Ancient Greek Democracy Research Papers (original) (raw)

RESUMO: Amparados pela perspectiva de gênero, objetivamos discutir a estreita ligação existente entre a comédia aristofânica, a pólis ateniense e o feminino, especificamente no que diz respeito às esposas legítimas. Ao nos debruçarmos... more

RESUMO: Amparados pela perspectiva de gênero, objetivamos discutir a estreita ligação existente entre a comédia aristofânica, a pólis ateniense e o feminino, especificamente no que diz respeito às esposas legítimas. Ao nos debruçarmos sobre a leitura das peças Lisístrata (411 a.C.), As Tesmoforiantes (411 a.C.) e Assembleia de Mulheres (392 a.C.), encenadas no contexto da Guerra do Peloponeso e posterior à derrota de Atenas (404 a.C.), acreditamos que a esposa legítima foi representada como mantenedora da cidade ateniense, uma vez que percebemos a ênfase em sua importância cívica por ser considerada um veículo justo de crítica nas peças aristofânicas. Ao problematizar os acontecimentos e decisões políticas de seu tempo, o comediógrafo o fez inserindo mulheres ativas em suas peças, responsáveis por aconselhar seus maridos sobre aquilo que julgavam prejudicial à pólis. Pela lei da cidadania, promulgada por Péricles e vigente a partir de meados do V século a.C. (450 a.C.), eram essas mulheres que carregavam o compromisso de reproduzir cidadãos atenienses, contribuindo para a manutenção da lógica democrática clássica. No presente artigo, examinamos alguns indícios documentais de Assembleia de Mulheres que nos auxiliam a pensar o problema da participação feminina na Atenas Clássica, bem como as peças Os Acarnenses (425 a.C.), Os Cavaleiros (424) e Rãs (405 a.C.), as quais apontam a natureza crítica das comédias aristofânicas. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Grécia Clássica; Relações de gênero; Comédia; Esposas legítimas. ABSTRACT: Based on the gender perspective, I discuss the close relationship between the Aristophanic comedy, the Athenian polis and the feminine, specifically the figure of legitimate wives. A close reading of Lysistrata (411 BC), Thesmophoriazusae (411 BC) and Assemblywomen (392 BC), staged in the context of the Peloponnesian War and subsequent defeat of Athens (404 BC), suggests that the legitimate wife was represented as maintainer of the Athenian city, since there is an emphasis on her civic importance as vehicle of criticism in Aristophanes' plots. The playwright did it by inserting active women in his plots in order to question events and political decisions of his time. Aristophanes' female characters were responsible for advising their husbands on what they judged to be harmful to the polis. With the citizenship law, established by Pericles in the middle of the fifth century BC (450 BC), women became a critical element in the definition of citizenship alongside men, thus contributing to the maintenance of the classical

This paper shows that the Greek term demokratia was invented around 430 BCE as a slogan in the conflict between Athens and Sparta. The term does not appear in official Athenian documents until 410 BCE or later. The ancient conception of... more

This paper shows that the Greek term demokratia was invented around 430 BCE as a slogan in the conflict between Athens and Sparta. The term does not appear in official Athenian documents until 410 BCE or later. The ancient conception of democracy was not based on the idea of inalienable human rights because Greek society accepted the existence of slavery as a natural phenomenon. It would therefore be a mistake to search for a social contract theory as the basis of the state in Greek philosophy.

This paper seeks to shed light on the question of why democratic Athens with a distinct egalitarian ideal at the same time treated certain human beings as slaves. Economic, political, legal, and ideological aspects are considered.

It is well known that some ancient Greek authors linked the development and persistence of democracy in a polis to her fleet. Two factors for this connection are named by the sources: an internal one – the dependence of a... more

It is well known that some ancient Greek authors linked the development and persistence of democracy in a polis to her fleet. Two factors for this connection are named by the sources: an internal one – the dependence of a maritime-oriented polis upon the poorest citizens serving as the rowers, archers or petty officers – and an external one, i.e. the role of the navy in preserving a democratic state’s independence against oligarchically minded neighbors. This article examines the place of the two facets of democracy’s maritime entanglements in ancient Greek thought. I will maintain that when our sources speak of the seafaring aspects of democracy they mean one of these factors, not ‘Sea Rule’ as such. We shall see under which conditions each of these factors was thought to be valid. Finally, I will try to show how the role various authors attribute to the internal and external factors of the ‘sea-democracy’ connection corresponds to these authors’ general political outlooks.

Idealismo epistemologico e realismo politico sono le due facce dell’appropriazione delle nozioni di utopia e di democrazia nell’opera di Max Weber. In modo particolare, per capire le considerazioni weberiane sulla democrazia è necessario... more

Idealismo epistemologico e realismo politico sono le due facce dell’appropriazione delle nozioni di utopia e di democrazia nell’opera di Max Weber. In modo particolare, per capire le considerazioni weberiane sulla democrazia è necessario partire dalle varie forme che, secondo lui, essa riveste storicamente (la democrazia come «tipo») e dalla sua assunzione come valore idealizzante e come movente delle azioni politiche (la democrazia come «utopia»). La critica di Weber ad un utopismo di matrice democratica si pone nella prospettiva della concreta trasformazione in senso democratico delle istituzioni tedesche e del rifiuto dei programmi di stampo socialista. La democrazia degli antichi, in quanto forma «originaria», svolge un ruolo paradigmatico in un tale contesto. Ad essa si ricollegano alcuni parametri interpretativi di fenomeni democratici del presente: da un lato, la pretesa, considerata illusoria e utopistica, della partecipazione diretta al potere; dall’altro, la Führer-Demokratie, che ritrova il suo prototipo nella figura del demagogo, illustrata da Pericle.

Scholarly work on ancient Greek laws published in the second semester of 2021 and earlier.

Se puede afirmar que el análisis clasista de una sociedad histórica determinada no significa para el marxismo -aunque esto no siempre se reconozca- simplemente una elección conceptual de mayor eficacia interpretativa frente a otras... more

Se puede afirmar que el análisis clasista de una sociedad histórica determinada no significa para el marxismo -aunque esto no siempre se reconozca- simplemente una elección conceptual de mayor eficacia interpretativa frente a otras categorías, sino que se trata, a la vez, de una operación política que hace del análisis una postura de combate. Por consiguiente, en el marco del centenario de la Revolución de Octubre, consideramos pertinente retornar al problema de las clases y las luchas de clases en la pólis ateniense. Este retorno, aparte de estar justificado en tanto se trata de un tópico historiográfico en sí mismo, también permite pensar en ciertas dificultades que se manifiestan en nuestro propio tiempo presente y, por último pero no menos importante, constituye un tributo para quienes intentaron "cambiar al mundo" en el marco conmemorativo abierto con el centenario de la Revolución. A fin de cuentas, no es una casualidad el hecho de que al calor de los acontecimientos revolucionarios de la Rusia de principios del siglo XX, la democracia ateniense pudo ser pensada como una verdadera (y quizás primera) "dictadura del proletariado"

abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristotle's account of Solon of Athens in his Athenaion Politeia (5-13, 1). The section on Solon in the treaty is remarkably useful due to the... more

abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristotle's account of Solon of Athens in his Athenaion Politeia (5-13, 1). The section on Solon in the treaty is remarkably useful due to the quantity of the information, the quality of data passed down and the originality of the key to interpreting his reform. However, it is noteworthy that, although Aristotle knew almost all of Solon's laws, as shown by his composition of a work on his axones, he choose to include only some of the laws in Ath. Pol. Therefore, I will compare the account of Solon's reforms and laws in the treaty with Plutarch's Life of Solon, in order to examine the criteria that led to Aristotle's selection. For this purpose, I will present the laws in a synoptic way, according to the macro-area of Athenian law to which they pertain, namely that concerning private law, moral crimes, offences against the community and family law. I conclude that in the Ath. Pol. Aristotle selected the laws of Solon that pointed to a change or some features of discontinuity with the past in the structure of the constitution, in order to illustrate the ethos of Solon's politeia.

This article proposes a new interpretation of the figure of Aristides, the Athenian politician known as 'the Just'. The study shows how Aristides' fame was far from undisputed for the whole 5th century. Starting from the 4th century we... more

This article proposes a new interpretation of the figure of Aristides, the Athenian politician known as 'the Just'. The study shows how Aristides' fame was far from undisputed for the whole 5th century. Starting from the 4th century we find more evidence of his iconic attachment to justice: however, his reputation is always context-dependent and inevitably associated to Athens' domination over the Greeks. It is only in distant sources that he becomes a moral paragon. But to his contemporaries, Aristides was never a symbol of virtuous and ideal justice: the notion of distributive justice effectively explains his questionable fame. Questo articolo propone una nuova interpretazione della figura di Aristide, il politico ateniese noto come 'il Giusto'. Lo studio mostra come la fama di Aristide fosse tutt'altro che irreprensibile nel V secolo. Dal IV secolo in poi troviamo tracce più solide del suo iconico collegamento alla giustizia: tuttavia, la sua reputazione è inevitabilmente legata al contesto e associata al dominio di Atene sui Greci. È solo nelle fonti distanti che egli diviene un esempio di moralità. Ma per i propri contemporanei Aristide non fu mai un simbolo di giustizia virtuosa e ideale: il concetto di giustizia distributiva spiega efficacemente la sua discutibile fama.

La interpretación del pensamiento de Empédocles ha estado perseguida desde la Antigüedad por la sombra del orfismo y el pitagorismo. Sin embargo, una vez prescindimos del sesgo de nuestras fuentes, no es difícil encontrar en los... more

La interpretación del pensamiento de Empédocles ha estado perseguida desde la Antigüedad por la sombra del orfismo y el pitagorismo. Sin embargo, una vez prescindimos del sesgo de nuestras fuentes, no es difícil encontrar en los fragmentos de Empédocles profundas discrepancias con las ideas que sostenían estas doctrinas. El problema, en realidad, ha sido la dificultad para emplazar la obra de Empédocles dentro de su contexto político, cultural y religioso. En este artículo se realiza una nueva aproximación al pensamiento de Empédocles que toma en consideración los últimos avances en el campo de la investigación del ritual y el mito y las aportaciones más recientes de la histora y la arqueología de la antigua Akragas. Empédocles fue un poeta oral, y su obra fue compuesta para ser interpretada en el transcurso de un festival dedicado a las Purificaciones de Apolo. Este festival, que se celebraba en Akragas, seguía el esquema de mito y ritual del festival del Septerion que se celebraba cada ocho años en el santuario de Apolo en Delfos. El narrador del poema de Empédocles es Apolo, y el sentido de este poema debe ser interpretado en el contexto del movimiento de reforma política y religiosa que la presencia de los atenienses desencadenó en el santuario de Apolo en Delfos a finales del siglo VI a.C.

The main forum for political speech in the Greek city-state was the Assembly, which all male citizens had the right to attend. Speakers in the Assembly were not members of political parties promoting an ideology but appealed to the... more

The main forum for political speech in the Greek city-state was the Assembly, which all male citizens had the right to attend. Speakers in the Assembly were not members of political parties promoting an ideology but appealed to the interests of the entire community and to shared social values. To win the trust of fellow citizens, speakers employed rhetoric to stress their moral integrity and their personal dedication to public service. The agenda of the Assembly was set by the Council, and speakers had to address a specific proposal for immediate action. The business of the Assembly included foreign affairs, public finance, military campaigns, and religious business—there was no separation of church and state in the ancient Greek world. The Greeks made a strict distinction between speeches before the Assembly (deliberative oratory) and those given in the law courts (forensic oratory) and at festivals and public funerals (epideictic oratory).

La democrazia greca in parte ci appartiene, in parte ci è estranea. È questa la ragione della sua attualità ma anche delle trappole alle quali siamo esposti nel parlare di quell'esperienza. Libertà, uguaglianza, partecipazione erano,... more

La democrazia greca in parte ci appartiene, in parte ci è estranea. È questa la ragione della sua attualità ma anche delle trappole alle quali siamo esposti nel parlare di quell'esperienza. Libertà, uguaglianza, partecipazione erano, nella democrazia greca, nozioni centrali, ma immerse in un paesaggio culturale e in dinamiche sociali proprie. Garantendo agli strati popolari e ai poveri pieno accesso alla cittadinanza, la demokratia stabiliva principi nuovi e meccanismi istituzionali originali per rispondere a nuovi bisogni, anzitutto di natura sociale, nella complessa realtà dell'Atene classica, rilanciando la questione (questa senz'altro ancora attualissima): chi ha diritto a far parte di una comunità politica?

This paper reexamines the known performance contexts of the skolion in light of recent advances in our understanding of sympotic demographics and Greek popular culture, providing a close reading of select songs. In showing that the genre... more

This paper reexamines the known performance contexts of the skolion in light of recent advances in our understanding of sympotic demographics and Greek popular culture, providing a close reading of select songs. In showing that the genre was primarily associated with public festivals and non-elite symposia, I argue that the Attic skolia were originally composed, performed, and transmitted by middling citizens at common symposia. Thus, we may isolate within the extant corpus of Greek literature a rare example of popular poetry that expresses the genuine voice of non-elites who articulated egalitarian views based on isonomia independently of elite sources.

Sans le vouloir, en intitulant l'un de ses articles "Thucydide n'est pas un collègue", Nicole Loraux lançait à ses collègues une invitation à ne pas la lire plus avant. Ce titre ne disait-il pas tout ? Nul doute qu'il devint bientôt un... more

Sans le vouloir, en intitulant l'un de ses articles "Thucydide n'est pas un collègue", Nicole Loraux lançait à ses collègues une invitation à ne pas la lire plus avant. Ce titre ne disait-il pas tout ? Nul doute qu'il devint bientôt un proverbe, une vérité devenue simple formule, une catégorie philosophique au sujet de laquelle le philosophe Vincent Descombes rappelait naguère : "La force qui soutient ces proverbes n'est pas celle de la réflexion. Ils tiennent le crédit dont ils jouissent de leur commodité : grâce à eux, nous pouvons plus aisément coordonner nos opinions communes dans les domaines les plus divers". Commode, l'affirmation l'est assurément. Ne garantit-elle pas à celui ou celle qui s'y réfère un sauf-conduit dans le pays rassurant de l'objectivité ? Proclamer que décidément, non, Thucydide n'est pas un collègue, implique que celui ou celle qui le dit est un ou une collègue et se retrouve du même coup détenteur ou détentrice de la définition légitime de l'histoire ; et avec tous les privilèges afférents au titre, en particulier celui qu'offre la position de lector, la légitimité de revendiquer d'avoir le dernier mot sur un texte et, ici, plus généralement sur le métier d'historien. Par la grâce d'une formule, le père véritable de l'histoire, ce "plus haut point de l'historiographie antique et peut-être de l'historiographie tout court" doit rendre les armes. Ses successeurs refusent l'héritage pour mieux affirmer leur science et leur position de dernière instance de légitimation pour les interprétations textuelles. Défenseurs du point de vue sans point de vue, ils n'ont d'autres options que de délégitimer les textes qu'ils commentent, sous peine de voir leur propre production écrite passée au prisme d'une critique indélicate qu'ils pratiquent allègrement sur des textes qu'ils catégorisent comme sources. Certes, ils débattent entre eux mais l'affrontement est le plus souvent si policé qu'il s'apparente, à de rares exceptions près, à des échanges érudits, consensuels ou presque. Ignorant leur propre point de vue, ils peuvent ainsi mettre en évidence la subjectivité de tel Ancien, son parti pris ou du moins ses erreurs, sans jamais interroger le paradoxe de leur position qui implique qu'il serait plus facile de débusquer des mensonges proférés il y a vingt-cinq siècles que de dire ses quatre vérités au monde actuel.

Scholars have assumed for a long time that Plutarch, writing from the mid first century to early second century AD, held a wholly negative view of democracy, and especially the radical Athenian variant. These scholars have not looked,... more

Scholars have assumed for a long time that Plutarch, writing from the mid first century to early second century AD, held a wholly negative view of democracy, and especially the radical Athenian variant. These scholars have not looked, however, at how and in which contexts Plutarch actually used the word δημοκρατία in his Parallel Lives and Moralia, and what sorts of institutions and ideals he attached to δημοκρατία as an actual, practiced form of government. Plutarch did not exclusively identify δημοκρατία with Athens, nor did he exclusively identify it with the famous radical form of democracy that Athens practiced in parts of the 5th and 4th century BC. When Plutarch discussed or characterized δημοκρατίαι, he did so in a broader sense than has been previously acknowledged, to discuss multiple different states, including non-Greek states, from very different periods of time and space, nor did he always speak negatively of δημοκρατία.

Christian Thomsen offers a study of political institutions on the island state of Rhodes – an important power in the eastern Mediterranean and the first city of the Hellenistic world. Using Aristotle’s notion of the polis as an... more

Christian Thomsen offers a study of political institutions on the island state of Rhodes – an important power in the eastern Mediterranean and the first city of the Hellenistic world. Using Aristotle’s notion of the polis as an ‘association of associations’ as its point of departure, Thomsen provides an analysis of political institutions, taking a broader view of what constitutes an institution than traditional studies of the ancient Greek city-state.
Among the institutions surveyed are the family, civic subdivisions such as tribes and demes as well as private associations. He argues that these organisations served as important junctions in the networks of political elites and shaped the political landscape of Hellenistic Rhodes.

Abstract. This paper aims to tackle Arendt's thinking in connection with our current knowledge on the history of Greece, in order to examine the philosopher's interpretation of the Greek world – a special emphasis will be placed on the... more

Abstract. This paper aims to tackle Arendt's thinking in connection with our current knowledge on the history of Greece, in order to examine the philosopher's interpretation of the Greek world – a special emphasis will be placed on the concepts of action, nomos and freedom, as well as on the importance of the agora's political space. Furthermore, I intend to put into question those readings that attribute a kind of naïve hellenophilia to Arendt, also pointing out the limitations that she herself observed within the political approach of the polis. I argue that Arendt does not find, in Ancient Greece, any of the resorts that can counterbalance action and which she considers necessary in order for it to avoid falling into hybris, such as: forgiving, promise and authority. Finally, I claim that the Roman concept of lex, due to its relational dimension, is closer to her account of politics than the Greek concept of nomos.

Although literary and epigraphic texts attest to the widespread use of random selection in the ancient Mediterranean, archaeological evidence beyond the Athenian-style kleroterion is rare. A recent discovery at Morgantina may improve this... more

Although literary and epigraphic texts attest to the widespread use of random selection in the ancient Mediterranean, archaeological evidence beyond the Athenian-style kleroterion is rare. A recent discovery at Morgantina may improve this situation: a terracotta ball inscribed with a personal name was recovered in 2018 during excavations inside a house dated to the middle of the third century BCE. A nearly identical ball inscribed with a different name had been excavated in the 1960s in a nearby house of similar date. Here we consider them together, offering a first publication of the two objects and their inscriptions, including their onomastic and social significance. We argue that these objects most likely functioned as lots (κλῆροι) for sortition, based on a review of relevant evidence for the theory and practice of sortition from across the Mediterranean. We then discuss the historical context in which the lots were created, used, and discarded: decades of prosperity in eastern Sicily under the hegemony of the Syracusan monarch Hieron II (r. 269-215 BCE). We propose that the inhabitants of Hellenistic Morgantina may have employed random selection for distributing land during a period of demographic and urban growth generated by that prosperity.

In this article I try to compare the two thinkers in respect to their attitude to Philipp II and monarchy. Even though the both have different ideas about the actual athenian democracy, in respect to tyranny and dynasteia there’s wide... more

In this article I try to compare the two thinkers in respect to their attitude to Philipp II and monarchy. Even though the both have different ideas about the actual athenian democracy, in respect to tyranny and dynasteia there’s wide agreement between them, because Isocrates and emosthenes prefer any politeia of citizens than a monarchy without politeia.

Μεταπτυχιακή διπλωματική εργασία

Dēmokratia is widely glossed 'rule by the people' where 'people' (dēmos) is defined as 'entire citizenry'. Yet from Homer to Aeschylus, dēmos indicated not the whole citizenry but a part: those who wielded political power through their... more

Dēmokratia is widely glossed 'rule by the people' where 'people' (dēmos) is defined as 'entire citizenry'. Yet from Homer to Aeschylus, dēmos indicated not the whole citizenry but a part: those who wielded political power through their participation in a collective agent—in the first instance, an assembly—as opposed to those who enjoyed political influence as individuals. Dēmokratia signalled that supreme power had passed to this group, away from the leading men who had previously held sway. The implications for our conceptualization of democracy are profound.

Phillip E. Harding, Athens Transformed, 404-262 BC: From Popular Sovereignty to the Dominion of the Elite. Routledge monographs in classical studies, 23. New York; London: Routledge, 2015. Pp. xv, 186. ISBN 9780415873925. $140.00.... more

Phillip E. Harding, Athens Transformed, 404-262 BC: From Popular Sovereignty to the Dominion of the Elite. Routledge monographs in classical studies, 23. New York; London: Routledge, 2015. Pp. xv, 186. ISBN 9780415873925. $140.00.
Reviewed by Diego Paiaro, Universidad de Buenos Aires; Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento; CONICET (diegopaiaro@hotmail.com)

This article is a study of the ideas of A. Tovar (1911-1985) and F. Rodríguez Adrados (born 1922) on ancient democracy, focusing on their main works, as well as in other minor works, written during Francoism (1939-1975). It also explores... more

This article is a study of the ideas of A. Tovar (1911-1985) and F. Rodríguez Adrados (born 1922) on ancient democracy, focusing on their main works, as well as in other minor works, written during Francoism (1939-1975). It also explores their intellectual biographies. It is a historiographical study on the work of two of the most important Spanish philologists of the 20 th century. At the end of the article, the analysis is enhanced with brief reflections on Ober (2015) and Hansen, pointing out in the conclusions, first, the constant tendencies of the field of history and historical work, and secondly, the importance of reflective reason for their control.

Abstract: In the Constitution of the Athenians (18-20), Aristotle portrays the historical events that went from the rule of Peisistratus´ sons to the political rise of Clisthenes. This paper will try to analyze the controversies developed... more

Le processus de mise en œuvre de la démocratie à Athènes au fil des Ve et IVe siècles avant J.-C. s’exprime par la recherche constante d’outils permettant d’accompagner les innovations politiques. La volonté d’accorder à un corps de... more

Le processus de mise en œuvre de la démocratie à Athènes au fil des Ve et IVe siècles avant J.-C. s’exprime par la recherche constante d’outils permettant d’accompagner les innovations politiques. La volonté d’accorder à un corps de citoyens élargi une égale chance d’implication dans la vie civique conduit à une organisation subtile des modes de participation et d’expression du peuple. Pour la dévolution des charges publiques le recours au tirage au sort se développe au détriment de l’élection, mais le vote demeure un puissant mode d’arbitrage, aussi bien à l’Assemblée, au Conseil qu’au Tribunal du peuple.
Cette contribution a pour objectif de retracer les grandes étapes de l’équipement du tirage au sort à partir de l’étude du lexique utilisé pour le désigner et d’interroger la césure que marque l’apparition du klèrôtèrion, la machine à tirer au sort emblématique de la démocratie. L’examen conjoint des sources textuelles et des vestiges archéologiques conduit dès lors à se poser la question de l’apport de l’archéologie dans la connaissance du fonctionnement de la démocratie athénienne.