Turkish and Middle East Studies Research Papers (original) (raw)

Through the theoretical framework of queer phenomenology and monster theory, this scholarly comic presents an analysis of the unauthorised, Turkish remake of E.T., titled Homoti (1987), featuring a gay alien as its main character. Being one of the three Turkish films made in the 1980s dealing with gay themes, Homoti emerges as a metaphor for the oppression of LGBT communities in Turkey by a patriarchal, military, nationalistic regime in the 1980s. Published in the online journal Sequentials. https://www.sequentialsjournal.net/issues/issue2/yalcinkaya.html

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- Sociology, Queer Theory, Turkish Cinema, Comics

Short of the war, the destruction, and the massive loss of life, Ukraine is in many ways similar to the Gulf crisis in which the UAE, together with Saudi Arabia, led a 3.5-year-long economic and diplomatic boycott of Qatar that, like the... more

We invite applications for our panel "Figuring It Out: Crises and Resistance in Graphic Novels, Comics, and Cartoons" at the XV Conference of the Italian Society for Middle Eastern Studies (SeSaMO). The conference will be held in presence... more

- by Can Yalcinkaya
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- Film Studies, Horror Film, Turkish and Middle East Studies
- by Ayhan Aktar
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- Military History, Diplomatic History, Ottoman History, Middle East Studies

GORA is a product of the new televisual production regime in
Turkey. GORA represents the coming together of two products of
television in Turkey: the technical excellence of the television infrastructure and the new, popular television talent. The year 1999 was a turning point for cinema in Turkey as digital post-production facilities came in line with their American counterparts in terms of quality.

- by Murat Akser
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- Film Studies, Visual Culture, Turkish Cinema, Turkish and Middle East Studies
- by Mohammed Rustom and +1
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- Islamic Philosophy, Kalam (Islamic Theology), Qur'anic Studies, Quranic Studies
- by Mehmet Perincek
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- Ottoman History, Soviet History, Armenian Studies, Ottoman Studies

kuruluşundan bu yana, dünyadaki birçok saha araştırmacısı ve müzikolog tarafından önemli çalışma merkezi konumda olmuştur. Berlin ekolünün kurucuları aynı zamanda bu kurumun da kurucuları olarak da bilinmektir. İkinci dünya savaşından sonra sessizliğe bürünen bu kurum, son yıllarda tekrar bir canlanma yaşamakta ve bir asrı aşkın süredir muhafaza ettiği tarihi belge niteliğindeki mum kayıtlarını geniş kapsamlı bir proje dâhilinde dijital ortama aktarmaktadır. Bu çalışmamızda Berlin Fonograf Arşivi'nin Türkiye ve Türk müzikolojisi açısından önemini ortaya koyarak Türk müzikolojisine yeni bilgiler aktarmaya çalışmaktayız. Yine bu çalışmaya paralel olarak, Alman Milli Kütüphanesinin verilerine dayanarak, " Türk Beşlileri " olarak bildiğimiz; , Ulvi Cemal Erkin, Hasan Ferit Alnar, Necil Kazım Akses ve Cemal Reşit Rey'in bu kurum için önemini ortaya koymaktayız. Çalışmamızda, " Türk Beşlileri " hakkında önemli istatistik bilgileri sunarak bir karşılaştırma yapmakta yeni bulgular elde etmeye çalışmaktayız Abstract Berlin Phonograph Archieve has been the center for many field researchers and musicologists all over the world since it was established. Berline Ecole's establishers are known as the establishers of this intitute as well. The institution, which has been inactive or passive after the World War Second, has shown a remarkably vivid reactivity in recent years, and perserving candle documents over than a century ,which are considered as valuable historical inscriptions, tranformed them into a digital formation in a great Project. In this study, we try to find out the significance of Berline's phonogragpic Archieve in terms of Turkey and Turkish musicology and to convey some more new information to Turkish musicology. Again, along with this study, we try to underline the importance of musicians for this institute; as we Have known them as " Turkish Quintette " ; Ahmed Adnan Saygun,Ulvi Cemal Erkin, Hasan Ferit Anlar, Necil Kazım Akses and Cemal Reşit Rey,based on the data of German National Library. In this study, we have tried to figure out some important statistic indications about " Turkish Quintette " using comparason technic.

The First of the Modern Ottomans blends biography with intellectual history. On the one hand, it is the story of an Ottoman life – the life of the scribe, ambassador, and prolific historian Ahmed Vâsıf (ca. 1735-1806), a man who improbably rose from obscurity in Baghdad to travel the empire, fight its wars, advise its sultans, and, in time, write its history. As a full-scale biography, the book is a rarity for the field of Ottoman history and reconstructs Vâsıf’s life, career, and opinions through meticulous research in both Ottoman and European sources. On the other hand, The First of the Modern Ottomans is also one of the first detailed intellectual studies of the early modern Ottoman Empire. Weaving together Vâsıf’s life and thought with the larger intellectual currents of the day – especially at the court of Sultan Selim III in Istanbul – it explores central debates among the Ottoman ruling elite over Europe, political reform, war and peace, justice, and the empire’s renewal. Vâsıf’s life reveals a vital response to the empire’s challenges at the turn of the nineteenth century – one that was novel and deeply enmeshed in Islamic philosophy, ethics, and statecraft.

- by Ethan Menchinger
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- History, European History, Intellectual History, Cultural History
- by Mohammed Rustom
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- Religion, Metaphysics, Medieval Philosophy, Theology

What happens to the anti-establishment sentiments of pro-incumbent voters for a populist force that is in government and thus controls the political system? This article examines this question utilizing the case of Turkey, a country in which a populist force has been in power for more than a decade. By analyzing populist attitudes among a nationally representative sample, we demonstrate that while the voters of the incumbent populist party (AKP) are less likely, compared to everyone else, to hold populist sentiments, the same voters are also substantially more likely to endorse conspiracy theories that center on malign foreign powers. This finding is relevant beyond Turkey, because it demonstrates that populist forces might be able to maintain popular support and thus stay in power for a long stretch of time by employing government propaganda to fuel an antagonism against conspiratorial foreign and global forces.

- by Evren Balta and +1
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- Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Conspiracy Theories, Populism, Turkish and Middle East Studies
- by William Kynan-Wilson
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- History, European History, Cultural History, Cultural Studies
- by Mustapha Salah
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- Turkish and Middle East Studies

When the Greeks and surviving Armenians of present-day Turkey were forced to leave their homeland in 1922, the movable and immovable property they had to leave behind became known as „abandoned property“(emval-i metruke). In theory, this legal term implied that the absent owners continued to enjoy their property rights and were represented by the state. In practice, however, their houses, fields and belongings were stolen. They were used for the immediate housing needs of the remaining population, distributed among the rich and powerful and sold in public auctions. Initially, only a small part of abandoned property was under control of the new Ankara government, which was eager to use it as a source of revenue for the empty state coffers. Before it could do so, however, the government had to deal with various forms of active and passive resistance: homeless people and refugees squatted „abandoned“ homes and fields, and members of parliament initially refused to pass laws that would have legalized government administration of „abandoned“ property. From 1924 onwards, the property compensation for among incoming migrants from Greece (the so-called exchangees) threatened the financial interests of the state and pitted the newcomers against the existing population. By focusing on all these aspects of the „abandoned property“ question and the multiple forms of resistance against its administration by the state, this book offers unique insights into the social and political history of early republican Turkey.zeige weniger

- by Ellinor Morack
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- Ottoman History, Property Rights, Legal History, Ottoman Studies

This edited volume introduces the political, social and economic intra-Kurdish dynamics in the Middle East by comparatively analyzing the main actors, their ideas, and political interests. As an ethnic group and a nation in the making, Kurds are not homogeneous and united but rather the Kurdish Middle East is home to various competing political groups, leaderships, ideologies, and interests. Although many existing studies focus on the Kurds and their relations with the nation-states that they populate, few studies analyze the Kurdish Middle East within its own debates, conflicts and interests from a comparative perspective across Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. This book analyzes the intra-Kurdish dynamics with historically-grounded, theoretically-informed, and conceptually-relevant scholarship that prioritizes comparative politics over international relations.

- by Serhun Al and +1
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- Sociology, Comparative Politics, Political Economy, Violence

Modern Türkiye’de Siyasî Düşünce külliyatının Modernleşme ve Batıcılık cildini inceleyeceğiz. Bu cilt dizinin diğer kitapları gibi çeşitli düşünürlerin yazılarından oluşmaktadır. Külliyat siyasi fikirlere odaklanmışken bu cildin de... more

- by Doğuhan Murat Yücel
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- Political Science, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Modernity, Turkey
- by Esra Akcan
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- Critical Theory, Art History, Architecture, Immigration

Classical geopolitical analysis comes to remind us that it is still present as a tool for decoding the interstate antagonisms as well as the global and the regional re-distributions of power. To be accurate , this never stopped happening; the post-Cold War 'neo-liberal vertigo' simply permitted many well-known fi gures of the greater academia to forget, to ignore and to doubt. The evolutions, during almost the last decade in the Greater Middle East, have made geopolitical analysis timelier than ever. The subsystem of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey is the operator of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement and, in these terms, it represents a main set of forces behind the pressures for redistribution of power and roles in the region. The current paper refers to the systemic geopolitical analysis to focus on Turkey's historical role in the Greater Middle East, its current ambitions and the mistakes having led its strategy to a stalemate. In this context, it is questioned which mistakes Turkey made, whether the overall neo-ottoman geostrategic policy recommendations are feasible and which elements of power are available for Turkey. Undoubtedly, power is the key towards an effective maximization of gains and a substantial increase of infl uence. For instance, Turkey's emphasis on the energy reserves of its greater region is still reasonable, while their nature itself underlines the worth of geopolitical analysis since it is identifi ed with the ontology of space and the intervening roles of group interests.

- by Bilen Işıktaş
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- History, Sociology, Music, Music History

The Syrian war will allow Russia to recover its naval presence in the Mediterranean. The Russian Navy will have more facilities at the same time that the Chinese Navy will appear in this scenario. This new situation will give us a new world order; this period we call "Tens Calm". Something similar happened after Bismarck Era, the period called "Armed Peace" (1890-1914), when the global balance was broken. This pre-war environment in the media could have been avoided. Russia today tries to recover its old deployment in the Mediterranean to become a global power.

Following the neoliberal restructuration of the Turkish welfare and banking systems in the 2000s, many veterans of Turkey’s Kurdish war faced debt enforcement due to failed payments for prosthetic limbs. Veterans responded to debt collection by turning their own bodies into spectacles of debt and sacrifice by publicly removing and showcasing their debt-ridden prostheses. The media interest in these prosthetic spectacles further amplified the visceral threat of dismemberment evoked by veterans’ embodied performances. The public debates surrounding “prosthesis repossession” cases extended well beyond veteran welfare issues, inscribing all sorts of social and political anxieties on the amputee veteran body, such as anxieties around the incommensurability between the value regimes of nationalism and neoliberalism or around the Syrian refugees. Providing a window into larger questions about the interconnections between disability, gender, nationalism, and neoliberal capitalism, prosthesis repossession cases show us how debt and disability coproduce each other at the nexus of consumer debt and nationalist welfare in Turkey. By homing in on the prosthetic re-membering and dismembering of veteran bodies in a rapidly changing health milieu, we see how the political economy of violence and the violence of political economy become complicit in the production of debt, dismemberment, and prosthetic rehabilitation.

- by Salih Can Aciksoz
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- Gender Studies, Anthropology, Medical Anthropology, Disability Studies
- by Karen Pinto
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- Aesthetics, Architecture, Middle East Studies, Middle East History
- by Necmettin Gökkır
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- Quranic Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies
- by Baki Tezcan
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- Ottoman History, Middle East Studies, Middle East & North Africa, Middle East History

A new definition of public diplomacy has been presented by developing conceptional framework. According to the definition, “public diplomacy is a new style of diplomacy based on soft power, civil society-oriented, and public opinion-focus”. Subsequently, the interdisciplinary public diplomacy model has been developed by utilizing public relations, communication, propaganda and cultural-art activity, instrument and methods. In conclusion, a new analysis framework has been developed for the societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy during Ak Party era with the newly developed theoretical-conceptual framework and the model of public diplomacy in this research. It is claimed that this newly analysis framework could bring a new perspective in analyzing Turkish foreign policy in the era of Ak Party and to bring forth this rather neglected societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy.

Central Asia and India in particular witnessed Islamic invasion by Turks, Mongols and Moguls that left a permanent mark in the history that can be regarded as "Age of unreason" . The period was marked by large scale violence and wanton... more

- by Bipin Shah
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- Ancient History, Medieval History, History of India, Turkish and Middle East Studies

Cihan Harbi Avrupa’yı karanlık bir evreye sokuyor, 19. yüzyılın refah ortamını sonlandırırken kararsızlıklarla dolu bir dönemi başlatıyordu. Türkiye insanının bu gelişmelerden etkilenmemesi düşünülemezdi. Üstelik Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi hilafeti ve saltanatı kaldırmış, Batı’ya yönelmiş, “yeni hayat” özlemiyle yaşam tarzında köklü dönüşümlere gitmişti. Reform kaygıları, seküler yaşam özlemi, Osmanlı kültür kodlarının sorgulanışı, nesiller arası uyumsuzluklar yoksul ülkenin insanlarını her geçen gün çözümsüzlüğe yöneltmişti. 30’lu yıllarda “ideal”lerle donatılmış kendi “yeni insan”ına ulaşıncaya kadar Türkiye inkılaplarla toplumsal travmayı birlikte yaşayacaktı. Jön Türklerin İkinci Meşrutiyet yıllarına özgü sosyoloji tutkularının yerini bu kez Cumhuriyet’le birlikte psikoloji ve psikiyatri alıyordu. Durkheim’in pabucu dama atılmış, Freud’a ve Bergson’a umut bağlanmıştı.
Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat 1908-1928 çağdaş yaşam özleminin toplumsal travmaya dönüşümünün öyküsü. Nüfus sorunu başta olmak üzere, kadının, gençliğin, çocuğun erkek Cumhuriyet döneminde karşılaştıkları sorunları ele alan Zafer Toprak uzun savaş yıllarının neden olduğu bunalımı, yoksulluğun neden olduğu fuhuşu, intiharlarla sonuçlanan umutsuzluğu dönemin kaynaklarına başvurarak gün ışığına çıkarıyor.

While some of the analysis presented here, particularly as it pertains to religion in politics, is no doubt rather dated, this book still provides a useful and original analysis of the political and economic developments in Turkey during... more

- by İrvin Cemil Schick and +1
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- Turkish and Middle East Studies, Turkey, Modern Turkey, History of Modern Turkey

Meşrutiyet’in ilanı Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda kamuoyunun ilk kez vücut bulduğu olaylarla gerçekleşti. Eylemler, mitingler, toplantılar ve durdurulan grevler... Daha sonra 1908’e canlılığını veren kamuoyu, Bosna-Hersek’in Avusturya tarafından ilhakı ve Bulgaristan’ın bağımsızlığını ilan etmesi üzerine bir kez daha sokağın gücünü ve kendiliğindenliğini ele geçirdi. “Osmanlı Fes Boykotu” olarak bilinen süreçte halk, kendi inisiyatifini kullanarak Avusturya ve Bulgaristan mallarına karşı bir boykot başlattı. Avusturya’dan ithal edilmekte olan fes ile simgesini bulan boykot kısa bir sürede daha düzenli ve İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti tarafından yönlendirilen eylemler halini aldı. İlk defa gerçek bir savaşla değil de “harb-i iktisadî” ile başarılı olunan bu süreçte 1908’in ilham verdiği Osmanlılık fikri canlılığına kavuşurken, millî iktisat icadı da ortaya çıktı. Millî bir sanayi kurmak gerekliliği ve bunun için gereken nedenlerin kolayca devşirilmesi ile 1908 Boykotu, pek çok siyasal mobilizasyon faktörünü aynı anda devreye sokmuş oldu. Y. Doğan Çetinkaya 1908 Osmanlı Boykotu: Bir Toplumsal Hareketin Analizi çalışmasında günlük basının etkisiyle, siyasal mobilizasyonun kitleler üzerindeki gücüyle, kitlelerin kendiliğindenliğiyle, milliyetçiliğin farklı renklerdeki yansımalarıyla bu toplumsal hareketin özelliklerine ve önemine dikkat çekiyor. Geniş kapsamlı bir arşiv çalışması, soru sormak konusunda gösterdiği özen ve cevaplarındaki toklukla bu kitap II. Meşrutiyet döneminin dünyasına, insanlarına içeriden, “aşağıdan” ve onların tarafından bakıyor.

- by Mehmet Perincek
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- Soviet History, Kurdish Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Turkey
- by Ahcen Djeddi
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- International Relations, Middle East Studies, Democratic Theory, Political Science
- by Fatma Ürekli
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- History, Ottoman History, Social Sciences, Ottoman Studies
- by Zekeriya Kurşun
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- Ottoman History, Middle East Studies, The Persian Gulf, Middle Eastern History
- by Mustafa Öner
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- Turkish and Middle East Studies, Sosyoloji, Türkoloji, Türkiye
- by latife akyuz and +1
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- Border Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies

Türkiye, her iki dünya savaşı ertesi köklü dönüşümler geçirdi. İlki 600 yıllık Osmanlı hanedanına son verdi. İkincisi ise Tek Parti döneminin sonu oldu; Türkiye’de siyasi demokrasinin yolunu açtı. İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Türkiye tarafsız kaldı. Ancak, savaşın tüm olumsuzluklarını bilfiil yaşadı. Tek Parti döneminin toplumsal dengeleri büyük ölçüde hasar gördü. Milli Korunma Kanunu, Varlık Vergisi, Toprak Mahsulleri
Vergisi, İş Mükellefiyeti gibi uygulamalar toplumsal katmanları iktidara karşı tavır almaya sevk etti. Devletin savaş içinde kararlarını hayata geçirme konusundaki zaafları belirginleşirken; kitlelerin gündelik yaşamda tepki ve direnişleri de çığ gibi arttı. Gerek çok partili sisteme geçişte, gerekse 1940’ların ikinci yarısında gündeme gelen sosyal politika alanındaki reformlarda toplum tabanında gözlenen yılgınlık ve
tepkiler önemli bir rol oynadı.
Murat Metinsoy’un kitabı işte bu zor yılların toplumsal öyküsünü gündeme getiriyor. Olaylar dizinini tabandan irdeleyerek; kitlelerin yaşam deneyimlerini, serzenişlerini, gündelik yaşamdaki direnişlerini vurgulayarak… Otoriter dönemlerde bile toplumun
gündelik mücadelelerinin ve taleplerinin siyasete etki edebileceğini
ortaya koyarak…
Zafer Toprak, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi

- by Murat Metinsoy
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- Social Movements, Social Policy, Historical Sociology, Poverty