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- Odisha, Displacement, State Repression, Women's Resistance

Social Reproduction Theory, as advanced by scholars such as Bhattacharya (2017) and Ferguson (2019) is at its core a theory of the revolutionary capacity of "unproductive" workers such as teachers, nurses, and social workers who are disproportionately women and disproportionately employed by the state. However, Social Reproduction Theory overlooks the contradictory and antagonistic role of the state in the lives of people, as the reproduction of labor-power in capitalism proceeds via antagonism and state repression. The task of teachers, nurses, and social workers is the production of not just any life but that of a docile, exploitable worker.

- by Kirstin Munro
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- Marxist theory, Marxist and Materialist Feminism, State Violence, State Repression

Professorial inaugural lecture, University of Johannesburg, 13 June 2016

- by Jane Duncan
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- Social Movements, Securitisation, Protest and State Repression, State Repression

This policy brief brings Middle Eastern Studies to the Western Balkans in her examination of the use of counterterrorism measures against Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Muslim community. By connecting wartime narratives from the participation of the mujahideen in the Bosnian War to the labelling of national security threats and separatist movements in BiH, Mathieson emphasises the current intimidation and persecution faced by Muslim Bosniaks and highlights the necessity of an international definition of terrorism.

- by Nicola Mathieson
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- Counter terrorism, Western Balkans, Mobilization, State Repression

The article provides a critical review of Ukrainian, Russian, and Western studies devoted to the Church 's life in the postwar Soviet state. The author suggests an elaborate classification of the historiography of the problem. She also... more

The article provides a critical review of Ukrainian, Russian, and Western studies devoted to the
Church 's life in the postwar Soviet state. The author suggests an elaborate classification of the
historiography of the problem. She also raises the issue of the methodology of studies of religion in the
Soviet Union.

- by Natalia Shlikhta
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- Soviet History, Historiography, Cold War and Culture, Ukrainian Studies

Contemporary political geographers accommodate everyday practice in accounts of state power but arguably tend to retain a bias towards sites easily identified with the state. This bias complements a frequent conflation of policing and the state in recent scholarship on the post-political. This article challenges these assumptions by showing how rituals of anti-stateness may themselves paradoxically give to the senses a partitioned world of state domination and non-state resistance that delimits political possibility. I specifically examine activist participation in such policing through analysis of student-left commemorations of 1968 in Mexico City. My analysis of such activism also reveals tension in processes that consolidate a partitioned state/non-state world. I show that, through vinculación, some activists establish unaccounted-for solidarities that exceed the categories through which state power has in the past been exercised, reconfiguring relations between people whose place vis-a-vis the state would otherwise be predictable. I therefore reveal ongoing interplay between processes of politics and policing, not a “post-political condition” that would demand, as politics, the negation of any social-spatial order.

For the second time in five years, citizens of Hong Kong mobilized in protest against proposed legislation that threatened to erode the Special Administrative Region's relative degree of autonomy from the People's Republic of China. The ensuing Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) Movement subsequently became the largest social movement in Hong Kong's history. While the movement had peaceful beginnings, clashes between police and protesters turned increasingly violent over time. Under what conditions do primarily nonviolent movements escalate to violence? Given the widespread diffusion of social movements around the world, insights into potential explanations to this question are important for both policymakers and citizens alike. Regarding this question of violent escalation, the social movements literature suggests that movements make strategic decisions to escalate, are driven toward this outcome by state repression, or alternatively engage in nonviolent escalation. This paper argues that a combination of state repression and a determination of the inefficacy of nonviolence by movement actors influences the likelihood of violent escalation. In a qualitative case study of the Anti-ELAB Movement, this paper finds support for the hypothesis that a combination of state repression and the perceived ineffectiveness of nonviolent protest drives violent escalation. Biography Connor Weathers is currently a senior at Suffolk University in Boston, MA studying Government with a concentration in International Relations. His main research interests are focused on international conflict and American foreign policy. In addition to coursework, he has served for the past seven months as a Data & Analytics intern with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, assisting the federal government's COVID-19 response. He has also interned as a research assistant with a Professor of International Relations at Suffolk. Following the completion of his undergraduate degree in December 2022, Connor plans to pursue graduate study in the field of International Relations.

- by Connor Weathers
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- Social Movements, Violence, Hong Kong, Resistance Movements

Over the past two decades, the concept of militant democracy-the use of legal restrictions on political expression and participation to curb extremist actors in democratic regimes-has again captured the attention of comparative constitutional lawyers and political scientists. In comparative constitutional law, the old neutral model of liberal democracy, according to which all political views are entitled to the same rights of expression and association, has given way to a general consensus that restrictions on basic rights designed to preserve democracy are legitimate. At the same time, legal scholars attribute the considerable cross-national variation in the formal design and use of such restrictions to the particular historical background of each country. In political science, a large body of work now examines specific militant restrictions on extremist actors. Although this scholarship consists mainly of descriptive analyses , it has begun to advance causal hypotheses explaining variation in important militant democracy policies. Taken together, these developments point to the fact that militant restrictions constitute an important facet of modern democracy and that at the same time, notwithstanding recent advances, our understanding of the phenomenon is still marked by significant gaps, making the legal and empirical analysis of militant democracy an important emerging research program both in comparative constitutional law and political science. This article reconstructs the debate on the concept since its origins in the 1930s and suggests directions for further research in both fields. 207 Annu. Rev. Law. Soc. Sci. 2013.9:207-226.

- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, Cultural History, Sociology, Cultural Studies

Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time-that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta.

- by Jacob Fortier
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- Secession, Secessionist Movements, State Repression
- by Ayşen Uysal
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- Violence, Protest, Protest Movements, Repression
- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, Sociology, Collective Behavior, Criminology
- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Change

In analyzing extremist challenges to democracy, the literature in comparative politics has paid more attention to the ideology, the social extraction, and the political strategies of the challengers than to the institutions and policies put into place by democratic governments to defend against its internal enemies. This tendency is visible, for example, in the literature on European extreme right-wing parties and movements, as well as in analyses of post-9/11 terrorism and its supporters. Only recently have comparativists started analyzing the ways in which democratic actors respond to such challenges. The piece builds on these recent developments and offers some general reflections on how a research program on the comparative analysis of "militant democracy" could be developed.
Published in European Studies Forum, Autumn 2008, 38 (2), 58-65

- by Billy Keniston
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- Apartheid, Trade unions, State Repression

Bhima Koregaon Arrests: Timeline of a terrifying, State-sponsored farce

- by N Venugopal Rao
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- Indian Maoists, People's Movements, State Repression, Varavara Rao

Several states took advantage of the Covid-19 pandemic to repress sexual minorities. Some visual evidence showed the Ugandan police raiding a shelter established for LGBTQ+ people and beating its residents. The evidence also indicates that the residents inside the shelter were tied with rope and taken to a police station and arrested without legal assistance. The program director at the shelter articulated that state officials use stay-at-home measures as “opportunity to get rid of” LGBTQ+ people. Why do states repress sexual minorities and refuse to recognize their rights during the pandemic? How does the Covid-19 pandemic enable some states to target LGBTQ people? This essay attempts to discuss these questions.

У статті розглянуто діяльність Ради у справах Російської православної церкви як важливого чинника державно-церковних взаємин у радянській державі. Авторка висуває концепцію «посередницької» ролі Ради. «Зовнішнє посередництво» визначається ефективним засобом повної ізоляції Церкви, що було одним з головних завдань державної політики в релігійній сфері. «Внутрішнє посередництво» виконувало завдання руйнації інституційної структури Церкви, ще однієї характерної лінії політики радянського керівництва щодо Церкви.

- by Natalia Shlikhta
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- Soviet History, Ukrainian Studies, Russian Orthodox Church, Church History
- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, History, American History, European History
- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, History, American History, Sociology

Since 2015 a new human rights movement struggle against violence against women, Ni una menos. From the perspective of cultural studies, there is a strong link between these women struggling for cultural transformation and the long lasting battle against oblivion carried out by Argentinas Human Rights Movement and especially, by the Mother and Grandmother of Plaza the Mayo. Against the background of state terrorism and its literature written by women, this contribution reflects on methodology studying Argentina women’s literature on state repression and also on the role of women as agents of social transformation.

Why are some challenges to the territorial unity of democratic states more tractable than others? The literature has focused on numerous explanatory factors, including the impact of institutional reforms and government policies implemented in response to subnational mobilization and the ethnic identity of subnational groups. Building on
the insights of a large literature on the political consequences of religious mobilization, this article analyzes a new dataset on the trajectory of 181 subnational political organizations active in India between 1952 and 2002. The article shows that demands for autonomy or secession put forward by religious organizations are likely to prove much more resilient over time than identical demands advanced by nonreligious organizations. The analysis has important implications for the study of secessionism and ethnic politics in general.

Citizen Varavara Rao versus Indian State: Charged, momentous scenes from an arrest

- by N Venugopal Rao
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- Indian Maoists, People's Movements, State Repression, Varavara Rao

Review essay of Negativity and Revolution: Adorno and Political Activism eds. Holloway, J. Matamoros, F. & Tischler, S. (2009) (London: Pluto Press) in Logos: A Journal of Modern Society and Culture Vol. 8, Issue 2... more

- by Christian Garland
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- Critical Theory, History, European History, Cultural History