Resistance Movements Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
South Sudan is facing a profound crisis of governance within the ruling party and its military wing, the SPLA. Without addressing serious nation-building issues, democratizing the ruling party and opening up the political space, any... more
South Sudan is facing a profound crisis of governance within the ruling party and its military wing, the SPLA. Without addressing serious nation-building issues, democratizing the ruling party and opening up the political space, any temporary solutions will only defer the problems to a later date
Чланак говори о формирању Команде Јужне Србије, једног од најважнијих тела Равногорског покрета и Југословенске војске у отаџбини (ЈВуО) као њеног војног крила, која је покривала пространу територију Косова и Метохије, Македоније, јужног... more
Чланак говори о формирању Команде Јужне Србије, једног од најважнијих тела Равногорског покрета и Југословенске војске у отаџбини (ЈВуО) као њеног војног крила, која је покривала пространу територију Косова и Метохије, Македоније, јужног Поморавља и Понишавља. Услед опширности теме, акценат је стављен на утврђивање територије коју је команда имала под својом надлежношћу, на бригаде и корпусе који су је чинили, односно на личну улогу мајора Радослава Ђурића у процесу изградње овог војног тела. Чланак је писан на основу до сада необјављене архивске грађе похрањене у Војном архиву у Београду и одабраној научној литератури.
- by Milutin D . Živković and +1
- •
- History, Serbian, Bulgaria, Nazi Germany
The French Resistance to German occupation during World War Two lacks a comprehensive study that evaluates how effective it was. This paper evaluates the military effectiveness of the French Resistance as a guerrilla movement, tracing... more
The French Resistance to German occupation during World War Two lacks a comprehensive study that evaluates how effective it was. This paper evaluates the military effectiveness of the French Resistance as a guerrilla movement, tracing it's development from it's origins in 1940 through the liberation of France in 1944.
The paper looks at the problems of development-induced displacement and resistance movement in Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex in Odisha, India. While analysing the problems the paper considers some of the important variables such as... more
The paper looks at the problems of development-induced displacement and resistance movement in Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex in Odisha, India. While analysing the problems the paper considers some of the important variables such as livelihood risks, past resettlement policy and implementation, increase in consciousness about displacement and consciousness of opportunities and differentiation both among local people and outsider to argue how these factors initiated conflict and mobilized resistance movement against displacement in Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex. It also argues how differentiation, fragmentation and consciousness of opportunities helped for split and decline of the movement. Based on the theoretical premises of political economy and new social movement and following ethnographic fieldwork the paper broadly explicates the political economy of development and dispossession, causes and emergence of collective mobilization and demands and strategies of resistance movement.
The establishment of the Technikum - now the Technion - at the beginning of the 20th century is considered to be one of the most important events in the history of Haifa. This institute of science and technology was the first of its kind... more
The establishment of the Technikum - now the Technion - at the beginning of the 20th century is considered to be one of the most important events in the history of Haifa. This institute of science and technology was the first of its kind not only in Haifa, or in Eretz Israel. In fact, there was no technical university worthy of that title in the entire Ottoman Empire. The decision of the German Ezra (“Aid”) Society to focus their efforts on Haifa had long-term effects on the development of Jewish settlement in the city. The process of creating the Technion in Haifa continued for more than 15 years (1908-1924), during which time – in 1913-1914 – the controversy about the language of instruction raged: German or Hebrew? The "War of the Languages", ending in victory for Hebrew, was a national contest that formulated the emerging national identity of the Jewish settlement (Yishuv).
The paper advances the argument that the failure to integrate and transform the last generation of freedom fighters engaged in the armed struggle against the Indonesian occupation has been a critical but not unforeseen oversight of over a... more
The paper advances the argument that the failure to integrate and transform the last generation of freedom fighters engaged in the armed struggle against the Indonesian occupation has been a critical but not unforeseen oversight of over a decade of nationbuilding.
This study examines the phenomenon of ‘terrorism’ and the transition of ‘terrorist’ groups to political parties through the lens of conflict resolution. The aim of this research is to establish why Van Engeland and Rudolph argue that... more
This study examines the phenomenon of ‘terrorism’ and the transition of ‘terrorist’ groups to political parties through the lens of conflict resolution. The aim of this research is to establish why Van Engeland and Rudolph argue that Hamas has successfully transitioned from ‘terrorist’ group to political party according to their framework, when the environment Hamas is operating within as of 2013 is hostile and constrained. I hypothesized that a factor is missing from the framework to account for this misrepresentation of Hamas’ current position. Having identified the missing variable, recommendations could be made for Hamas’ continued forward momentum. In order to find the missing element, I undertook a comprehensive methodology that included reapplying the framework, using two comparative case studies, and supplementing the entirety with additional literature on the subject. Three significant factors that are not emphasized in Van Engeland and Rudolph’s framework are drawn out and examined in greater detail to see if their addition might provide a different result. However, this process produced the same conclusion as Van Engeland and Rudolph, mainly that Hamas is an example of a successful transition. The disconnect I was trying to pinpoint stems from external factors - relating to economic instability sustained by global politics. Hamas has moved along the transition process according to Van Engeland and Rudolph’s framework, but their current position is stalled due to the dynamics of current global politics. These results suggest that such transitions can be helped or hindered by external pressure from global powers. Additionally, special attention needs to be paid to ripe points in protracted conflicts in order to encourage transition from terrorist group to political party. Finally, this study concludes that if moves away from violence and towards politics are not recognized and affirmed, a group may regress back towards tactics that garner the desired attention.
Anti-fascism – a hallmark of the left since the 1930s, and a vague term for active opposition to Italian fascism, German Nazism and similar movements in the interwar period – used to be studied as a brief episode in the history of... more
Anti-fascism – a hallmark of the left since the 1930s, and a vague term for active opposition to Italian fascism, German Nazism and similar movements in the interwar period – used to be studied as a brief episode in the history of European nation states. The available syntheses read like collections of national studies with a clear European or Western focus. However, methodological nationalism may soon become a thing of the past – the last few years have brought a transnational turn in anti-fascist studies, which this special issue tries both to illustrate and to discuss.
Russian translation of well-known memoirs on the resistance movement against Chinese occupation of Tibet.
Kvinnene i partisanenes sivile nettverks erfaringer som NN fanger i Tyskland og Polen under andre verdenskrig
Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on... more
Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on resistance against injustice. There are reasons for thinking that the notion of resistance is fundamentally at odds with Confucian political thought. In this article, I move beyond this simple conflict/compatibility model and explore the complex relationships between resistance and Confucianism. On one hand, some of Confucianism’s core commitments can be better attained in contemporary societies by allowing resistance; on the other, a Confucian perspective can offer insights into current discussions on the ethics of resistance.
ABSTRACT We evaluate existing case studies of ‘everyday forms of resistance’ and explore the possibilities for a systematic research on its political impacts. Due to its elusive nature, the impact of this less visible resistance has... more
ABSTRACT We evaluate existing case studies of ‘everyday forms of resistance’ and explore the possibilities for a systematic research on its political impacts. Due to its elusive nature, the impact of this less visible resistance has rarely been studied. We only find single case studies that make references to varied outcomes in a particular context. Main theorists within the field do suggest a loose hypothesis of ‘cumulative’ effects in which (thousands of) individual acts can have a significant impact over time, with triggered mobilization of ‘scale shifts’ into public mass actions. Our exploration points to a potential for establishing knowledge of immediate outcomes, particularly through comparative case studies.
The standoff between Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao and ex-guerilla Commander Paulino Gama (known by his nom de guerre, Mauk Moruk) has captured national attention and reects a wider struggle between resistance legacies and modern... more
The standoff between Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao and ex-guerilla Commander Paulino Gama (known by his nom de guerre, Mauk Moruk) has captured national attention and reects a wider struggle between resistance legacies and modern government in Timor Leste.
For the second time in five years, citizens of Hong Kong mobilized in protest against proposed legislation that threatened to erode the Special Administrative Region's relative degree of autonomy from the People's Republic of China. The... more
For the second time in five years, citizens of Hong Kong mobilized in protest against proposed legislation that threatened to erode the Special Administrative Region's relative degree of autonomy from the People's Republic of China. The ensuing Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) Movement subsequently became the largest social movement in Hong Kong's history. While the movement had peaceful beginnings, clashes between police and protesters turned increasingly violent over time. Under what conditions do primarily nonviolent movements escalate to violence? Given the widespread diffusion of social movements around the world, insights into potential explanations to this question are important for both policymakers and citizens alike. Regarding this question of violent escalation, the social movements literature suggests that movements make strategic decisions to escalate, are driven toward this outcome by state repression, or alternatively engage in nonviolent escalation. This paper argues that a combination of state repression and a determination of the inefficacy of nonviolence by movement actors influences the likelihood of violent escalation. In a qualitative case study of the Anti-ELAB Movement, this paper finds support for the hypothesis that a combination of state repression and the perceived ineffectiveness of nonviolent protest drives violent escalation. Biography Connor Weathers is currently a senior at Suffolk University in Boston, MA studying Government with a concentration in International Relations. His main research interests are focused on international conflict and American foreign policy. In addition to coursework, he has served for the past seven months as a Data & Analytics intern with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, assisting the federal government's COVID-19 response. He has also interned as a research assistant with a Professor of International Relations at Suffolk. Following the completion of his undergraduate degree in December 2022, Connor plans to pursue graduate study in the field of International Relations.
This chapter provides an overview of academic literature on the gender politics of wartime resistance and liberation struggles, discussing key thematic issues and introducing major theoretical concepts that have been developed in the... more
This chapter provides an overview of academic literature on the gender politics of wartime resistance and liberation struggles, discussing key thematic issues and introducing major theoretical concepts that have been developed in the field. The first section looks at the gendered discourses which are used to mobilize women to take part in resistance struggles, and the roles women are typically encouraged to play in them. The second section surveys processes of post-war acknowledgement and reflects on the ways of assessing the consequences of women’s participation in liberation struggles for their social and political position. Next the problem of women’s marginalization in public memory and historiography of liberation struggles is briefly presented. The chapter concludes with a discussion about how feminist studies of resistance and liberation struggles have influenced discussions in the field of ethics, producing four major approaches to political violence
In press (with G. Kokkinidis)
The article was in the nature of a pilot project to assess what archive material lay in the Local History Archives in Dragør that could shed new light on Ellen Wilhelmine Nielsen's resistance network from October 1943- July 1944. Using a... more
The article was in the nature of a pilot project to assess what archive material lay in the Local History Archives in Dragør that could shed new light on Ellen Wilhelmine Nielsen's resistance network from October 1943- July 1944. Using a series of taped interviews made from 1967 onwards in combination with the archive's substantial collection of pre- WWII photographs, and secondary literature (especially Peter Birkelund 2000, Dines Bogø & Thavlov 1995, and Palle Rosslyn Jensen 1980) four different geographical locations were examined in relation to Paul Ricoeur's concept of the Capable human being. Several promising strands of future research (into Danish, Swedish and allied archives) were uncovered, and the questions of whom one should trust (i.e. the importance of family and social networks) and the price individuals and their families pay for resisting oppression emerged in the process. Examining the geographical locations (the market of Gammel Strand in Copenhagen; Dragør village and harbour; Drogden Lighthouse on the Sound (Øresund) and Sweden across which her resistance network stretched proved slightly problematic in the narrating of the story, yet was highly fruitful as a research tool to understand these 8 months where individuals in the old sea town carried messages, post and people between the Occupied and the Free World. Local history archives still contain material that, together with strands from archives elsewhere, can weave the fabric of history.
We evaluate existing case studies of “everyday resistance” and explore the possibilities for a systematic research on its political impacts. Research concerning “everyday forms of resistance” or “infrapolitics” has grown since the 1980s,... more
We evaluate existing case studies of “everyday resistance” and explore the possibilities for a systematic research on its political impacts. Research concerning “everyday forms of resistance” or “infrapolitics” has grown since the 1980s, today amounting to a vast range of theoretical and empirical studies on a multitude of aspects, groups and contexts. However, due to its elusive nature, the impact of this less visible resistance has rarely been studied. We only find single case studies that make references to varied outcomes in a particular context. Main theorists within the field do suggest a loose hypothesis of “cumulative” effects in which (thousands of) individual acts can have a significant impact over time, with triggered mobilization of “scale shifts” into public mass actions. However, we still do not have any evidence-based knowledge of the mechanisms that create certain effects. Our exploration points to a potential for establishing knowledge of immediate outcomes, particularly through comparative case studies.
The constant presence of various forms and makes of firearm has turned it into an everyday item among some Lebanese. For Hezbollah militants, the AK-47 is an object of humour and fun despite its lethal potential. The weapon is saturated... more
The constant presence of various forms and makes of firearm has turned it into an everyday item among some Lebanese. For Hezbollah militants, the AK-47 is an object of humour and fun despite its lethal potential. The weapon is saturated with representative qualities – both material and semiotic, so the author explores its materiality as a crucial nodal point from which to sketch the difficult terrain of subject–object relationship in the life of Lebanese Shi'i Hezbollah militants. He seeks to identify the material culture of a weapon that consolidates myths, reifies identities, stages propaganda and advertises threats. With this in view, the author follows the AK-47 to explore its 'enchanting' qualities and speak of the relationship it forms with a militant's body. He locates the body of militants between three questions: what does the AK-47 signify, how does it arrive at that signification, and finally, how have its materiality and dynamic physicality made it the weapon of choice?
bohater niezłomny. W dzisiejszej Polsce możliwa jest dyskusja na wszystkie tematy. Ścierają się w społeczeństwie polskim różne opinie na wiele zagadnień. Taka sytuacja możliwa jest między innymi dzięki poświęceniu i walce ludzi takich,... more
bohater niezłomny. W dzisiejszej Polsce możliwa jest dyskusja na wszystkie tematy. Ścierają się w społeczeństwie polskim różne opinie na wiele zagadnień. Taka sytuacja możliwa jest między innymi dzięki poświęceniu i walce ludzi takich, jak bohater niniejszej pracy Witold Pilecki. Dzięki temu, każdy może mieć swoje zdanie i bez narażania się na konsekwencje głosić je. Problem polega na tym, że niektórzy swoje zdanie opierają na fałszywych przesłankach. Dotyczy to także niektórych opinii wygłaszanych o Witoldzie Pileckim. Jest on niekwestionowanym bohaterem, ale zdarzają się także głosy, które sugerują, iż jego bohaterstwo nie wypływało ze szlachetnych pobudek, ale było przypadkowe. Taką opinię wygłosili:
The Situation of the Population of the Occidental Mountains in 1951, in several documents from National Archives / Ситуация населения Западно-Румынских Карпат в 1951 г. в нескольких документах Национального архива Румынии - Сигетские... more
The Situation of the Population of the Occidental Mountains in 1951, in several documents from National Archives / Ситуация населения Западно-Румынских Карпат в 1951 г. в нескольких документах Национального архива Румынии
- Сигетские анналы 7: 1949-1953, Аппарат террора. Научные сообщения Симпозиума в Сигету Мармацией (2-4 июля 1999 г.)
«No podemos respirar hasta que nos liberemos de la opresión y el racismo. #BlackLivesMatter», son las palabras finales de la declaración de solidaridad del Comité Nacional Palestino del movimiento BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions... more
«No podemos respirar hasta que nos liberemos de la opresión y el racismo. #BlackLivesMatter», son las palabras finales de la declaración de solidaridad del Comité Nacional Palestino del movimiento BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (Boicot, Desinversión y Sanciones)) con lxs afroamericanxs, emitida tras el asesinato de George Floyd en 2020. El asesinato del ciudadano Floyd, que murió como consecuencia de la violencia policial en mayo de 2020 en Minneapolis, desencadenó protestas generalizadas contra la brutalidad policial en Estados Unidos e internacionalmente. Al igual que otrxs afroamericanxs antes que él, entre ellxs Eric Garner, asesinado por la policía en Nueva York en 2014, las últimas palabras de Floyd fueron «no puedo respirar» mientras lo asfixiaban. La frase tuvo un significado epistemológico para los levantamientos que se produjeron dentro y fuera de Estados Unidos tras la muerte de Floyd y tuvieron eco en las proclamas de solidaridad palestinas. En Jerusalén, Ramallah y Gaza, entre otros lugares, lxs palestinxs salieron a las calles para proclamar su apoyo a lxs afroamericanxs víctimas de la violencia estatal racista. Activistas palestinxs, grupos de la sociedad civil y presxs políticxs redactaron declaraciones escritas en solidaridad con Floyd, cuyo rostro ha sido dibujado junto a una bandera palestina en el muro del apartheid de Cisjordania.
The aim of this article is to analyse legal aspects of armed resistance movements with a focus on the legal status of the partisan and the legal nature of a civil war. In the light of the norms of international law, both the status of a... more
The aim of this article is to analyse legal aspects of armed resistance movements with a focus on the legal status of the partisan and the legal nature of a civil war. In the light of the norms of international law, both the status of a partisan and the nature of a civil war is, from the point of view of this analysis, connected with, inter alia, international recognition and military occupation, which constitute a significant part of the investigations in this article, synthetically analysing the activity of the Polish resistance movement against the illegal communist rule after 1945 (the so-called “cursed soldiers”). Apart from the analysis of international and domestic legal norms and their interpretation, the article refers to the history of the evolution of the legal status and the theory of the partisan.