Thebes Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

ABSTRACT: This video re-enactment draws upon preserved late Dynasty 20 papyri and other data regarding robberies of royal tombs in the West Bank of Thebes and the Valley of the Kings, including official accusations of corruption within... more

ABSTRACT: This video re-enactment draws upon preserved late Dynasty 20 papyri and other data regarding robberies of royal tombs in the West Bank of Thebes and the Valley of the Kings, including official accusations of corruption within all levels of society from the pharaoh’s tomb builders (at Deir el-Medina), to other towns persons, the police, officials, priests, and even the mayor of West Thebes. This documentary response sheet contains a series of sequential questions drawn from the video, TLC: Ancient Egyptians, episode 2: Tomb Robbers (shown in-class; also available online via https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kAqXqsXcTds [50 minutes]). These sequential questions aim to maximize both student attention to various pertinent points made throughout the documentary and greater retention of the materials covered by the documentary. In addition, the documentary has been vetted for overall content accuracy (albeit updated and/or corrected in-class), and selected to provide supplementary visual aids (e.g., images of regions, sites, finds, and other materials; re-enactments), and other data to aid in student comprehension of the course lectures and readings from the textbooks. REVISED: Adding time marker for each question, plus value for reflection question (March 2017).

The decorative programme in four Late Period tombs of the Asasif necropolis includes a previously unnoticed vignette taken from the Book of Nut: Padiamenope (TT 33), Montuemhat (TT 34), Pabasa (TT 279), and Mutirdis (TT 410). This... more

The decorative programme in four Late Period tombs of the Asasif necropolis includes a previously unnoticed vignette taken from the Book of Nut: Padiamenope (TT 33), Montuemhat (TT 34), Pabasa (TT 279), and Mutirdis (TT 410). This vignette is inserted in an original decorative synthesis that is specific to the monumental tombs of this necropolis (Twenty-fifth–Twenty-sixth Dynasties). Moreover, it is not on the ceiling, as expected for the Book of the Sky genre, but on walls. In this respect, one can speak of an ‘Asasif Book of Nut’.
The vignette shows a falcon upon a standard, associated with the southern region rtḥ-qȝb.t, as well as the title of the Book of Nut. Analysing the similarities and differences in the Asasif Book of Nut layout reveals connections between the decorative programmes as well as the tomb owners, especially between the Fourth Prophet of Amun, Montuemhat, and the Chief and Lector Priest, Padiamenope, for they seem to have used the same decorative model.

This work critically examines every one of the spells and rites translated in Hans Dieter Betz's "Greek Magical Papyri in Translation" and Daniel & Maltomini's "Supplementum Magicum" (plus texts drawn from a number of other lamellae,... more

This work critically examines every one of the spells and rites translated in Hans Dieter Betz's "Greek Magical Papyri in Translation" and Daniel & Maltomini's "Supplementum Magicum" (plus texts drawn from a number of other lamellae, amulets, etc) with a view to identifying the precise magical technique used in each case. This categorisation is done on the basis of the original Greek or Demotic headwords or key words rather than upon the translation or later imprecise descriptions. The result is an identification of 40+ magical techniques such as autoptos, systasis, agoge, niketikon, oneiropompos, etc, rather than a simple but unhelpful identification each passage as a 'spell' or 'charm'. This is fully tabulated with line count for every single rite, presenting the full panorama of Graeco-Egyptian magic in the form, and with the structure, that the original scribes or magicians would have used. This enables ready access to all of the passages relevant to any one technique. It also removes the difficulties presented by varying translations of a specific Greek technical term by a range of different English approximations (such as 'love spell' for more than 7 different processes). Each of these techniques is then expanded upon showing where they influenced later systems of magic or remained unique in the Graeco-Egyptian world.

McGill University, 9.2.2017

The article is devoted to significance of metallurgy of bronze, delivering of copper and tin into Aegean and consumption of bronze in Mycenaean centers of the Late Bronze Age. Metallurgy of bronze was vital for the formation and... more

The article is devoted to significance of metallurgy of bronze, delivering of copper and tin into Aegean and consumption of bronze in Mycenaean centers of the Late Bronze Age. Metallurgy of bronze was vital for the formation and development of Mycenaean society. Excavations of shipwrecks in Uluburun and at Cape Gelidonya showed that Cyprus was the main source of copper supplies to Aegean. However, there were also sources of this metal in Lavrion in Greece, the Taurus Mountains of Anatolia, in Israel and in Sardinia. It was generally believed that Mycenaeans held a monopoly on maritime commerce in the Eastern
Mediterranean but it was not correct. The discoveries in Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya shipwrecks led to conclusion that ships were Near Eastern in origin or perhaps Cypriot. The scale of supplies allows us
to consider it as a real trade in metals. In the mainland Greece, bronze objects were produced in various palace workshops, which are well known from the excavations of Kadmeia - the acropolis of Thebes. Most
of the bronze was involved in the production of offensive and defensive equipment. In the process of analyzing of archaeological material from Thebes and literary sources, the educational function of the objects made of bronze, such as tripods, was also revealed. Bronze object served as a mediator of relations between a man and the past.

It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work "Hellenika", where even Epaminondas-the winner of The Battle of Leuctra-is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the... more

It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work "Hellenika", where even Epaminondas-the winner of The Battle of Leuctra-is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore , he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon's view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athens' traditional education, which created a negative literary tradition towards Thebes. The literary tradition was established long before Xenophon's existence and continued after him. The tradition was established as response to the border conflicts between the Thebans and the Athenians, that continued during archaic and classical periods of the history of Greece. The anti-Theban literary tradition is also supported by evidence of material culture, namely the border system of defense. Studying these materials , allows us to conclude that at the time of Xenophon, in the first half of the 4th cent. BC, at a time when their oppositions escalated against each other, the Athenians and the Thebans literally observed each other over the fortress walls. With regard to Xenophon, his hatred against the Thebans is mostly visible in his work "Hellenika". The main argument that Xenophon uses is retelling of Pelopidas' speech that he gives at the court of the Persian king, where the first thing he mentions is the Thebans' pro-Persian attitude. Epaminondas is mentioned in the "Hellenika" only in episodes of his career as a commander where he cannot achieve his goals or develop past success.

Publication of the stela of Seshen-Nefertem, dated to the end of XXX dynasty or to the beginning of the Ptolemaic Period. The stele, found in the tomb of Sheshonq (Dyn. XXVI), high steward of the god's wife, in the Asasif (TT 27), bears... more

Publication of the stela of Seshen-Nefertem, dated to the end of XXX dynasty or to the beginning of the Ptolemaic Period. The stele, found in the tomb of Sheshonq (Dyn. XXVI), high steward of the god's wife, in the Asasif (TT 27), bears many titles, some of them with particular writings. The name of the owner seems to be unattested.

This chapter discusses the fraught relationship between Second Sophistic discourse and koinē fiction of the second and third centuries ce. Taking its point of departure from a comparison (synkrisis) of Dio of Prusa’s first oration On... more

This chapter discusses the fraught relationship between Second Sophistic discourse and koinē fiction of the second and third centuries ce. Taking its point of departure from a comparison (synkrisis) of Dio of Prusa’s first oration On Kingship and the α-recension of the Greek Alexander Romance, the chapter goes on to argue that Second Sophistic
discourse and koinē fiction are not just two different bodies of contemporaneous writings that happened to appear side by side. Rather, they remain engaged in an intertextual agon where literary production in koinē—as opposed to Attic—Greek constitutes a dialectical negation of the overtly imperialist political agendas and monologic cultural
objectives that inform Second Sophistic composition. Further consideration of the Life of Sekoûndos and the Story of Aseneth shows how koinē fiction of this period not only aggressively contests the goals and priorities of the Second Sophistic, but pointedly turns its norms and ideals inside out.

The theme of the issue is "Medical Education in Antiquity." The issue consists of three parts and brings together articles on the ways of accumulating and transferring medical knowledge in the space of the ancient city. The city in... more

The theme of the issue is "Medical Education in Antiquity." The issue consists of three parts and brings together articles on the ways of accumulating and transferring medical knowledge in the space of the ancient city. The city in ancient times was a space of institutionalization and professionalization, where the ideas, practices and experience of medical care were intertwined in a complex relationship.
Тема выпуска – «Медицинское образование в Античности». Выпуск состоит из трех частей и объединяет статьи о способах накопления и передачи медицинских знаний в пространстве античного города. Город а античную эпоху являлся пространством институционализации и профессионализации, где в сложном соотношении находились идеи, практики и опыт медицинской помощи.

В книге публикуются результаты междисциплинарных исследований образовательных пространств и антропопрактик, которые формируют образ любого города и не сводятся к простой сумме мест локализации образовательной активности горожан. Авторы... more

В книге публикуются результаты междисциплинарных исследований образовательных пространств и антропопрактик, которые формируют образ любого города и не сводятся к простой сумме мест локализации образовательной активности горожан. Авторы предприняли попытку рассмотреть особенности эволюции образов города и человека, получающего образование в городе или вне его, а также сопоставить образовательные
траектории, навигации и практики древних и современных городов.

In 1821 ten paintings were purchased from Mr. Henry Salt (1780-1827) and arrived at the British Museum. The eleventh painting was acquired in 1823. Each painting appeared to have been mounted with a slightly different support material.... more

In 1821 ten paintings were purchased from Mr. Henry Salt (1780-1827) and arrived at the British Museum. The eleventh painting was acquired in 1823. Each painting appeared to have been mounted with a slightly different support material. Finger marks and hand prints on the backs of many of the paintings suggest that the paintings were laid face down onto a surface and that a thickened slurry-mix of plaster was applied to the back of the mud straw. All these paintings have undergone extensive conservation. In 1835, the paintings were put on display to the public within the “Egyptian Saloon” (now the Egyptian Sculpture Gallery) at the British Museum. They were then given the inventory display numbers (nos. 169-70, 171-81). However, at the beginning of the 20th century they were given their current inventory numbers of EA37976-86. There is little indication that they originally came from the same tomb-chapel.

Tematem niniejszego opracowania są królewskie pałace Amenhotepa III, jednego z największych władców XVIII dynastii. Założenia te wzniesione zostały na jego polecenie w Tebach, na zachodnim brzegu Nilu. Stanowisko znane pod współczesną... more

Tematem niniejszego opracowania są królewskie pałace Amenhotepa III, jednego z największych władców XVIII dynastii. Założenia te wzniesione zostały na jego polecenie w Tebach, na zachodnim brzegu Nilu. Stanowisko znane pod współczesną nazwą Malgata badane było na przestrzeni ponad stu lat przez wiele misji archeologicznych. Niniejsza praca zawiera zestawienie opublikowanych wyników badań i interpretacje poszczególnych założeń. W pracy opisana została historia wykopalisk, topografia stanowiska, architektura oraz dekoracje pałaców. Ponadto w celach porównawczych zaprezentowane zostały w zarysie także inne znane królewskie pałace z tego okresu. Na tej podstawie autor przedstawia własne interpretacje niektórych założeń znajdujących się w Malgacie.

The author discusses the chronology of the tomb-robbery papyri, showing that the verso of both P. BM 10068 and P. BM 10053 should be ascribed to the wHm mswt. Whereas the traditional ascription of P. BM 10053 vso. requires an otherwise... more

The author discusses the chronology of the tomb-robbery papyri, showing that the verso of both P. BM 10068 and P. BM 10053 should be ascribed to the wHm mswt. Whereas the traditional ascription of P. BM 10053 vso. requires an otherwise unsubstantiated period of anarchy, in its new position this text can be seen to refer to the Suppression of the High Priest Amenhotep. Jansen-Winkeln's alternative explanation for the Pnekhtemope case is shown to be untenable and his remarks about P. Ambras are discussed. The chronology of P. BM 10054 is shown to be intimately connected to that of the papyri named in P. Ambras. Finally, P. BM 10068 vso. 1, 1-25 (the "Srmt-list") is interpreted as a very last effort by the authorities to retrieve stolen goods.

Abstract: Chemical analyses of ancient Pistacia resins found in pharaonic contexts have so far failed to go beyond the genus level, to reach the species level. This failure hinders the identification of the precise... more

Abstract: Chemical analyses of ancient Pistacia resins found in pharaonic contexts have so far failed to go beyond the genus level, to reach the species level. This failure hinders the identification of the precise identity of the Pistacia species brought during this period to the Nile Valley, and the subsequent historical and economic conclusions which would result from such exact identifications particularly in relation to foreign trade. The general purpose of the present study is to synthesize the current state of research so as to stimulate the future solving of this problem.

Middle Kingdom burial assemblages as well as funerary equipment from the Third Intermediate Period uncovered at the North Asasif necropolis during the recent fourth season of archaeological research in 2017 have provided important insight... more

Middle Kingdom burial assemblages as well as funerary equipment from the Third Intermediate Period uncovered at the North Asasif necropolis during the recent fourth season of archaeological research in 2017 have provided important insight into the development of the necropolis during the Pharaonic era. Seven Middle Kingdom funerary complexes: tomb of Khety (TT 311), MMA 509, MMA 511, MMA 512, MMA 514, MMA 515 and tomb of Meru (TT 240) were targeted in this fieldwork. At the same time, the presence of a Coptic hermitage inside the tomb of Meru, revealed in the process of cleaning the funerary complex, demonstrated its continued use in the late Roman age.

“ΧΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES. Wall-painting and vase-painting of the second millennium BC in dialogue” was an interdisciplinary symposium addressed to archaeologists, conservators of antiquities and artists specialized in the study of Aegean... more

“ΧΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES. Wall-painting and vase-painting of the second millennium BC in dialogue” was an interdisciplinary symposium addressed to archaeologists, conservators of antiquities and artists specialized in the study of Aegean iconography. All were invited to Akrotiri, Thera, from 24 to 26 May 2013, to participate in open discussions on the dialectical relationship that developed between the arts of vase-painting and wall-painting in the Aegean during the second millennium BC.

The three Hyksos dynasties (XIV, XV, XVI) ruled Egypt approximately from 1750 to 1530 BCE and then disappear abruptly after the death of Pharaoh Seqenenre Taa. One can notice that Egyptian documents unanimously describe the departure of... more

The three Hyksos dynasties (XIV, XV, XVI) ruled Egypt approximately from 1750 to 1530 BCE and then disappear abruptly after the death of Pharaoh Seqenenre Taa. One can notice that Egyptian documents unanimously describe the departure of the Hyksos from Egypt to Palestine in a disaster. Modern Egyptologists pictured a ‘war of the Hyksos’, however no document speaks of war but only that Avaris, Hyksos' capital, was looted and vandalized after their departure. Moreover all accounts of former historians picture the Hyksos as the ancestors of the Hebrews, led into Palestine under the leadership of Moses. In addition both biblical and Egyptian chronologies date the Hyksos departure in 1533 BCE, which implies the coincidence of these two dramatic events. The only way to date the so-called “Hyksos' war” is: gathering all historical and archaeological documents about the Hyksos, establishing a relative chronology of the “Hyksos' war”, identifying who was Apopi and his links with the biblical Moses, determining from where came the Hyksos and where did they go, dating the Hyksos war according to the Egyptian chronology through synchronisms dated by astronomy and dating the Exodus according to the Israelite chronology (based on masoretical text) checked by absolute dates.
According to Egyptian accounts the last king of the XVth dynasty, named Apopi, "very pretty" in Hebrew that is Moses' birth name (Exodus 2:2), reigned 40 years in Egypt from 1613 to 1573 BCE. 40 years later Apopi met Seqenenre Taa the last pharaoh of the XVIIth dynasty and gave him an unspecified disturbing message. The eldest son of Seqenenre Taa, Ahmose Sapaïr, who was crown prince died in a dramatic and unexplained way shortly before his father. Seqenenre Taa died in May 1533 BCE, after 11 years of reign, in dramatic and unclear circumstances. The state of his mummy proves, however, that his body received severe injuries and remained abandoned for several days before being mummified (see Psalms 136:15). Prince Kamose, Seqenenre Taa's brother, assured interim of authority for 3 years and threatened attack the former pharaoh Apopi, new prince of Retenu (Palestine). In the stele of the Tempest he also blames Apopi for all the disasters that come to fall upon Egypt which caused many deaths."

The article gives an overview on the development in the Theban necropolis from reign of Tutankhamun to Horemheb and investigates non-royal funerary monuments with regard to social status of owners, their location in the necropolis, and... more

The article gives an overview on the development in the Theban necropolis from reign of Tutankhamun to Horemheb and investigates non-royal funerary monuments with regard to social status of owners, their location in the necropolis, and the architecture of the cult chapels. A chapter on tomb decoration focuses on a selected group of tombs built shortly after the Amarna period. These cult chapels exhibit iconographic programs, which rely on traditional images on the one hand, but also integrate new concepts and even precise Amarna motifs. Particularly the compositorial layout of some walls appears to be influenced by the Amarna period, while at the same time precise image quotations link the tombs to pre-Amarna neighbours. Funerary sculpture likewise attests traditional Theban forms but apart from that also certain shifts. In particular, the preserved free-standing statues appear to be another indicator for strong bonds of most of the tomb owners to Amun cults and temple administration.

In 1994 the A. could work for a short period in the Theban Tomb nr. 34, belonging to the famous Fourth Prophet of Amun and Governor of the Town Montuemhat (end 25th-beg. 26th dyn.). She devoted herself to the identification of the Book... more

In 1994 the A. could work for a short period in the Theban Tomb nr. 34, belonging to the famous Fourth Prophet of Amun and Governor of the Town Montuemhat (end 25th-beg. 26th dyn.). She devoted herself to the identification of the Book of the Dead chapters inscribed on the pillars of the second underground court.

Evocation of the grave which was built for Padiamenope on the western bank of Thebes (towards 650 before J.-C.), of the history of its discovery, and of the incredible accumulation of unique characteristics: innovative choice in the... more

Evocation of the grave which was built for Padiamenope on the western bank of Thebes (towards 650 before J.-C.), of the history of its discovery, and of the incredible accumulation of unique characteristics: innovative choice in the geographical orientation, architectural and scriptural structure which juxtaposes the periods, funerary texts deliberately put at the disposal of the scholars, similarities with the Osireion of Abydos.
Last, revised versions of the Book of the Amduat and the Book of the Gates appear in the tomb of Padiamenope, including unparalleled « metatexts » or « metadiscurses » aiming to personalize those Books for the deceased.

Our purpose in this chapter is not to try to reconstruct the lost epics of Heracles but rather to use the conceptual framework of interformularity and intertraditionality to explore the ways in which the Iliad represents Heracles and... more

Our purpose in this chapter is not to try to reconstruct the lost epics of Heracles but rather to use the conceptual framework of interformularity and intertraditionality to explore the ways in which the Iliad represents Heracles and makes his tradition speak to the concerns of this narrative. We begin by sketching out the antiquity of Heracles in myth and assessing its resonance in the fragmentary and extant poetry from the archaic period. After establishing Heracles’ independent existence outside Homer, we explore how speakers in the Iliad relate – and relate to – the accomplishments of this hero, in trying to make sense of or influence their situations. Finally, we consider how Heracles’ appearances in the Iliad communicate the poem’s sustained engagement with Heracles traditions through the adaptation of traditional structures and the manipulation of formulaic language. This analysis helps us reconsider Achilles’ curious statement as part of an agonistic process by which the Iliad appropriates and marginalizes a hero ill fit to its tale.

«Cities», as they are now teached in French schools of architecture, seem to be a device which art and mastering mainly comes from greek or roman civilizations. Yet, far before these civilizations, in Ancient Egypt, human concentrations... more

«Cities», as they are now teached in French schools of architecture, seem to be a device which art and mastering mainly comes from greek or roman civilizations. Yet, far before these civilizations, in Ancient Egypt, human concentrations produced urban fabric. This essay tries to spotlight a few specs of City in Ancient Egypt during its best period - New Kingdom - focusing on what makes today cities : duality between private and public spaces. This study analyses four urban sets : the village of Deir el-Medineh, the fortress of Buhen, the city of Tell el-Amarna and the city of Thebes.

Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey are the only early Greek heroic epics to have survived the transition to writing, even though extant evidence indicates that they emerged from a thriving oral culture. Among the missing are the songs of Boeotian... more

Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey are the only early Greek heroic epics to have survived the transition to writing, even though extant evidence indicates that they emerged from a thriving oral culture. Among the missing are the songs of Boeotian Thebes. Homer’s Thebes examines moments in the Iliad and Odyssey where Theban characters and thematic engagements come to the fore. Rather than sifting through these appearances to reconstruct lost poems, Elton Barker and Joel Christensen argue that the Homeric poems borrow heroes from Thebes to address key ideas—about politics, time, and genre–that set out the unique superiority of these texts in performance. By using evidence from Hesiod and fragmentary sources attributed to Theban tradition, Barker and Christensen explore Homer’s appropriation of Theban motifs of strife and distribution to promote his tale of the sack of Troy and the returns home. As Homer’s Thebes shows, this Theban material sheds light on the exceptionality of the Homeric epics through the notions of poetic rivalry and Panhellenism. Furthermore, by emphasizing a nonhierarchical model of “reading” the epics derived from oral-formulaic poetics, this book contributes to recent debates about allusion, neoanalysis, and intertextuality.

Already Wilhelm SPIEGELBERG remarked in his Kunstgeschichte from 1903 that many artistic forms of the early 18th dynasty were inspired by models from the Old- and Middle Kingdom. Since then, many publications pondered on the question of... more

Already Wilhelm SPIEGELBERG remarked in his Kunstgeschichte from 1903 that many artistic forms of the early 18th dynasty were inspired by models from the Old- and Middle Kingdom. Since then, many publications pondered on the question of 18th dynasty archaism, highlighting questions on motivations, developments and modes of transmission. Topics of this discussion were phenomena of archaism itself, principles of transfers, questions on consciousness and visitor’s inscriptions as sign of a “lived tradition”.
However, one set of evidence was overlooked so far. In several instances protagonists of that period commented on or referred to certain ways of approaching the past: Examples like Senenmut’s remark on his access to “all the writings of the priests” (Urk. IV, 415 f.) are part of a larger group of texts in which the Cultural Memory of that time was expressed ver-bally. Strangely enough, such remarks were treated as orphans in Egyptology so far and solely presented as self-explanatory aphorisms without notions of their discursive potential.
I argue that a concise definition and embedment of such quotes within the frameworks of discourse analysis could lead to a better understanding and finally to a more fruitful and structured discussion about the relation between the early 18th dynasty and it’s past. In this talk I will present several of those remarks and discuss a way of freeing them from their exist-ence as mere footnotes of history.

The Library of Archaeology and History of Art in Rome (BIASA) holds 75 drawings and paintings by Giuseppe Angelelli (Coimbra, 1803 Florence 1849), one of the painters of the Franco-Tuscan Expedition to Egypt in 1828-29, the founding event... more

The Library of Archaeology and History of Art in Rome (BIASA) holds 75 drawings and paintings by Giuseppe Angelelli (Coimbra, 1803 Florence 1849), one of the painters of the Franco-Tuscan Expedition to Egypt in 1828-29, the founding event of modern Egyptology. Acquired in 1942, they belonged to the personal portfolio of the artist, made in Egypt during the rare moments he was not busy to copy scenes and texts from temples and tombs: they include views of ancient monuments, landscapes, and some portraits. Unlike the drawings he made for the Expedition, mostly published, today in the University Library of Pisa, his works in BiASA have been only partly described to date. 43 of them, in particular, were unknown so far. They represent not only the charming sketches of a very talented drawer, but also a meaningful contribution to the reconstruction of Egyptian archaeological landscape, particularly that of ancient Thebes. Moreover, they are a valuable record of an architectural and ethnographic landscape now almost entirely disappeared: that of the village of Gurna at the beginning of the 19th century.