Conflict in Libya Research Papers (original) (raw)

Because of its extensive Mediterranean history, France had a particular responsibility when the Arab revolutions broke out in 2011. The strategies defined by Paris in Libya and Syria, implemented through foreign policy, have proved to be less effective than expected. Although distinct, both were pursuing the same aim: the expansion of friendly democratic regimes in the Southern European neighborhood bloc.

- by
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- Strategy (Military Science), International Relations, Terrorism, Geopolitics

While often caused by conflict, crises are treated by the EU as a phenomenon of their own. Contemporary EU crisis management represents a watering down of normative EU approaches to peace- building, reduced to a technical exercise with the limited ambition to contain spillover effects of crises. In theoretical terms this is a reversal, which tilts intervention towards EU security interests and avoids engagement with the root causes of the crises. This paper develops a novel crisis response typology derived from con- flict theory, which ranges from crisis management to crisis resolution and (critical) crisis transformation. By drawing on EU interventions in Libya, Mali and Ukraine, the paper demonstrates that basic crisis management approaches are pre-eminent in practice. More pro- mising innovations remain largely confined to the realms of dis- course and policy documentation.

- by Sandra Pogodda and +1
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- International Relations, Crisis Management, European Union (International Studies), Ukraine

Democracy in a post-colonial Africa has not replicated the “Westminster model” that was inoculated upon the continent by its former colonial masters. African democracy, which is flawed mainly in comparison to the West, has posed different characteristics mostly, an extended stay in power by some of its leaders. The emergence of the strong man leader has been a critical point of debate as scholars in the field of comparative politics and government continue to wrestle with the question of how African dictators have maintained a stronghold on power. These extended incumbencies, which are becoming the norm, are best understood if they are analyzed using the theoretical frameworks of; cooptation, coercion, repression, colonial legacies, and elements of foreign direct investment/ influence. To put democracy and dictatorship in conversation, this paper examines Libya’s Muammar Gadhafi, whose rule discombobulated the young nation. Gadhafi’s reign, in its nativity, was a harbinger for hopes of democracy in Africa as it promised participation of all citizens; however, relations soured throughout what was an egregious 42-year presidency.

In this article I am making a comparison between France's diplomatic recognition of the National Transitional Council of Libya in 2011 and its diplomatic recognition of the Chinese communists in 1964. In both cases France took a leading... more

- by Gerben Stormbroek
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- NATO, Security, Nationalism, United States History
- by Melisa Tekeli
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- Libya, Conflict in Libya, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Libyan Studies

(Tanıtım Bülteninden) "Arap İsyanları Güncesi", Kuzey Afrika ve Ortadoğu'daki değişimi Türkiye'de en yakından izleyen habercilerden birinin, 3 yıl süresince Tunus, Mısır, Libya ve Suriye'ye gerçekleştirdiği seyahatlerde şahit oldukları... more

- by Can Ertuna
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- International Relations, Journalism, Politics, Egypt
- by Kurt W . Bassuener, PhD
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- Democratization, Lebanon, Diplomacy, Syria

تعد المجالس البلدية القوية إحدى سمات ومكونات أي نظام ديمقراطي قوي، وبعد الثورة الليبية كانت هناك آمال عريضة بأن تكون المجالس البلدية المنتخبة خطوة على طريق التحول الديمقراطي، بما يخدم تحقيق معنى اللامركزية الإدارية ومصالح وطموحات المواطن الليبي في خدمات أفضل، حيث إن مجالس البلدية تعد رافداً مهماً من الروافد التي تساعد على تحسين الأوضاع على مستوى كل بلدية، إذ هي أقدر على تقدير ظروف واحتياجات مواطنيها، وبالتالي تكون قادرة على إيجاد الحلول الناجعة لكل ما يعتري البلدية من مشاكل أو صعوبات، إلى جانب أن ذلك سيسهم في القضاء على المركزية من خلال ما تقوم به هذه المجالس من توفير الخدمات كافة لمواطنيها وتكون آليات عملها والرقابة عليها مباشرة من قبل وزارة الحكم المحلي فهل تصبح البلديات الليبية نواة لحلحلة الأزمة؟

- by Omar Khalaf
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- African Studies, Libya, Libya Islamists, Conflict in Libya

The African Union gate-keeping role as a regional organization is saddled with the responsibility to find effective solutions to problems inherent within the region. This manifest role as contained in the AU Constitutive Act and the phrase, "African Solutions to African Problems", explains the need for unity before execution. The customary solution adopted by the organization is often diplomacy and mediation. The response therefore to the Libyan crisis was not an exception. The AU response as contained in its Roadmap constituted a ceasefire, mediation, transition and a peaceful coexistence of the fractions within the country. The internal fractions included the Gadaffi government and the Transitional National Council (TNC) among other rebel groups. External actors included the different organisations such as the AU, United Nations (UN), North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Organisation Islamic Conference (OIC), and League of Arab States (LAS) but of interest to this paper is the AU. Using descriptive analysis of secondary data sourced from academic journals, institutional communiqué, media materials and documents relevant to this study, the paper critically examined AU's response to Libya Crisis. These include: political indecision on what approach to resolve the crisis, political and economic constraints, disagreement among AU member states, lack of political will, poor publicity for the defunct AU's Roadmap, the Gaddafi factor as well as the politics of interest. The research concludes that the void of unity and where there is disunity, the will to carry out a peaceful or any operation becomes an illusion. It recommends among others the need to drive security resolutions with resources and the political will in order to fulfill its role as a regional gatekeeper.

- by Oluwatosin Akintola
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Africa, African Union, Conflict in Libya

Основой для анализа является теория гражданских войн, в рамках которой были проанализированы текущие военные конфликты в Афганистане, Ираке, Ливии, Сирии и на Украине с самого начала боевых действий в этих странах. Выявлено, что бои в Афганистане, Ираке, Ливии и Сирии в разные периоды времени представляли собой разные по сущности войны, а сущность войны на Украине не менялась от ее начала и до настоящего времени.

- by Konstantin Shchemelinin
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- War Studies, Civil War, Russian Foreign Policy, Armed Conflict

Libya has been an important producer of crude oil since the 1960s. With a population of only six million and substantial annual oil revenues, amounting to $32 billion in 2010, Libya's potential is tremendous. However, during Gaddafi's 42... more

Libya has been an important producer of crude oil since the 1960s. With a population of only six million and substantial annual oil revenues, amounting to 32billionin2010,Libya′spotentialistremendous.However,duringGaddafi′s42yearsinpower,Gaddafiandhiscroniesreportedlyplunderedasmuchas32 billion in 2010, Libya's potential is tremendous. However, during Gaddafi's 42 years in power, Gaddafi and his cronies reportedly plundered as much as 32billionin2010,Libya′spotentialistremendous.However,duringGaddafi′s42yearsinpower,Gaddafiandhiscroniesreportedlyplunderedasmuchas200 billion from the country that was deposited in bank accounts around the world. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, authorities have been trying to track and get access to these hidden funds. Libya's future depends on the capacity of the UN-backed government to ensure political stability and rebuild the economy. Libya's hidden wealth could provide an essential source of finance to support post-conflict reconstruction.

- by TRT World Research Centre and +1
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- Libya, Corruption, Conflict in Libya, Wealth

Aim: This survey was designed to first – collect information on the oral self‑care practices and self‑assessment of their dental condition among the dental students and second, to provide a recommendation (if required) to improve their oral health behavior.
Materials and Methods: The study design was a cross‑sectional survey using a self‑administered, structured, and close‑ended 25‑item questionnaire. Ninety‑five students completed the study. For the purpose of analysis, the data were divided into four groups according to their year of study. Descriptive statistics, including frequencies and percentages was calculated and the comparison between the groups was done using Chi‑square test.
Results: About 100% reported to have used the toothbrush and fluoridated toothpaste. 69.47% practiced toothbrushing twice daily, 64.21% preferred to use medium bristle toothbrush, 52.63% reported to have changed the toothbrush after 3 months; 30.52% stored the toothbrush in the toothbrush stand kept on the wash basin; About 50.52% reported to use the vertical method of toothbrushing; 49.47% brushed for more than 1 min duration; only, 14.73% used mouthwash regularly. Nearly 58.94% visited the dentist for dental problems and 37.89% as a part of routine check‑up. Sixty per cent reported to have a good overall dental health. Overall, intergroup comparison showed statistically significant difference with regards to toothbrush storage, toothbrushing technique, decision to buy the toothbrush, rating the cleanliness of the mouth and visit to the dentist.
Conclusion: The oral self‑care practices followed by the dental students are not up to the mark. They require training and motivation to self‑implement the preventive dentistry measure that they study at the dental school.

- by Dr. Syed Wali Peeran and +1
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- Dentistry, Medical Anthropology, Preventive Health, Preventive and public health dentistry

In this contribution, the author compares the Amazigh movement in Tunisia with that of Libya. It seems clear that the fall of Ben Ali’s regime allowed the emergence of Amazighity in Tunisia. On several occasions, the Amazigh have had to express the latter and remind the Tunisian political class that Tunisia is also Amazigh. The irruption of Libyan neighbours and the way in which they performed Amazighity was not without its influence on the awakening of the Amazigh in Tunisia. The author hypothesizes that the direct contact with the refugees in Tunisia could play an additional, important role for Libyan Amazigh.

- by Masin Ferkal
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- Political Science, Berber studies, Libya, Conflict in Libya

Viewed from a normative standpoint, the Libyan and Syrian conflicts may be read as the moment of inflection in the liberal normative order pioneered and diffused by the "West," with the traditional recalcitrance of the "Rest" now becoming normatively consequential. The Libya intervention is the final flames of a liberal Western order; the Syrian conflict is the incipient signs of a post-liberal polycentric world. And yet the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) all endorsed, in different shades, the imperative of stopping the bloodshed and protecting civilians in both Libya and Syria. Furthermore, within Europe and the United States too, there has been no consensus on intervention in Syria. What thus do the stories of Libya and Syria tell us about normative evolution at the global level when it comes to key notions like civilian protection, intervention, and state sovereignty? At face value, the Libyan and Syrian crises suggest a tipping of the scales in the international system from the "West" to the "Rest." However, this paper argues that a situated and multifaceted analysis of power reveals that Western and BRICS countries alike played crucial roles in determining the overall international responses to both crises. In doing so, all major international actors involved contributed to the ongoing global normative conversation about when and how to respond to mass atrocities, with likely long-term implications for the responsibility to protect.

- by Nathalie Tocci
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- Responsibility to Protect, European Union, United States, Conflict in Libya

This report outlines major remarks around the capacities of Libyan civil society following a desk review and a series of individual meetings with representatives from women led CSOs in west, east and south of Libya. It identifies accordingly a number of key insights and recommendations for international organisations active in the area of capacity strengthening of Libyan civil society.

- by Emad Emam
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- Human Rights, Gender, Civil Society, Libya
- by Igor Cherstich
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- Social and Cultural Anthropology, Revolutions, Embodiment, Urban Graffiti

Literature that deals with the 2011 Libyan intervention tends to ignore the practical means of the intervention, and instead focuses on its justifications. In particular, rational-actor and two-stage decision-making models often artificially differentiate between the choice to intervene and the choice of tools to do so. This paper argues that this differentiation ignores the interactive effects between these supposedly different choices, and that the perceived availability and attractiveness of particular tools may influence the choice to intervene. The paper probes this suggestion with a case study on the Libyan intervention. It argues that the suggestion of a no-fly zone majorly influenced the international decision-making process in the UN Security Council, and proved a “silver bullet” to compromise, because the no-fly zone appeared attractive both to supporters and critics of an intervention. To its proponents, the no-fly zone suggested a low-cost, low-risk alternative to more forceful measures while still signaling strong commitment and the will to “do something” against the Gaddafi regime. To opponents of intervention, previous uses of the no-fly zone in Iraq and Bosnia supposedly made the tool a known concept that entailed its passiveness and strictly rule-bound character. The flaws in these assessments and the hasty process of mandating UN resolution 1973 already foreshadowed later dissent over the correct interpretation of the no-fly zone mandate. Continuing political differences in the international community were thus painted over, rather than resolved: this had consequences in Syria, where calls for a no-fly zone were refused with explicit reference to the Libyan experience.

- by Gustav Meibauer
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- Decision Making, United Nations, Security Council, Humanitarian Intervention
- by James Fahey
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- Humanitarian Intervention, Oil and gas, Conflict in Libya, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts)

Desde mediados del siglo XX hasta la actualidad, se ha cuestionado la labor del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) para hacer frente a tragedias humanitarias. Un intento reciente de superar este problema ha sido la formulación del concepto de responsabilidad
de proteger (R2P) en el seno de esta organización internacional. A partir de un enfoque descriptivo, la presente investigación discute el surgimiento de la R2P y su estatus actual, con el objetivo de comprender la eficacia de sus pilares a partir del análisis de la intervención autorizada del Consejo de Seguridad ejercida por la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN) en Libia durante el transcurso de la Primavera Árabe en el 2011.
En la primera parte se profundiza en los precedentes de la R2P y su evolución. Sobre este desarrollo, se exploran los roles del Estado y de la comunidad internacional. Luego, se examina cómo procedió el Consejo de Seguridad en Libia en base a la invocación de la R2P. En este punto, el estudio se centra en sostener la aplicación implícita de pautas provenientes de la teoría de la guerra justa (TGJ) en la resolución 1973 (2011) del Consejo de Seguridad, por la cual se autoriza la realización de operaciones militares para proteger a la población civil.

After more than a year of efforts, the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) military campaign to capture Tripoli has collapsed. Turkey’s military intervention in favour of the Government of National Accord (GNA) has been crucial in preventing the fall of Tripoli, turning the tide against the LNA and helping the GNA advance to the east. Turkey’s involvement has also stirred new diplomatic initiatives, enhanced the geopolitical antagonism between Ankara and external supporters of the LNA such as Russia and Egypt, and ushered Libya into a new phase of conflict between the GNA and LNA. Amid possibilities of conflict escalation and challenges to bridging Cairo’s proposed peace initiative and the UN-led peace talks, a win-win formula in Libya will be difficult to negotiate.

Ansar al-Sharia in Libya (ASL) is one of the most powerful jihadi groups in Libya and it might, in fact, represent a more significant long-term threat than IS' provinces in Libya. However, there are few recent studies of ASL, so exactly what kind of threat the group poses has not been adequately understood. After examining the group's evolution, ideology, strategy and violent activities, we find that ASL is, and most likely will remain, more of a local and regional threat than a global one. The group still poses a significant threat to Western interests, as it has carried out attacks against Western targets in Libya, has close ties to al-Qaida, and operates training camps for international jihadis within its territory.

- by Henrik Gråtrud and +1
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- Al Qaeda, Jihadism, Conflict in Libya, Ansar Al Sharia

Η Αλ Κάιντα του Ισλαμικού Μάκρεμπ είναι μία τζιχαντιστική τρομοκρατική ομάδα, η οποία δρα στη Βόρεια Αφρική. Οι στόχοι της οργάνωσης έγιναν ευρέως γνωστοί το 2008, όταν ο Abdelmalek Droukdal έδωσε συνέντευξη στους New York Times. «Πρωταρχικός μας σκοπός είναι η εγκαθίδρυση της Σαρία και η υποτέλεια στον Αλλάχ. Οι γενικοί στόχοι μας είναι οι ίδιοι με της μητέρας Αλ Κάιντα, και τους γνωρίζετε...»
Στο κείμενο που ακολουθεί, γίνεται μια σκιαγράφηση των στόχων της Οργάνωσης, αλλά και της στρατηγικής της, συνεπικουρούμενη από την ιστορική της διαδρομή.

- by Minas Lyristis
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- Islamic Law, Islamic Economics, Islamic Contemporary Studies, Islamic Education

The fall of Muammar al-Qadhafi in October 2011 marked the end of the Libyan uprising, led to the close of NATO’s intervention “Operation Unified Protector” (OUP), and ushered in a delicate political transformation which failed to come to a quick and decisive end with the first round of elections held in early July 2012. To assess some major pitfalls of the current transitional process, this article will propose an analysis of two main challenges the new Libyan authorities will face, the proper handling of which will determine the nature and stability of the future state. The first challenge is the political transition from an autocratic regime via revolutionary credentials to democratic legitimacy. The second involves the construction and governance of an entirely reshaped security sector, both in the military and civilian realms, transcending their previous roles in the Jamahiriyya either as Praetorian Guard or as state-sponsored bullies.

The "Arab Spring" which first broke out in Tunisia and disseminated to many countries in the Arab world has become one of the most actual topics of the international political agenda in the recent years. The protests that began against the Gaddafi regime after the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt led the opponents to unite under a single umbrella in a short time and form the main opposition in the country. The opponents which first came to the fore with civilian protest movements then continued their struggle against the government with armed attacks. In this article we are going to analyse the ―Arab Spring‖ in Libya which broke out in February 2011 leaving its mark that year and investigate the positive and negative effects.

- by Elvin Aghayev
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- War, Libya, Libya rebels, Conflict in Libya
- by Zahra' Langhi
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- Gender, Post-Conflict State Building, Conflict in Libya, Inclusive Democracy

With Gitte Hojstrup Christense and Annemarie Peen Rodt.

لم تبدأ الأزمة على الساحة الليبية في شهر يوليو الماضى كما هو معلن وإنما هى نتيجة تطورات لثورة السابع عشر من نوفمبر والتي تحولت إلى ثورة مسلحة، حيث استخدمت السلاح في سبيل التخلص من نظام القذافي وفي ذلك الوقت كانت الجهود متضافرة بين كافة الفئات لتحقيق الهدف المشترك من القتال، ولكن نتج عن هذه الجهود المتضافرة انتشار سلاح الجيش الليبي بين الفصائل والقبائل والجماعات. وبالرغم من دعوات الحكومة الليبية بعد القضاء على نظام القذافي بتسليم السلاح إلى السلطات إلا أن ذلك كان من العسير بشكل عملى، يضاف إلى ذلك ضعف الجيش الليبي بعد تفككه إبان عمليات عزل النظام في الحفاظ على حدود الدولة، الأمر الذي يسهل من أطروحة ليبيا الفيدرالية والتى طرحت بعيد سقوط النظام.

- by Islam Ahmed
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- Political Science, Politics, Conflict in Libya

المقصود بالأزمة الليبية في هذه الورقة هو الاضطرابات وأعمال العنف التي تشهدها ليبيا وبخاصة بعد صراع الشرعيات بين المجلس الوطني الليبي المنتهية مدته والبرلمان الليبي الذي انتخب دون توافقات ما بين الداعين لانتخابه وأنصار المجلس الوطني الليبي منذ يونيو 2014، وهو الأمر الذي تحول لصراع مسلح بين العديد من الأطراف المنطوية تحت مسميين كبيرين هما عملية الكرامة بقيادة اللواء متقاعد خليفة حفتر، وأنصار عملية فجر ليبيا من كتائب الثوار وأنصار المجلس الوطني الليبي، وهنا تقوم الورقة بتحليل موقف الاتحاد الأفريقي من هذه الأزمة ومدى قدرته على الدفع باتجاه حل لها أم الدفع بها إلى مزيد من التعقيد؟

- by Omar Khalaf
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- African Studies, Libya, African Union, Conflict in Libya

Despite a recent resurgence in research on the politics of migration, foreign policy analysts have yet to approach cross-border population mobility as a distinct field of inquiry. Particularly within the Global South, scant work has theorised the interplay between migration and interstate bargaining. This article proposes the framework of migration diplomacy to examine how mobility features in states' issue-linkage strategies, in both cooperative and coercive contexts. Drawing on Arabic, French and English primary sources, it empirically demonstrates the salience of its framework through an analysis of Libya's migration diplomacy towards its Arab, African and European neighbours under Muammar Gaddafi.

- by Gerasimos Tsourapas
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- Middle East Studies, Middle East & North Africa, Refugee Studies, Migration

In "Gheddafi: le mia verità", il raìs illustra la sua dottrina politica e sociale. Si tratta di un testo ideologico, pensato per masse incolte, in larga parte ispirato alla tradizione socialista, che attinge a piene mani dal pensiero filosofico e politico degli ultimi 2.500 anni, adattando teorie elaborate dai maggiori pensatori del passato. Il Colonnello espone la Terza teoria universale, che vorrebbe essere alternativa al capitalismo, ma anche al socialismo, esattamente come il fascismo nel Novecento. L’obiettivo è la costruzione di uno Stato totalitario, nel quale la nazione viene ad essere identificata indirettamente con il legame di sangue del clan o del gruppo gentilizio allargato che fa riferimento alla famiglia del leader della Jamahiriya. Il raìs affronta il problema della democrazia e del potere del popolo, attaccando l’istituto del parlamentarismo ed il sistema dei partiti. Gheddafi si sforza di dimostrare l’inutilità di tutti gli istituti tipici della rappresentanza democratica, compreso il referendum e la Costituzione, per giungere all’assunto di uno Stato senza diritto, nel quale l’unica fonte della legge è la sharia. Il leader libico propugna un sistema di democrazia diretta su imitazione dei Soviet, nel quale il popolo è l’unico titolare del potere politico. L’uomo forte di Tripoli nega spazio a qualsiasi forma di iniziativa privata: i mezzi di informazione, così come le organizzazioni e le attività sportive, e tutta l’economia, devono essere demandati alla gestione statale. Aberrante la posizione sulla donna, che viene considerata alla stregua di un mammifero destinato alla riproduzione, negando ad essa il diritto al lavoro. In "Gheddafi: le mia verità" è condensata la summa theologica in salsa maghrebina del raìs di Tripoli, con il commento inedito del prof. Marco Marsili.

- by Marco Marsili
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- Islamic Law, Islamic Contemporary Studies, Islamic Philosophy, Islamic Education

Following the ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, many had high hopes not only for democratization but also for transitional justice to address the myriad abuses that had taken place in the region, both during the uprisings and for decades prior to them. Despite these hopes, most of the transitions in the region have stalled, along with the possibility of transitional justice. This volume is the first to look at this process and brings together leading experts in the fields of human rights and transitional justice, and in the history, politics and justice systems of countries such as Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Algeria, Bahrain and Morocco. While these countries have diverse histories, political institutions, and experiences with accountability, most have experienced non-transition, stalled transition, or political manipulation of transitional justice measures, highlighting the limits of such mechanisms. These studies should inform reflection not only on the role of transitional justice in the region, but also on challenges to its operation more generally.

- by Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS) and +2
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- Middle East Studies, North Africa Studies, Human Rights, Transitional Justice
- by Tankut Oztas
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, Middle East Studies, Civil War

Benghazi is the second city of the country with a
population estimated between 715,000 and 812,000
inhabitants within its present administrative
boundaries. Its historical districts of Old Benghazi have
experienced severe damage during the conflict. The
population of the municipality have been subject to
significant displacements (more than half of all
displaced in Libya, 1/3rd of the population of the
municipality), while receiving relatively small number
of IDPs. Most of the displaced remained in the
region/mantika/governorate/mohafaza of Benghazi
and returned to the city after the end of the conflict.

Wojna domowa w Libii – determinanty, przebieg, implikacje Wstęp Wydarzenia będące następstwem wybuchu " arabskiej wiosny " dotknęły wielu państw Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki Północnej, będąc przyczyną zainicjowania reform wewnątrzpaństwowych, mających za zadanie zmniejszenie niezadowolenia społeczeństw arabskich. W niektórych przypadkach konieczna była reorganizacja struktur władzy, jednak w przeciwieństwie do pierwszych wystąpień demonstracje libijskie nie miały wyłącznie pokojowego charakteru. W szybkim tempie przeistoczyły się w prowadzenie regularnych działań przeciwko oddziałom wiernym reżimowi. Intencją autorki niniej-szego artykułu jest przybliżenie czynników, które wpłynęły na nastroje libijskiego spo-łeczeństwa, tkwiące głęboko w przeszłości państwa, co jest niezbędne do zrozumienia istoty konfliktu. Następnie przedstawiony został przebieg działań z zachowaniem ciągu logicznego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem zaangażowania sił międzynarodowych oraz kontrowersji temu towarzyszących, jak i implikacje wojny domowej, stanowiące zwień-czenie charakterystyki toku " arabskiej wiosny " w Libii. Rys historyczny Granice Libii, podobnie jak innych państw afrykańskich, zostały wytyczone w sposób sztuczny w okresie kolonializmu. Scaliły one terytoria, których ludność nie posiadała wspólnych więzi, a struktura plemienna państwa stała się źródłem konf liktów i wrogości między mieszkańcami poszczególnych krain geograficznych tworzących państwo, co z całą mocą ujawniło się podczas wojny domowej w 2011 r. Libia składa się z trzech krain historyczno-geograficznych: Trypolitanii, Cyrenaj-ki oraz Fazzanu. Tereny te znajdowały się pod władztwem osmańskim od XVI wieku, jednak wraz z ekspansją Włoch oraz Francji w Afryce, stały się obszarem potencjalnego

This dissertation is part of a larger effort to understand rebel political orders and provides both a conceptual framework for analysing local jihadist governance and an in-depth analysis of the governance functions performed by the Islamic State in Libya (ISL). ISL ruled through a combination of coercion and patronage, but was not able to sustain its Libyan provinces due to shortcomings in all three governance realms: its inability to co-opt or outfight all rival factions, an alienation of the population induced by the group’s brutality, and a failure to provide necessary services to residents. Most of all, it was ISL’s parasitic mode of governance embedded in a foreign ideology that was the decisive blow to the group’s performance. Nevertheless, ISL demonstrated its ability to reshuffle the jihadist milieu and to set up a limited, yet functioning, authority in a theatre outside of Syria and Iraq, which carried the possibility for permanence.

- by Simon Engelkes
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- Terrorism, Governance, Political Violence and Terrorism, Libya

National dialogues have emerged in recent years as powerful tools for peace-building across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. Today there are attempts to launch national dialogues in Libya, Sudan, Somalia, Mali, Lebanon, and Myanmar. National dialogues are used as mechanisms to bring the major stakeholders together when political institutions and governments are delegitimized or collapse. They are also increasingly used in transitional societies as a means of collective deliberation upon key issues essential to progress. Peace-building by the means of a national dialogue is a demanding and arduous process with great possibilities – but only when attention to the details and process precedes action.

- by Christopher Zambakari
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- African Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Middle East Studies, Africa
- by Arthur Elisei
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- Conflict in Libya