Mico A Galang | University of Santo Tomas, Phils (original) (raw)
Journal Articles by Mico A Galang
Journal of Philippine Military Education, 2024
In 2023, for the third consecutive time in Philippine history, the government publicly released i... more In 2023, for the third consecutive time in Philippine history, the government publicly released its National Security Policy (NSP). Under the administration of President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr., the NSP 2023-2028 was written in the context of a volatile and uncertain regional security. Indeed, the NSP 2023-2028 discusses the country's security challenges, including the South China Sea (SCS), and Taiwan, which are two potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific region. In this regard, this paper seeks to discuss how the NSP seeks to promote Philippine national interests in light of the linkage between the SCS and Taiwan issues. In particular, this paper also seeks to address the following questions: How does the NSP 2023-2028 view the Philippines' strategic environment, in particular the SCS and Taiwan? and How does the NSP 2023-2028 seeks to address or manage security challenges in the SCS and Taiwan?
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Asian Studies: Journal of Critical Perspectives on Asia, 2022
The administration of former Philippine President Benigno S. Aquino III pursued a policy of "lay[... more The administration of former Philippine President Benigno S. Aquino III pursued a policy of "lay[ing] the groundwork for a potential web of interlocking strategic partnerships" (Philippine NSC 2011, 29), essentially "expand[ing]… defense and security engagements" (Del Rosario 2013a) with other countries apart from the United States. The Aquino government broadened relations with other nations, including Japan, the country's first strategic partner. This study aims to determine the conditions under which small powers undertake strategic partnerships. Focusing on the Philippines-Japan strategic partnership, this study argues that the said partnership is driven by the need to support the current international order, promote capacity-building, and enhance the existing multilateral architecture.
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Books/Book Chapters by Mico A Galang
Pacific Forum Issues & Insights Vol. 23, SR11 , 2023
Chapter 2: The South China Sea (SCS) and Taiwan are potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific reg... more Chapter 2: The South China Sea (SCS) and Taiwan are potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific region. Although the disputes have been ongoing for decades, the strategic competition between the two powers – the United States and China – has added real risk to the overlapping territorial and maritime claims. While there is already a large body of literature on both issues, most analyses on the SCS and Taiwan consider them as two distinct issues. While such an approach is logical and understandable, it is likewise important to explore the linkage between the two issues because they impact each other due to geographical proximity. This paper seeks to answer how can the Philippines-U.S. alliance complement efforts to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific, specifically in the geopolitical nexus of the SCS dispute and cross-Strait relations? This paper also addresses the linkage between the SCS dispute and cross-Strait relations, how such a nexus figures in the overall security of the Indo-Pacific, and how the convergence and divergence of interests in these disputes create policy complexities for Manila and Washington. The aim is to provide policy inputs for courses of action vis-à-vis the challenges the alliance faces amidst great power competition.
https://pacforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/US-PH-Volume-2023-Super-Final.pdf
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Policy Briefs/Essays by Mico A Galang
ISEAS Perspective, 2024
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2022
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2022
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2021
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2021
Examining the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific, this paper argues that the main security... more Examining the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific, this paper argues that the main security interest of the Philippines is to ensure that Cross-Strait relations remain peaceful and stable. In particular, this suggests maintaining the status quo on Taiwan’s political status. Changing the status quo, either by Taiwan or China (or by an external power), may lead to armed conflict. A relatively autonomous Taiwan would remain as strategic buffer against Beijing’s intent to dominate the first island chain—thus enabling a balance of power favorable to the Philippines and other like-minded countries in the region.
http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/2021/NDCP%20EPB_2021-01_Galang.pdf
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2020
Using a theoretical understanding of small power behavior, this paper examined the national secur... more Using a theoretical understanding of small power behavior, this paper examined the national security challenges posed by a potential abrogation of the VFA. Cognizant of their relative weakness, small powers favor the status quo order in order to, among others, broaden the diplomatic space for maneuver and choice, and expand the resources upon which they can use in times of stress. Terminating the VFA would further unleash the remaining restraints to China’s maritime expansionist agenda and would help facilitate Beijing’s efforts to alter the status quo to its favor. Moreover, the decision also produced a cloud of uncertainty over the trajectory of the security relations with the Philippines’ strategic/comprehensive partners as the VFA termination raises the issue of reliability and credibility. Hence, this paper concludes that the decision to abrogate the VFA is at variance with Philippine national security interests as a small power. While the Manila-Washington alliance is far from perfect, supporting continued US presence through the implementation of the VFA is consistent with the Philippines’ efforts in mitigating its geopolitical vulnerabilities. The Philippines must always act with foresight, prudence, and flexibility in the realm of foreign policy because, as Kenneth Waltz argued, “[w]eak states operate on narrow margins. Inopportune acts, flawed policies, and mistimed moves may have fatal results.”
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2019
December 2019 will mark the end of the current work program of the Association of Southeast Asian... more December 2019 will mark the end of the current work program of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM). The work program identifies specific areas of cooperation among the ADMM’s members, as well as cooperation under the ADMM-Plus platform. Indeed, the work program guides the efforts of the ADMM and ADMM-Plus in advancing multilateralism in the region. Mindful of the organization’s diplomatic accomplishments, it is likewise important to understand the limitations of ASEAN in promoting multilateralism in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. Thus, this policy brief aims to discuss the dynamics of intra-ASEAN and its implications for regional defense diplomacy. Thereafter, the paper shall identify some policy considerations in furthering regional defense diplomacy efforts, specifically for the ADMM and the ADMM-Plus.
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2018
The aim of this policy brief is to discuss how the National Security Strategy (NSS) seeks to prom... more The aim of this policy brief is to discuss how the National Security Strategy (NSS) seeks to promote Philippine national security interests in the South China Sea (SCS). In particular, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: 1) How does the NSS perceive the regional security environment of the Indo-Asia-Pacific particularly, with respect to the SCS?; 2) How does the NSS articulate Philippine national security interests in the SCS and what are the identified courses of action to pursue such interests?; and 3) What are the challenges in promoting Philippine interests in the SCS?
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2017
This paper aims to discuss how the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership strengthens Manila’s m... more This paper aims to discuss how the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership strengthens Manila’s maritime security posture in the SCS. In particular, this article seeks to address the following questions: (1) What is a strategic partnership?; (2) Why is there a strategic imperative for the Philippines and Japan to forge such a partnership?; and (3) How does the PJSPD bolster Manila’s maritime capabilities?
Using the strategic partnership framework developed by Thomas Wilkins, this paper argues that Manila and Tokyo forged a strategic partnership largely because of their shared concern over the uncertainty in the regional security environment caused by China’s rise, as manifested by its increasing assertiveness in the SCS. In this context, the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership’s objective of promoting peace and stability in the SCS is operationalized by strengthening Manila’s maritime security posture through: 1) enhancing maritime domain awareness; 2) conducting bilateral capacity-building initiatives; and 3) coordinating measures in managing tensions at the multilateral level.
http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/3.%20EPB%20re%20PH-Japan_v11.pdf
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2016
Capturing worldwide attention, the ruling on the Philippine v. China case about the South China S... more Capturing worldwide attention, the ruling on the Philippine v. China case about the South China Sea (SCS) dispute was released on 12 July 2016. The decision went largely to Manila’s favor. Against the backdrop of the Sino-American rivalry, the SCS dispute has placed at the forefront the viability of international law, specifically the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), in promoting guidelines on maritime issues and the pacific settlement of disputes. As an exploratory study, this paper aims to discuss the implications of the SCS dispute, as the operational theater of the emerging power shifts in the APR, for the UNCLOS. Specifically, this article seeks to address the following questions: (1) How do power shifts affect the development and efficacy of international law? (2) What does control of the SCS mean for regional power shifts; (3) How does the Philippines use UNCLOS to resolve portions of the dispute to clarify maritime entitlements and sovereign rights, and how does China respond to the legal challenge posed by the Philippines?; and (4) What are the possible implications of the geopolitical dynamics of the SCS for UNCLOS as a legal framework for maritime issues including pacific settlement of maritime disputes?
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2016
This policy brief argues that the ADMM and ADMM-Plus, as defense diplomacy platforms, have severe... more This policy brief argues that the ADMM and ADMM-Plus, as defense diplomacy platforms, have severe limitations with respect to the promotion of defense and security. Specifically, the platforms are faced with strategic challenges, including the emerging power shifts in the Asia Pacific and the seeming deficit of functional cooperation initiatives to spillover into traditional security concerns. Operationally, the two platforms are confronted with the need to delineate their specific roles vis-à-vis other regional platforms of cooperation, and the deficit of review mechanisms for evaluating their progress. Recognizing these constraints, this article concludes by identifying policy considerations, which may serve as inputs to the planning process of the Philippines as it hosts the ADMM and ADMM-Plus in 2017.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
The aim of this paper is to provide an exploratory study of the politico-strategic aspects of Chi... more The aim of this paper is to provide an exploratory study of the politico-strategic aspects of China’s major foreign economic initiatives. In particular, this article seeks: (1) to discuss the objectives of the economic initiatives; (2) to examine the major Chinese projects vis-à-vis the current economic architecture; and (3) to discuss how other countries responded to the PRC initiatives. Using the Power Transition Theory, this paper argues that China, with its rapid growth and development and its increasing dissatisfaction with the current order, is attempting to challenge the US-led international architecture through, among others, its major foreign economic initiatives. In response, the US and some of its allies have introduced measures in an attempt to maintain their pre-eminence in the system. NOTE: Since the original publication of this article (30 October 2015), the Philippines has joined the AIIB.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
This is the second installment of the two-part series on the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq an... more This is the second installment of the two-part series on the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and its security implications for the Philippines. With a comprehensive analysis of the capabilities of ISIS, the first installment concluded that while ISIS was able to capture huge swathes of territory, its operations are likely to be confined in certain areas in the Middle East and North Africa. Due to its ideology and its relatively successful operations, ISIS has attracted supporters from groups in various countries, including the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Philippines. Using the Dynamic Terrorist Threat Model outlined in the first article, this second part policy brief discusses two objectives: (1) the potential security challenges posed by ISIS; and (2) some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
The aim of this two-part policy brief is to discuss how the rise of ISIS may impact Philippine na... more The aim of this two-part policy brief is to discuss how the rise of ISIS may impact Philippine national security. Specifically, these two articles seek to discuss the following: first, the capabilities of ISIS; second, the potential security challenges to the country posed by ISIS; and third, some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2014
The aim of this paper is to discuss how the dynamics of great power politics in the East China Se... more The aim of this paper is to discuss how the dynamics of great power politics in the East China Sea (ECS) dispute affects Philippine Defense Policy vis-à-vis the territorial row in the South China Sea. Specifically, this paper aims to answer the following questions: 1.) What are the relative capabilities of the countries involved in the East China Sea dispute? 2.) What are the actions taken or being undertaken by Japan and China in asserting their claims in the disputed territory? 3.) How will the US-Japan alliance influence the escalating tensions in the region? 4.) What lessons would the dispute among the Great Powers offer the Philippines in managing the dispute in the West Philippine Sea?
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Commentaries by Mico A Galang
CSIS Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative , 2024
https://amti.csis.org/president-marcos-april-2024-u-s-visit-key-takeaways/
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RUSI Commentary , 2024
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Journal of Philippine Military Education, 2024
In 2023, for the third consecutive time in Philippine history, the government publicly released i... more In 2023, for the third consecutive time in Philippine history, the government publicly released its National Security Policy (NSP). Under the administration of President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr., the NSP 2023-2028 was written in the context of a volatile and uncertain regional security. Indeed, the NSP 2023-2028 discusses the country's security challenges, including the South China Sea (SCS), and Taiwan, which are two potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific region. In this regard, this paper seeks to discuss how the NSP seeks to promote Philippine national interests in light of the linkage between the SCS and Taiwan issues. In particular, this paper also seeks to address the following questions: How does the NSP 2023-2028 view the Philippines' strategic environment, in particular the SCS and Taiwan? and How does the NSP 2023-2028 seeks to address or manage security challenges in the SCS and Taiwan?
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Asian Studies: Journal of Critical Perspectives on Asia, 2022
The administration of former Philippine President Benigno S. Aquino III pursued a policy of "lay[... more The administration of former Philippine President Benigno S. Aquino III pursued a policy of "lay[ing] the groundwork for a potential web of interlocking strategic partnerships" (Philippine NSC 2011, 29), essentially "expand[ing]… defense and security engagements" (Del Rosario 2013a) with other countries apart from the United States. The Aquino government broadened relations with other nations, including Japan, the country's first strategic partner. This study aims to determine the conditions under which small powers undertake strategic partnerships. Focusing on the Philippines-Japan strategic partnership, this study argues that the said partnership is driven by the need to support the current international order, promote capacity-building, and enhance the existing multilateral architecture.
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Pacific Forum Issues & Insights Vol. 23, SR11 , 2023
Chapter 2: The South China Sea (SCS) and Taiwan are potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific reg... more Chapter 2: The South China Sea (SCS) and Taiwan are potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific region. Although the disputes have been ongoing for decades, the strategic competition between the two powers – the United States and China – has added real risk to the overlapping territorial and maritime claims. While there is already a large body of literature on both issues, most analyses on the SCS and Taiwan consider them as two distinct issues. While such an approach is logical and understandable, it is likewise important to explore the linkage between the two issues because they impact each other due to geographical proximity. This paper seeks to answer how can the Philippines-U.S. alliance complement efforts to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific, specifically in the geopolitical nexus of the SCS dispute and cross-Strait relations? This paper also addresses the linkage between the SCS dispute and cross-Strait relations, how such a nexus figures in the overall security of the Indo-Pacific, and how the convergence and divergence of interests in these disputes create policy complexities for Manila and Washington. The aim is to provide policy inputs for courses of action vis-à-vis the challenges the alliance faces amidst great power competition.
https://pacforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/US-PH-Volume-2023-Super-Final.pdf
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ISEAS Perspective, 2024
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2022
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2022
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2021
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2021
Examining the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific, this paper argues that the main security... more Examining the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific, this paper argues that the main security interest of the Philippines is to ensure that Cross-Strait relations remain peaceful and stable. In particular, this suggests maintaining the status quo on Taiwan’s political status. Changing the status quo, either by Taiwan or China (or by an external power), may lead to armed conflict. A relatively autonomous Taiwan would remain as strategic buffer against Beijing’s intent to dominate the first island chain—thus enabling a balance of power favorable to the Philippines and other like-minded countries in the region.
http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/2021/NDCP%20EPB_2021-01_Galang.pdf
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2020
Using a theoretical understanding of small power behavior, this paper examined the national secur... more Using a theoretical understanding of small power behavior, this paper examined the national security challenges posed by a potential abrogation of the VFA. Cognizant of their relative weakness, small powers favor the status quo order in order to, among others, broaden the diplomatic space for maneuver and choice, and expand the resources upon which they can use in times of stress. Terminating the VFA would further unleash the remaining restraints to China’s maritime expansionist agenda and would help facilitate Beijing’s efforts to alter the status quo to its favor. Moreover, the decision also produced a cloud of uncertainty over the trajectory of the security relations with the Philippines’ strategic/comprehensive partners as the VFA termination raises the issue of reliability and credibility. Hence, this paper concludes that the decision to abrogate the VFA is at variance with Philippine national security interests as a small power. While the Manila-Washington alliance is far from perfect, supporting continued US presence through the implementation of the VFA is consistent with the Philippines’ efforts in mitigating its geopolitical vulnerabilities. The Philippines must always act with foresight, prudence, and flexibility in the realm of foreign policy because, as Kenneth Waltz argued, “[w]eak states operate on narrow margins. Inopportune acts, flawed policies, and mistimed moves may have fatal results.”
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2019
December 2019 will mark the end of the current work program of the Association of Southeast Asian... more December 2019 will mark the end of the current work program of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM). The work program identifies specific areas of cooperation among the ADMM’s members, as well as cooperation under the ADMM-Plus platform. Indeed, the work program guides the efforts of the ADMM and ADMM-Plus in advancing multilateralism in the region. Mindful of the organization’s diplomatic accomplishments, it is likewise important to understand the limitations of ASEAN in promoting multilateralism in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. Thus, this policy brief aims to discuss the dynamics of intra-ASEAN and its implications for regional defense diplomacy. Thereafter, the paper shall identify some policy considerations in furthering regional defense diplomacy efforts, specifically for the ADMM and the ADMM-Plus.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2018
The aim of this policy brief is to discuss how the National Security Strategy (NSS) seeks to prom... more The aim of this policy brief is to discuss how the National Security Strategy (NSS) seeks to promote Philippine national security interests in the South China Sea (SCS). In particular, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: 1) How does the NSS perceive the regional security environment of the Indo-Asia-Pacific particularly, with respect to the SCS?; 2) How does the NSS articulate Philippine national security interests in the SCS and what are the identified courses of action to pursue such interests?; and 3) What are the challenges in promoting Philippine interests in the SCS?
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NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2017
This paper aims to discuss how the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership strengthens Manila’s m... more This paper aims to discuss how the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership strengthens Manila’s maritime security posture in the SCS. In particular, this article seeks to address the following questions: (1) What is a strategic partnership?; (2) Why is there a strategic imperative for the Philippines and Japan to forge such a partnership?; and (3) How does the PJSPD bolster Manila’s maritime capabilities?
Using the strategic partnership framework developed by Thomas Wilkins, this paper argues that Manila and Tokyo forged a strategic partnership largely because of their shared concern over the uncertainty in the regional security environment caused by China’s rise, as manifested by its increasing assertiveness in the SCS. In this context, the Philippines-Japan Strategic Partnership’s objective of promoting peace and stability in the SCS is operationalized by strengthening Manila’s maritime security posture through: 1) enhancing maritime domain awareness; 2) conducting bilateral capacity-building initiatives; and 3) coordinating measures in managing tensions at the multilateral level.
http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/3.%20EPB%20re%20PH-Japan_v11.pdf
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2016
Capturing worldwide attention, the ruling on the Philippine v. China case about the South China S... more Capturing worldwide attention, the ruling on the Philippine v. China case about the South China Sea (SCS) dispute was released on 12 July 2016. The decision went largely to Manila’s favor. Against the backdrop of the Sino-American rivalry, the SCS dispute has placed at the forefront the viability of international law, specifically the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), in promoting guidelines on maritime issues and the pacific settlement of disputes. As an exploratory study, this paper aims to discuss the implications of the SCS dispute, as the operational theater of the emerging power shifts in the APR, for the UNCLOS. Specifically, this article seeks to address the following questions: (1) How do power shifts affect the development and efficacy of international law? (2) What does control of the SCS mean for regional power shifts; (3) How does the Philippines use UNCLOS to resolve portions of the dispute to clarify maritime entitlements and sovereign rights, and how does China respond to the legal challenge posed by the Philippines?; and (4) What are the possible implications of the geopolitical dynamics of the SCS for UNCLOS as a legal framework for maritime issues including pacific settlement of maritime disputes?
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
NDCP Policy Brief, 2016
This policy brief argues that the ADMM and ADMM-Plus, as defense diplomacy platforms, have severe... more This policy brief argues that the ADMM and ADMM-Plus, as defense diplomacy platforms, have severe limitations with respect to the promotion of defense and security. Specifically, the platforms are faced with strategic challenges, including the emerging power shifts in the Asia Pacific and the seeming deficit of functional cooperation initiatives to spillover into traditional security concerns. Operationally, the two platforms are confronted with the need to delineate their specific roles vis-à-vis other regional platforms of cooperation, and the deficit of review mechanisms for evaluating their progress. Recognizing these constraints, this article concludes by identifying policy considerations, which may serve as inputs to the planning process of the Philippines as it hosts the ADMM and ADMM-Plus in 2017.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
The aim of this paper is to provide an exploratory study of the politico-strategic aspects of Chi... more The aim of this paper is to provide an exploratory study of the politico-strategic aspects of China’s major foreign economic initiatives. In particular, this article seeks: (1) to discuss the objectives of the economic initiatives; (2) to examine the major Chinese projects vis-à-vis the current economic architecture; and (3) to discuss how other countries responded to the PRC initiatives. Using the Power Transition Theory, this paper argues that China, with its rapid growth and development and its increasing dissatisfaction with the current order, is attempting to challenge the US-led international architecture through, among others, its major foreign economic initiatives. In response, the US and some of its allies have introduced measures in an attempt to maintain their pre-eminence in the system. NOTE: Since the original publication of this article (30 October 2015), the Philippines has joined the AIIB.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
This is the second installment of the two-part series on the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq an... more This is the second installment of the two-part series on the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and its security implications for the Philippines. With a comprehensive analysis of the capabilities of ISIS, the first installment concluded that while ISIS was able to capture huge swathes of territory, its operations are likely to be confined in certain areas in the Middle East and North Africa. Due to its ideology and its relatively successful operations, ISIS has attracted supporters from groups in various countries, including the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Philippines. Using the Dynamic Terrorist Threat Model outlined in the first article, this second part policy brief discusses two objectives: (1) the potential security challenges posed by ISIS; and (2) some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2015
The aim of this two-part policy brief is to discuss how the rise of ISIS may impact Philippine na... more The aim of this two-part policy brief is to discuss how the rise of ISIS may impact Philippine national security. Specifically, these two articles seek to discuss the following: first, the capabilities of ISIS; second, the potential security challenges to the country posed by ISIS; and third, some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.
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NDCP Policy Brief, 2014
The aim of this paper is to discuss how the dynamics of great power politics in the East China Se... more The aim of this paper is to discuss how the dynamics of great power politics in the East China Sea (ECS) dispute affects Philippine Defense Policy vis-à-vis the territorial row in the South China Sea. Specifically, this paper aims to answer the following questions: 1.) What are the relative capabilities of the countries involved in the East China Sea dispute? 2.) What are the actions taken or being undertaken by Japan and China in asserting their claims in the disputed territory? 3.) How will the US-Japan alliance influence the escalating tensions in the region? 4.) What lessons would the dispute among the Great Powers offer the Philippines in managing the dispute in the West Philippine Sea?
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CSIS Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative , 2024
https://amti.csis.org/president-marcos-april-2024-u-s-visit-key-takeaways/
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RUSI Commentary , 2024
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The Diplomat, 2024
https://thediplomat.com/2024/04/the-road-to-the-first-japan-philippines-us-trilateral-summit/
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Eurasia Review, 2023
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Eurasia Review, 2023
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Fulcrum Commentary ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2023
While Japanese PM Kishida’s recent visit to Manila points to the upward momentum of the Japan-Phi... more While Japanese PM Kishida’s recent visit to Manila points to the upward momentum of the Japan-Philippines Strategic Partnership, it will also be a litmus test of Japan’s strategic goals in the rest of Southeast Asia.
https://fulcrum.sg/the-philippines-japan-security-relationship-a-new-golden-age/
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Eurasia Review, 2023
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![Research paper thumbnail of US-Philippine alliance: Shared interests and subtle nuances [Republished Article]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/93657742/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](The Straits Times, 2022
https://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/us-philippine-alliance-shared-interests-and-subtle-nuances
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Fulcrum Commentary ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2022
https://fulcrum.sg/the-us-philippine-alliance-shared-interests-and-subtle-nuances/
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Philippine Strategic Forum / F.A.C.T.S., 2022
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Philippine Strategic Forum, 2021
https://www.stratforumph.com/post/the-implications-of-afghanistan-for-the-philippines-u-s-alliance
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Eurasia Review, 2021
https://www.eurasiareview.com/28062021-philippines-president-aquinos-foreign-policy-legacy-analysis/
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Philippine Strategic Forum, 2021
https://www.stratforumph.com/post/alliance-70-philippines-u-s-security-relations-at-a-crossroad
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The Diplomat, 2020
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Center for Strategic and International Studies—Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative, 2020
https://amti.csis.org/opportunities-for-the-philippines-vietnam-strategic-partnership/
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East Asia Forum, 2020
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Eurasia Review, 2019
https://www.eurasiareview.com/20122019-the-philippines-national-defense-strategy-analysis/
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The Diplomat, 2019
https://thediplomat.com/2019/04/a-decade-of-philippines-japan-strategic-partnership/
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Eurasia Review, 2019
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APPFI Commentaries, 2019
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The presentation noted that the regional security environment is increasingly being defined by gr... more The presentation noted that the regional security environment is increasingly being defined by great power competition. Whilst ASEAN was founded during the Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, the current geostrategic competition between Washington and Beijing is different in at least two ways. First, Washington and Beijing—as well as other countries in the region—are much more economically interdependent with each other. Second, with such economic interconnectedness, it is more difficult for most countries to have clear-cut strategic alignment, as many states did during the Cold War. The presentation noted that for many years, ASEAN has been the driver of multilateral diplomacy in the region. The fact that major powers continue to engage and participate in ASEAN-led platforms suggest ASEAN’s continued diplomatic role. However, the strategic milieu of the 1990s when ASEAN’s centrality in multilateral diplomacy began to emerge is different from the current geopolitical context. In this regard, the emergence of new platforms, like the Quad or AUKUS, that also aim to manage or address security challenges, could be seen as complementary rather than in competition with ASEAN. After discussing the risks and opportunities of great-power competition for Southeast Asia, the paper underscored that ASEAN’s primary role is to manage the relations between and amongst its members. If ASEAN manages Southeast Asian relations well, great powers would have minimal opportunities to exploit the organisation’s internal divisions. A more coherent and peaceful ASEAN will enhance the organization’s agency, as well as that of its member-states.
In moving forward, the presentation pointed out that there is an imperative to bridge the development gap amongst AMS. Strengthening the capacity of AMS to address various security challenges is another key imperative. The ADMM-Wide Education and Training Exchanges (AETE) can be used in this regard. In both areas, ASEAN can leverage its long-standing relations with Dialogue Partners to advance security and development. There is also a need for ASEAN to enhance its current platforms and initiatives. Despite criticisms, ASEAN – the ADMM in particular – has adopted measures to help manage traditional security concerns, such as ASEAN Direct Communications Infrastructure (ADI), Guidelines for Maritime Interaction (GMI), and the Guidelines for Air Military Encounters (GAME). The implementation of the Concept Paper on the ADMM’s External Engagements will reinforce ASEAN centrality in regional defense diplomacy. Moreover, there is also an imperative for ASEAN to continuously adapt to the evolving security environment, as well as to contemplate and help address emerging security concerns such as cybersecurity, and coercive actions which fall below the threshold of armed conflict.
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The presentation discussed some of the key geopolitical challenges facing ASEAN. The areas where ... more The presentation discussed some of the key geopolitical challenges facing ASEAN. The areas where regional dialogue on military and security cooperation within ASEAN--particularly through the ADMM and ADMM-Plus--could further be developed and strengthened were also discussed. The presentation concluded with an examination of initiatives that could be explored within the upcoming ADMM
work programme to promote peace and stability on the ASEAN region.
(Co-authored with Mr. Erick Javier. Presented during Session II: "Cooperation Direction for ASEAN Political – Security Community" of the International Workshop on “Promoting Cooperation within ADMM and ADMM-Plus” on March 26, 2019 held at the Army Hotel, Hanoi, Viet Nam.)
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The Philippines, like the rest of Southeast Asia and beyond, is no stranger to the threat posed b... more The Philippines, like the rest of Southeast Asia and beyond, is no stranger to the threat posed by terrorism. With the help of its allies and partners, the Philippines was able to successfully quell the efforts of terrorists to establish an ISIS foothold in Marawi City. However, the work is far from over. Indeed, a long-term challenge in the fight against violent extremism is how to counter the radicalization efforts of terrorists. Hence, the presentation discussed the Philippines counter-radicalization efforts, particularly with respect to initiatives to address grievances, as well as to combat extremist ideology, and mobilization.
After discussing the Philippines’ international counter-radicalization efforts, particularly the declarations/statements issued during Manila’s ASEAN chairmanship, the presentation provided policy recommendations for consideration of the ADMM.
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This paper seeks to discuss how the Philippine-Japan Strategic Partnership, as a form of security... more This paper seeks to discuss how the Philippine-Japan Strategic Partnership, as a form of security cooperation, complements efforts in promoting peace and stability in the South China Sea (SCS).Although enjoying good ties since the normalization of diplomatic relations in 1956, the Philippines and Japan elevated their bilateral relationship to a higher level of cooperation when they issued Philippine-Japan Strategic Partnership Declaration (PJSPD) in 2011. Four years later, Manila and Tokyo announced that their relations have " entered the state of Strengthened Strategic Partnership. " The strategic partnership between the two US allies is forged against the milieu of an increasingly complex and uncertain security landscape driven largely by an emerging power shift in the region, as manifested in the tensions surrounding maritime and territorial disputes in, among others, the SCS. Against this backdrop this article seeks to address the following questions: 1) What is a strategic partnership?; 2) Why is there a strategic imperative for the Philippines and Japan to forge a strategic partnership?; and 3) How can Manila and Tokyo foster peace and stability in the SCS through the implementation of the PJSPD? Using the strategic partnership framework developed Thomas Wilkins, this paper argues that the Philippine-Japan Strategic Partnership's objective of promoting peace and stability in the SCS is operationalized through the: 1) enhancement of maritime domain awareness; 2) bilateral capacity building initiatives; and 3) coordination of measures in managing the dispute at the multilateral level.
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This study examined the motivations behind the pursuit of strategic partnerships by small powers.... more This study examined the motivations behind the pursuit of strategic partnerships by small powers. In power from 2010 to 2016, the administration of Philippine President Benigno S. Aquino III pursued a policy of “lay[ing] the groundwork for a potential web of inter-locking strategic partnerships,” essentially “expand[ing]…defense and security engagements” with other countries apart from the United States (U.S.), its sole treaty ally. The Aquino government pursued strategic partnerships with two key countries in the region, namely Japan and Viet Nam, as well as a comprehensive partnership with Australia. In view of the foregoing, the main research problem of this study is: Why do small states forge strategic partnerships? In addition, this study also aims to answer the following additional research questions: 1) How does the Philippines, under the Aquino III administration, perceive its strategic challenges as a small power?; 2) What are the factors that influenced the Philippines in selecting potential strategic partners?; and 3) What are the factors that determine the choice of the states to forge a specific partnership types (i.e., strategic, comprehensive, or others)? Anchored on the theories on small state of Magcamit, and strategic partnership of Wilkins as framework, this study used a qualitative approach, and a comparative case study design. This study concluded that there three motivations behind the pursuit of strategic partnerships by small powers: First, the imperative to support the current international order. Second, the necessity to promote capacity-building efforts. And third, the need to support and enhance existing multilateral architecture, particularly with respect to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
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In 2008, the Supreme Court of the Philippines declared the proposed Memorandum of Agreement on An... more In 2008, the Supreme Court of the Philippines declared the proposed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain between Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front as unconstitutional because it sought to create an independent state in Mindanao. This led to the collapse of the peace talks and renewed hostilities between government and Muslim forces. However, just four years later, the two parties signed the 2012 Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro – a peace agreement which provided for the creation of a new political entity in Mindanao with an enhanced autonomy but within the framework of the constitution, and the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Philippines. This breakthrough in a protracted conflict was accomplished through the mediation efforts of Malaysia.
This study has been conducted in order to determine how did the mediation efforts of Malaysia successfully affect the outcome of the GPH-MILF peace process. Adopting the qualitative approach, in particular the case study method, this study analyzed primary data from interviews with persons involved and knowledgeable and about the peace process, as well as various secondary materials. Following the Conflict Escalation and De-escalation model, and the Contingency theory of mediation, the mediation efforts of Malaysia successfully affected the outcome of the peace process because of certain factors. First, the ripeness of the conflict because both parties were unable to reach their ultimate goals without incurring further risks and costs. Second, the amenability of the issues because it shifted from independence to autonomy. Third, the strategies used by the third party mediator.
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The aim of this paper, which is divided into four parts, is to discuss how the ASEAN Way serves a... more The aim of this paper, which is divided into four parts, is to discuss how the ASEAN Way serves as a barrier to the integration efforts taking place in ASEAN particularly in fields of the economy and security. The first part briefly discusses major aspects of the integration theory which would serve as the framework for analyzing ASEAN integration for this paper. The second part would describe the ASEAN Way of conducting foreign relations. The third part delves into the dynamics of the ASEAN Way in the realm of economic cooperation and how it could affect the proposed ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The fourth part analyzes the ASEAN Way vis-à-vis security cooperation and its effect on the envisioned ASEAN Security Community (ASC). The paper concludes by arguing that since integration is premised upon gradual relinquishment of sovereignty from the state to regional or global bodies, the ASEAN Way, as a norm of guiding interstate relations, must be modified in order to have a much more meaningful integration.
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