Transnistria Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

This article focuses on how unrecognised states have tried to establish themselves domestically and internationally, and on the efforts of base states designed to counter these initiatives. Having provided an overview of the main features... more

This article focuses on how unrecognised states have tried to establish themselves domestically and internationally, and on the efforts of base states designed to counter these initiatives. Having provided an overview of the main features of post-Soviet unrecognised states, we examine the political systems found in these territories, focusing on their presidents, parliaments, and elections. We then focus on how unrecognised states strive to strengthen themselves through support from abroad, in spite of international isolation. Finally, we debate the strategies enacted by base states to counter such efforts and deny international legitimacy and recognition to these entities.

Rapid depopulation, which affected vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe, has long-term consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For the unrecognized polities, the ability to retain the... more

Rapid depopulation, which affected vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe, has long-term consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For the unrecognized polities, the ability to retain the population has become an important criterion for successfully competing with the parent states for the loyalty of citizens, the legitimacy of political regimes and claims to sovereignty. The objective of the paper is to consider the impact of depopulation on the socioeconomic situation and political life of the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (Transnistria, PMR) in comparison with the Republic of Moldova (RM). On the basis of official statistics, the authors compare the rates, factors and reasons for the population decrease in the PMR and RM. Shown are the consequences of depopulation typical for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and specific for Transnistria and Moldova. The assessment of migration losses in general for these territories and for their regions demonstrates that the population outflow in Transnistria began earlier and was more intensive than from the RM. In Moldova, depopulation intensifies the identity crisis and contradictions between the “Moldovenists” and supporters of unification with Romania, in the PMR— instability of political life, uncertainty of the region’s prospects and the growth of a critical attitude towards the authorities.
Быстрая депопуляция, охватившая обширные регионы стран Центральной и Восточной Европы, вызывает долгосрочные последствия не только для их социально-экономического, но и политического развития. Для непризнанных политий способность удержать население стала важным критерием успешной конкуренции с материнским государством за лояльность граждан, легитимности политических режимов и претензий на суверенитет. Цель работы – выявить влияние депопуляции на социально-экономическую ситуацию и политическую жизнь непризнанной Приднестровской Молдавской Республики (ПМР) в сравнении с Республикой Молдова (РМ). На основе официальных статистических данных авторы сравнивают темпы, факторы и причины сокращения населения в ПМР и РМ. Показаны типичные для стран Центральной и Восточной Европы и специфические для Приднестровья и Молдовы последствия депопуляции. Оценка миграционных потерь в целом по этим территориям и по их отдельным регионам показывает, что в Приднестровье отток населения начался раньше и был более интенсивным, чем из РМ. В Молдове депопуляция усиливает кризис идентичности и противоречия между “молдовенистами” и сторонниками объединения с Румынией, в ПМР – нестабильность политической жизни, неопределенность перспектив региона и рост критического настроя к власти.

The rapid depopulation that covered vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe has had long-lasting consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For unrecognized polities, the ability to retain population... more

The rapid depopulation that covered vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe has had long-lasting consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For unrecognized polities, the ability to retain population became an important criterion for successful competition with the mother state for citizens' loyalty, the legitimacy of political regimes, and claims to sovereignty. The aim of the study is to identify the impact of depopulation on the socioeconomic situation and political life of the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR, or Transnistria) in comparison with the Republic of Moldova (RM). On the basis of official statistics, the authors compare the rates, factors, and reasons for population decline in the PMR and RM. The consequences of depopulation typical of Central and Eastern European countries and specific to Transnistria and Moldova are shown. Assessment of migration losses in general for these territories and their individual regions shows that population outflow in Transnistria began earlier and was more intensive than from the Republic of Moldova. In Moldova, depopulation is intensifying the identity crisis and contradictions between Moldovans and supporters of unification with Romania; in the PMR, the instability of political life, uncertainty of the region's prospects, and an increasing critical attitude towards the authorities.

The essay aims to analyse causes, aspects and consequences of the brief Transnistrian ethic civil war and following frozen conflict affecting Moldova since the early 90s where the Romanian ethnic group tried to subjugate and prevail over... more

The essay aims to analyse causes, aspects and consequences of the brief Transnistrian ethic civil war and following frozen conflict affecting Moldova since the early 90s where the Romanian ethnic group tried to subjugate and prevail over the Russian one. Although Transnistria is a small and insignificant region in the European scenario still officially included in Moldova, the poorest country in Europe, it has involved resolution's efforts from either Moldova and Russia.

Im Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 2020 in der Republik Moldau thematisierten die meisten Oppositionskandidat/innen den ungelösten Konflikt mit der abtrünnigen Region Transnistrien im Zusammenhang möglichen Wahlbetrugs. Keine Rolle spielte ihre... more

Im Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 2020 in der Republik Moldau thematisierten die meisten Oppositionskandidat/innen den ungelösten Konflikt mit der abtrünnigen Region Transnistrien im Zusammenhang möglichen Wahlbetrugs. Keine Rolle spielte ihre »geopolitische« Bedeutung als möglicher Kanal für russische Beeinflussung. Vielmehr betonten einige Kandidat/innen das Risiko, das durch Bestechung sowie organisierte Transfers moldauischer Wähler/innen aus Transnistrien gegeben sei diese Faktoren galten vor der Wahl als entscheidend für den Ausgang der Stichwahl zwischen dem amtierenden Präsidenten Igor Dodon und Maia Sandu.

Istoria românilor transnistrieni după Nicolae Iorga. Broşură editată în 1918

The collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in 1991, was followed by a series of intense military conflicts that broke out along the Soviet periphery and across its former sphere of influence. The dire state of the... more

The collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in 1991, was followed by a series of intense military conflicts that broke out along the Soviet periphery and across its former sphere of influence. The dire state of the Russian economy, domestic political turmoil and the necessity to uphold a liberal façade to its new Western backers prevented Moscow from becoming openly involved in these conflicts. However, a Russian footprint was still present thanks to the arrival of so-called “volunteers,” who poured into these emerging zones of instability. This period played an important role in the development of future Russian Private Military Companies (PMC) and the way the government would subsequently use them in other theaters. First, these Russian irregulars gained experience (not necessarily positive or state-sponsored) in regional conflicts stretching from Central Asia to the Balkans and became acquainted with the specificities of non-linear, asymmetric warfare under different geographic and climactic conditions. Second, their participation created an aura of “volunteerism” and justice-seeking that substantially increased Russia’s popularity abroad. Finally, this involvement of volunteer irregulars allowed Moscow to create zones of instability (so-called “frozen conflicts”) that it continues to use to this day for various geopolitical purposes.
Among other aspects, this paper aims to:
Discuss the main operational theaters and composition of Russian irregular/mercenary forces in regional armed conflicts until 2013;
Trace the fighting tactics/techniques employed by Russian irregulars;
Discern the motivating factors driving Russian irregulars/mercenaries;
Identify the “volunteers’ ” recruitment techniques and command-and-control (C2) structures;
Mention and discuss the main groups/companies/organizations that formed the foundation for Russia’s current Private Military Companies;
Present the main factors that prevented nascent Russian PMCs from pursuing the trajectory followed by Western enterprises.

The Holocaust of Jews in the Balkans during World War II and the Genocide of the Roma in the Balkan Region

Disclaimer: The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the involved organizations.

Manual Istoria românilor și universală, Chișinău, Cartier, 2013, p. 103-104.

Characterized by General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev as a “bleeding wound,” the Soviet-Afghan War left a broad imprint on the domestic front during the Soviet Union’s transition from stagnation to dissolution. From the onset of war on 25... more

Characterized by General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev as a “bleeding wound,” the Soviet-Afghan War left a broad imprint on the domestic front during the Soviet Union’s transition from stagnation to dissolution. From the onset of war on 25 December 1979 to the 40th Army’s withdrawal on 15 February 1989, most Soviet officials spoke only of a Limited Contingent of Soviet Troops in Afghanistan that served its “international duty.” As a result, private narratives and popular myths about those at war – known as the afgantsy – circulated for years before the Politburo chose to assemble heroic icons from the fallen. By focusing on the afgantsy, this dissertation offers a case study in the mobilization of civil protest, popular interpretation of military conflict in times of war, and its translation into postwar culture. The Soviet-Afghan war filtered through a range of domestic avenues, from emerging grassroots organizations, to conferences aimed at reinforcing the state narrative, to popular cinema. When in the years of glasnost public debate on the war was authorized, the only uniform perception of the afgantsy that emerged was that they were wrongfully deployed by the Politburo. After the Soviet Union dissolved on 26 December 1991 this verdict became redundant for many, and the historicization of the Soviet-Afghan War became a challenge for 15 independent countries. This study explores the myriad ways in which the Afghan war made an imprint on everyday life in the Soviet Union through the incorporation of a broad range of sources. These include but are not limited to recently declassified archival materials, oral history interviews, memoirs, films, and a vast range of publications that have been made accessible in the online world. More than 20 interviews were conducted, the majority of which were with afgantsy, but included soldiers’ mothers, widows, and veterans of other armed conflicts. Archival research took place at a variety of locales, among them the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the International Archive of Memorial in Moscow; the Central State Archive of Political Documentation of the Kyrgyz Republic in Bishkek; and the State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine in Kiev.

Intensitatea comunicatelor de presă a Ministerului Apărării rus în perioada 2011 -2021

""During the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, the second largest country in Europe came close to a violent break-up similar to that in neighboring Moldova, which witnessed a violent secession of the Transdniestria region. Numerous... more

""During the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, the second largest country in Europe came close to a violent break-up similar to that in neighboring Moldova, which witnessed a violent secession of the Transdniestria region. Numerous elections, including the hotly contested 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine, and surveys of public opinion showed significant regional divisions in these post-Soviet countries. Western parts of Ukraine and Moldova, as well as the Muslim Crimean Tatars, were vocal supporters of independence, nationalist, and pro-Western parties and politicians. In contrast, Eastern regions, as well as the Orthodox Turkic-speaking Gagauz, consistently expressed pro-Russian and pro-Communist political orientations. Which factors ? historical legacies, religion, economy, ethnicity, or political leadership ? could explain these divisions? Why was Ukraine able to avoid a violent break-up, in contrast to Moldova?
This is the first book to offer a systematic and comparative analysis of the regional political divisions in post-Soviet Ukraine and Moldova. The study examines voting behavior and political attitudes in two groups of regions: those which were under Russian, Ottoman, and Soviet rule; and those which were under Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovak rule until World War I or World War II. This book attributes the regional political divisions to the differences in historical experience. This study helps us to better understand regional cleavages and conflicts, not only in Ukraine and Moldova, but also in other cleft countries.""

Fragment din cartea DUȘMANUL DE CLASĂ. Represiuni politice, violență și represiune în R(A)SS Moldovenească, 1924-1956, Chișinău, Cartier, 2015, editia a II-a, p. 58-65. Cartea este disponibila in librariile din Chisinau si Bucurersti,... more

Туристическое Приднестровье. Справочник. Составители: Кривенко А.В. (руководитель коллектива составителей), Артюхов Е.Е., Симаченко Р.В., Фоменко В.Г., Шерстюк С.А., Палий В.Л., Бурла О.Н. / Приднестровский государственный университет им.... more

Туристическое Приднестровье. Справочник. Составители: Кривенко А.В. (руководитель коллектива составителей), Артюхов Е.Е., Симаченко Р.В., Фоменко В.Г., Шерстюк С.А., Палий В.Л., Бурла О.Н. / Приднестровский государственный университет им. Т.Г. Шевченко. Научно-исследовательская лаборатория «Региональные исследования». –Тирасполь. 2018. 218 с.

The activity of the special SS-Unit "R" (Russia) in Transnistria is documented and analyzed on the basis of documents from the "Bundesarchiv" in Berlin-Lichterfelde. There is also indirect proof of the Holocaust and corresponding measures... more

The activity of the special SS-Unit "R" (Russia) in Transnistria is documented and analyzed on the basis of documents from the "Bundesarchiv" in Berlin-Lichterfelde. There is also indirect proof of the Holocaust and corresponding measures taken by this SS-unit.

Apelul făcut de istoricul NicoLae Iorga în Parlamentul României în 1913 referitor la românii transnistreni

despre românii de la est de Nistru, adică românii transnistreni

Date cu privire la activitățile Grupului operativ al trupelor ruse 2011 - 2020

The article presents the analysis of indicators of the population dynamics of Pridnestrovie, based on the data of the population censuses of 1989, 2004 and 2015. The contribution of natural and mechanical movement to the dynamics of the... more

The article presents the analysis of indicators of the population dynamics of Pridnestrovie, based on the data of the population censuses of 1989, 2004 and 2015. The contribution of natural and mechanical movement to the dynamics of the total population is shown. The main perspective directions of demographic development of the region are presented.

This article is dedicated to the Novorossiyan political myth among the populations of Southeastern Ukraine, Transnistria, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia. The author analyzes this myth in terms of the peculiar transnationalism and political... more

This article is dedicated to the Novorossiyan political myth among the populations of Southeastern Ukraine, Transnistria, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia. The author analyzes this myth in terms of the peculiar transnationalism and political imagination that led to the formation of a utopian alternative to the existing East European order. The author argues that the Novorossiyan myth is the separatists' response to the needs and demands of groups that feel excluded from post-Soviet title nations. Also, the myth is a response to needs and demands of the populations of unrecognized states—the "invisible nations" that are now seeking a new "international or-der".

The newest "Ante Portas – Security Studies" journal's volume concerns the role of Moldova on the geopolitical map of the globe and the place, that Moldova takes in the political-military strategies of Russian Federation and the Western... more

The newest "Ante Portas – Security Studies" journal's volume concerns the role of Moldova on the geopolitical map of the globe and the place, that Moldova takes in the political-military strategies of Russian Federation and the Western countries. The articles also refer to the internal policy of Moldova, especially the problem of the country's separatism movements. This volume contains also a noteworthy and very interesting interview with the representatives of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, guest articles and book reviews.

W niniejszej pracy autor zwraca uwagę na zagadnienie Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej. Głównym celem analizy jest dokładne przedstawienie organizmu tego nieuznawanego państwa. Autor opisuje genezę rozpoczęcia procesu... more

W niniejszej pracy autor zwraca uwagę na zagadnienie Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej.
Głównym celem analizy jest dokładne przedstawienie organizmu tego nieuznawanego państwa. Autor
opisuje genezę rozpoczęcia procesu państwotwórczego, ukazuje bezpośrednie przyczyny powstania
Naddniestrza, a także obrazuje skutki jakie przyniosło utworzenie quasi-państwa. W pracy
prezentowana jest rola Naddniestrza jako przedmiotu rozgrywki geopolitycznej. Autor ukazuje historię
konfliktu między Naddniestrzem a Mołdawią, opisuje proces pokojowy umożliwiający zatrzymanie
rozlewu krwi jak również okrzepnięcie naddniestrzańskiej państwowości. Przybliża mechanizmy
jakimi posługują się politycy w rozgrywaniu nieuregulowanej w świetle prawa międzynarodowego
sytuacji Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej. Charakteryzuje także społeczeństwo
separatystycznej republiki. Jednocześnie w pracy ukazana jest rzeczywistość funkcjonowania
parapaństwa. Zwracając uwagę na obecną sytuację gospodarczą i polityczną Naddniestrza oraz próby
utworzenia naddniestrzańskiej tożsamości możliwa staje się ocena funkcjonowania
naddniestrzańskiego organizmu państwowego, podsumowania jego efektywności, a także określenia
prognozy na najbliższą przyszłość w kontekście problemów rozgrywki geopolitycznej i wyzwań z
jakimi musi mierzyć się Naddniestrzańska Republika Mołdawska.

Pod pojmom „zamrznuti konflikt“ podrazumijevamo bilo koji oružani sukob koji je u nekom momentu prekinut, ali bez usvajanja definitivnog mirovnog sporazuma koji bi pomirio sve sukobljene strane. Ergo, takav konflikt u svakom momentu može... more

Pod pojmom „zamrznuti konflikt“ podrazumijevamo bilo koji oružani sukob koji je u nekom momentu prekinut, ali bez usvajanja definitivnog mirovnog sporazuma koji bi pomirio sve sukobljene strane. Ergo, takav konflikt u svakom momentu može ponovo eskalirati u ozbiljniji sukob širih razmjera. Na prostoru nekadašnjeg Sovjetskog Saveza je, nakon njegovog raspada decembra 1991. godine, nastalo više zona koje se danas nazivaju oblastima zamrznutog konflikta. U ovom radu biće obrađene četiri takve oblasti, de facto nezavisne države: Abhazija, Južna Osetija, Nagorno-Karabah i Pridnjestrovlje.

This paper focuses on the status of post-Soviet non-recognised states, viewed through the lens of world-system analysis. The author interprets non-recognised states as an 'extreme 'periphery' in relation to 'the centre' with its... more

This paper focuses on the status of post-Soviet non-recognised states, viewed through the lens of world-system analysis. The author interprets non-recognised states as an 'extreme 'periphery' in relation to 'the centre' with its legitimate periphery, international law and global order. The author argues that even though post-Soviet non-recognised states emerged from national movements in a collapsing USSR, with the aim of legitimately building new nation states, in time, they turned into polities that oppose international law and global order. This opposition creates a state model that has proved to be sustainable in spite of conflicts and sanctions, and that proliferates across the region. The most recent case of extreme periphery-shared their models of state-building with the ruling groups in Donetsk and Lugansk after 2014. The specificity of this state-building is connected with the opposition to the centre of the core-periphery world-system and to all of the political, legal and economic rules sanctioned by the international organisations and states which constitute this centre.

Der Konflikt um die abtrünnige moldauische Region Transnistrien hat seine Wurzeln in jahrhunderteweit in die Vergangenheit zurückreichenden Entwicklungen, der politischen Ökonomie der späten Moldauischen Sozialistischen Sowjetrepublik... more

Der Konflikt um die abtrünnige moldauische Region Transnistrien hat seine Wurzeln in jahrhunderteweit in die Vergangenheit zurückreichenden Entwicklungen, der politischen Ökonomie der späten Moldauischen Sozialistischen Sowjetrepublik (MSSR) innerhalb der Sowjetunion sowie der politökonomischen Entwicklung der unabhängigen Republik Moldau seit 1991. Dieser Artikel thematisiert die Entwicklung der Region Transnistrien im Lichte von Zentrum-Peripherie-Beziehungen, der politischen Ökonomie des Gebiets und der moldauischen Nationalstaatsbildung aus einer kritischen Perspektive.

Since 1812 the area of what is the Republic of Moldova has been subject to heavy language planning first from Imperial Russia, then internal nationalist movements, Soviet Russia, and once again internal nationalist movements. Moldova... more

Since 1812 the area of what is the Republic of Moldova has been subject to heavy language planning first from Imperial Russia, then internal nationalist movements, Soviet Russia, and once again internal nationalist movements. Moldova today is a multi-nation state heavily influenced by culture and language pulls from the East and from the West. The majority of its residents speak a dialect of Romanian but a strong influential minority speaks Russian. This paper first looks at the historical influences leading up to the 1989 Language Laws that established Moldovan as the official language, but gives significant minority status to Russian. It follows the shifts in allegiance displayed by the official legal documents of 1991 Declaration of Independence, what it means for breakaway Transnistria, and the 1994 Constitution. Then this paper looks at the chosen national anthems after 1991 and that despite celebrating its multi-lingual heritage, the anthem demonstrates the constructed nation that Moldova really is. This construction is confirmed by the former left-wing president, Vladimir Voronin (2001-2008), Moldovan citizens, as well as the 2003 Romanian-Moldovan dictionary. Finally, this paper shows the cautious shift of the pro-Western alliance of 2009-present to acknowledge the state language is Romanian.

While working to seal off Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia after the 2008 war, Russia promised to play a constructive role in Nagorno-Karabakh and the Transnistrian conflict. This paper aims to assess how Russia delivered on its... more

While working to seal off Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia after the 2008 war, Russia
promised to play a constructive role in Nagorno-Karabakh and the Transnistrian conflict. This
paper aims to assess how Russia delivered on its renewed peace-making pledge. It also will
spell out how Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova have reacted to the new Russian undertaking
to revive negotiations within the Minsk Group, the “5+2” format or other formulas with the
direct participation of Moscow. The paper will address how other international stakeholders
have adapted to the 2008 post-conflict situation and will uncover the developments relevant
for the conflict resolution process in the breakaway regions. It will conclude with an analysis
on prospective strategies to be employed by all sides and regional players in dealing with the
conflicts in the Eastern neighborhood and what could be done in 2013 to push the negotiations
forward.

despre istoria românilor (moldovenilor) transnistreni de la începuturi pînă în 1991

What are the implications and the history of the conflict? How are international actors participating in this struggle for independence? This paper will answer these questions and offer an interesting point of view on how this conflict... more

What are the implications and the history of the conflict?
How are international actors participating in this struggle for independence?
This paper will answer these questions and offer an interesting point of view on how this conflict is forcing Russia and USA to sit on the same table.

In Russian. Overview of an international multi-sited ethnography of Victory Day celebrations in 11 countries conducted in 2013, introducing a journal section with selected papers from that project. Detailed discussion of the scholarly... more

In Russian. Overview of an international multi-sited ethnography of Victory Day celebrations in 11 countries conducted in 2013, introducing a journal section with selected papers from that project. Detailed discussion of the scholarly study, history, and sociology of Victory Day in its Soviet and post-Soviet varieties.