любого общества. Настоящая работа является попыткой учесть, насколько это возможно, влияние некоторых политических и экономических факторов, как внешних, так и внутренних,
на возможную дестабилизацию в различных обществах. Монография состоит из десяти
глав, объединенных в пять частей, введения, заключения и приложения. В ней органи-
чески соединены теоретические исследования связи модернизации и нестабильности,
что может вести к революциям, и исследования, которые устанавливают корреляцию
между ростом ВВП, типом политического режима, уровнем урбанизации, образования
и т. д., с одной стороны, и ростом опасности дестабилизации – с другой. Причем эта
корреляция нелинейная и нередко не совпадает со здравым смыслом.
В последние годы в Мир-Системе происходят процессы, которые свидетельству-
ют о том, что она вступает в довольно длительную полосу повышенной турбулентно-
сти, и это делает исследование факторов нестабильности еще более актуальным. При-
чем начавшиеся процессы реконфигурации Мир-Системы с характерными для нее про-
цессами нестабильности захватили не только полупериферийные зоны, но и ядро Мир-
Системы. В монографии исследуются причины этих явлений и делаются прогнозы о
развитии мирового порядка в ближайшие десятилетия.
В целом настоящая монография содержит много интересных фактов, рассуждений и
результатов проведенных нами исследований. Она будет полезна не только специалистам,
но и всем, кто интересуется процессами дестабилизации и революций, в частности в раз-
личных обществах, их причинами, факторами и механизмами. Выход монографии актуализируется и в связи с тем, что в 2017 г. отмечается столетний юбилей Русской революции, оказавшей огромное влияние на весь ход истории в ХХ столетии.

- by Andrey Korotayev and +1
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- Terrorism, World Systems Analysis, Revolutions, Democratization
- by Clifton Evers
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- Masculinity, Sport, Race, Riots
- by Daragh Curran
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- Sectarianism, Orange Order, Riots

In advanced capitalist regions of the globe, acts of collective resistance
remain unusual events even if they do occur with some frequency, as Matt Clement in A People’s History of Riots, Protest, and the Law: The Sound of the Crowd demonstrates. Such acts appear unusual in part because they arise within countries whose economic ‘success’ has been built on the forging of an individualist mindset under which the majority of us, the majority of the time, are compelled to play the dull and isolating game of getting by to the best of our, individual, abilities. Those of us whose ‘daily grind’ has been interspersed with moments of collective action, protest and resistance have experienced the breaking of this stultifying, life-limiting framework if only for brief moments which are all too often dissipated as quickly as they first arose. These moments are not forgotten, however, and live in our, individual, consciousness as examples of possibility, of how things could be different, and of how to use the slogan of the anti-capitalist movement of the early 2000s, ‘another way is possible’.

in: Merkur 870, 11 (2021), S. 34–46.

- by Patrick Eiden-Offe
- •
- Climate Change, Marxism, Riots

Den kamp om Lunds gator som utspelades den 30 november genomsyrades av minnen av det förflutna. Vi har i denna artikel analyserat minneskulturerna hos 30 novemberföreningen och Lunds militanta antifascister genom deras kollektiva handlingar, för att visa vilken roll minnet spelade för rörelsernas sätt att interagera med varandra och det omgivande samhället. Båda rörelserna exemplifierar vad som kan beskrivas som ett ideologiskt historiebruk, där handlingar fylldes med mening och legitimerades genom uttryckliga hänvisningar till det förflutna. I synnerhet gällde detta för hur minnespraktiker fungerade legitimerande för att få tillträde till det offentliga rummet. Trots detta menar vi att det är viktigt att betona att de båda rörelsernas sätt att mobilisera det förflutna i kampen om Lund på avgörande punkter skilde sig åt. Vid en närmare studie framträder bilden av två rörelser med olika sätt att minnas det förflutna och förstå den egna rörelsens roll i ett historiskt förlopp.

- by Johan Pries
- •
- Social Movements, Fascism, Memory Studies, Cultural Memory

How do we understand violent actions in social movements? Civil resistance research has made strides in demonstrating the comparative efficacy of 'nonviolent' campaigns, and has become a major force in shaping social movement strategy today, calling for nonviolent discipline. But dominant arguments narrowly interpret the data and uphold a violence/nonviolence dichotomy that does not reflect the tactical repertoires of social movements on the ground. This paper argues that unarmed collective violence is common in civilian-based social movements and can be analyzed in the same terms that civil resistance scholars use to analyze nonviolent actions. The paper makes use of prominent datasets on contentious political actions and on nonviolent struggle to demonstrate the common occurrence of riots alongside nonviolent civil resistance campaigns, and advances a theoretical argument using the example of the anti-Mubarak Egyptian Revolution of 2011. Ultimately, this paper argues that civil resistance studies must move beyond the violence/nonviolence paradigm so that standard analyses of unarmed movements include a broader range of collective actions that more accurately reflect existing movement repertoires.

- by Benjamin S Case
- •
- Social Movements, Violence, Nonviolent Civil Resistance, Riots

Fact finding done by group of students and faculty from Tata Institute of Social Sciences

- by Sushmita Ww and +3
- •
- Violence, Right-Wing Extremism, Ethnic Cleansing, Communalism
- by Regina Tapia
- •
- Political Culture, 19th Century Mexican History, Mexico City, Riots