Electoral Campaign Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Campania Politică fără Bariere a avut o contribuție importantă la modificarea legilor electorale, în 2015. Utilizând mijloacele dialogului structurat cu decidenții de la nivelul Parlamentului și Președinției, organizațiile... more

Campania Politică fără Bariere a avut o contribuție importantă la modificarea legilor electorale, în 2015. Utilizând mijloacele dialogului structurat cu decidenții de la nivelul Parlamentului și Președinției, organizațiile neguvernamentale au obținut legiferarea unor reforme semnificative. Cea mai importantă este, neîndoielnic, posibilitatea înființării partidelor politice cu numai 3 membri, pe baza dreptului de liberă asociere, consfințit prin art. 40 din Constituție. Dar nu toate aspirațiile Campaniei Politică fără Bariere au fost legiferate într-un mod satisfăcător. Mai ales pentru partidele nou-înființate, acest Ghid oferă o serie de recomandări menite să diminueze riscurile cu care acestea se pot confrunta în timpul anului electoral 2016, ca efect al reglementărilor adoptate în cursul anului 2015.

Este artículo reexamina la idea de Lijphart (1997) de que el voto obligatorio sea un instrumento efectivo para reducir la desigualdad del ingreso con un diseño de investigación cuasi experimental basado en la técnica de matching. Los... more

Este artículo reexamina la idea de Lijphart (1997) de que el voto obligatorio sea un instrumento efectivo para reducir la desigualdad del ingreso con un diseño de investigación cuasi experimental basado en la técnica de matching. Los resultados muestran que el voto obligatorio no tiene un impacto significativo sobre las políticas redistributivas. En base a la experiencia de América Latina, donde predomina el voto obligatorio junto a alta desigualdad de ingresos, el artículo sostiene que el problema empírico del argumento lijphartiano se encuentra en el supuesto implícito de la existencia de un vínculo programático entre políticos y electores. Se sugiere como hipótesis alternativa que la combinación de alta participación electoral y alta desigualdad puede deberse a la prevalencia de un vínculo clientelar, frecuente en democracias con instituciones débiles.

Politicians across Western democracies are increasingly adopting and experimenting with Twitter, particularly during election time. The purpose of this article is to investigate how candidates are using it during an election campaign. The... more

Politicians across Western democracies are increasingly adopting and experimenting with Twitter, particularly during election time. The purpose of this article is to investigate how candidates are using it during an election campaign. The aim is to create a typology of the various ways in which candidates behaved on Twitter. Our research, which included a content analysis of tweets (n = 26,282) from all twittering Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat candidates (n = 416) during the 2010 UK General Election campaign, focused on four aspects of tweets: type, interaction, function and topic. By examining candidates' twittering behaviour, the authors show that British politicians mainly used Twitter as a unidirectional form of communication. However, there were a group of candidates who used it to interact with voters by, for example, mobilizing, helping and consulting them, thus tapping into the potential Twitter offers for facilitating a closer relationship with citizens.

Este artigo trata de decisões envolvendo “liberdade de expressão” no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais (TRE-MG) e no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio de Janeiro (TRE-RJ). É derivado de levantamento jurisprudencial sobre quem... more

Este artigo trata de decisões envolvendo “liberdade de expressão” no
Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais (TRE-MG) e no Tribunal Regional
Eleitoral do Rio de Janeiro (TRE-RJ). É derivado de levantamento jurisprudencial
sobre quem são os principais autores e réus, qual era a questão discutida,
qual era a eleição de origem da questão, quais eram os pedidos, bem como se
houve ou não menção a categorias como intenção e ponderação e se o julgamento
foi a favor ou contra a liberdade de expressão do réu. Ademais, foram
consideradas incoerências nas decisões questionadas, com entendimentos diferentes
para casos similares. O artigo tem o objetivo de apresentar os dados
gerais oriundos de decisões judiciais e de outras referências de pesquisa.

The use of social networks, particularly Twitter, in the area of political communication is continually growing. Its capacity to foster direct and personal communication and interaction with the citizenry are two of the factors that... more

The use of social networks, particularly Twitter, in the area of political communication is continually growing. Its capacity to foster direct and personal communication and interaction with the citizenry are two of the factors that explain its growth. The objective of this study is to analyse whether the principal Spanish political leaders (Mariano Rajoy, Pedro Sánchez, Pablo Iglesias, and Albert Rivera) dialogue and interact with the citizenry on Twitter. To that end, a quantitative content analysis is applied, taking as a reference the methodology of Kent and Taylor (1998) and its adaptation to Twitter by Ribalko and Seltzer (2010). The sample is composed of tweets published by the four candidates during the campaign for the general elections held in Spain on 20 December 2015. The results reveal that independent of variables such as number of publications, profile followers, or ideology, none of the political leaders use Twitter to dialogue with their audience. Meanwhile, it is also shown that the use of this platform drives the hybridisation of political actors’ communicative strategies.

La segmentación estratégica digital es una de las técnicas que está ganando cada día más importancia en la planificación de estrategias electorales online en España, este artículo ahonda tanto en las características del segmentación como... more

La segmentación estratégica digital es una de las técnicas que está ganando cada día más importancia en la planificación de estrategias electorales online en España, este artículo ahonda tanto en las características del segmentación como en las estrategias de implementación.

This chapter focuses on the development of political communication and campaigning in Estonia. It starts with a brief overview of the basic characteristics of the political and party system. Then, it introduces the main laws and rules the... more

This chapter focuses on the development of political communication and campaigning in Estonia. It starts with a brief overview of the basic characteristics of the political and party system. Then, it introduces the main laws and rules the campaigners must comply with. After that, the authors describe the evolution of communication tactics and techniques used by parties and candidates to persuade voters to vote for them over the last three decades. At the end of the chapter, the authors discuss the most recent campaigning trends in Estonia.

Wahlen sind ein Brennglas für die kritische Aufgabe der Medien als Vermittler in der Demokratie. Wahlkämpfe sind eine Serie von Medienereignissen. Medien vermitteln, um was und wen es geht. Also wollen Wahlkampfmanager sie lenken und... more

Wahlen sind ein Brennglas für die kritische Aufgabe der Medien als Vermittler in der Demokratie. Wahlkämpfe sind eine Serie von Medienereignissen. Medien vermitteln, um was und wen es geht. Also wollen Wahlkampfmanager sie lenken und verführen, bedrängen und beeinflussen. Unabhängiger Journalismus dagegen will sich nicht von Wahlkämpfern managen lassen. Redaktionen gehen mit eigenen Strategien ins Wahljahr – erst recht in Zeiten von «Fake news» und Populisten, die vom Feindbild Medien leben. Der Band enthält Beiträge der Journalisten Cordula Tutt, Jörg Quoos, Andreas Schneider und Matthew Karnitschnig, der Wahlkampfmanager Robert Heinrich und Mario Voigt sowie der Politikwissenschaftler Oskar Niedermayer und Marco Althaus.

Wie sieht die Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation in Deutschland aus? Wird es den gläsernen Abgeordneten geben, gewinnt die Europäische Union mehr Macht, können sich die traditionellen Leitmedien behaupten? Welche Chancen haben neue... more

Wie sieht die Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation in Deutschland aus? Wird es den gläsernen Abgeordneten geben, gewinnt die Europäische Union mehr Macht, können sich die traditionellen Leitmedien behaupten? Welche Chancen haben neue Parteien? Wird der Schlüssel zu politischen Karrieren das Internet? Wer schreibt und beeinflusst unsere Gesetze im Jahr 2030? Die Delphi-Studie geht diesen und weiteren Fragen mit einem innovativen Forschungsdesign nach. Über 100 Politiker unter 45 Jahren aus Parlamenten, Ministerien und Parteizentralen haben Schlüsselthesen zur Zukunft der politischen Kommunikation und Gesetzgebung bewertet. Die Ergebnisse der Befragung haben die Politiker erneut als Experten bewertet und kommentiert. Dieser Band stellt die Ergebnisse systematisch dar und diskutiert die Szenarien einer Politikergeneration, die in den nächsten Jahrzehnten die politische Verantwortung übernimmt.

La importancia del candidato ha venido aumentando en medida que decae la del partido. Este proceso se conoce como personalización de la política. Está enmarcado en dos aspectos fundamentales, el agotamiento de las estructuras colectivas,... more

La importancia del candidato ha venido aumentando en medida que decae la del partido. Este proceso se conoce como personalización de la política. Está enmarcado en dos aspectos fundamentales, el agotamiento de las estructuras colectivas, ideológicas, de partidos tradicionales y la importancia central de los medios de comunicación. A partir de aquí analizamos el caso de Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez y como su personalización ha ido más allá. Finalmente concluimos que el desarrollo de estos procesos pudiera reactivar el ciclo hacia el fortalecimiento de los partidos, como por ejemplo el trabajo de Justice Democrats para reformar el Partido Demócrata.

Mémoire de recherche - Master 2 (2009) - 290 p.

¿Qué desafíos enfrentan todavía los procesos electorales en México? El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar algunos problemas particularmente duraderos de la democracia mexicana. Para ser concretos, argumento que la compra de... more

¿Qué desafíos enfrentan todavía los procesos electorales en México? El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar algunos problemas particularmente duraderos de la democracia mexicana. Para ser concretos, argumento que la compra de votos, en buena parte con recursos ilegales de campaña, sigue siendo frecuente el día de hoy. Mediante una revisión de la literatura académica más reciente, así como de fuentes de investigación periodística, el artículo busca esclarecer estos problemas así como sus posibles soluciones. La literatura revisada en este ensayo sugiere que la incidencia del clientelismo electoral sigue siendo alta, lo cual pone al país en riesgo de “retroceso democrático” de manera similar a otras regiones del mundo como Europa del Este y Sudamérica. Para sustentar estas aseveraciones, repaso varias acusaciones que se han hecho a los partidos principales en México por parte de sus rivales políticos y de observadores académicos. Las acusaciones de financiamiento ilegal de campaña que se han hecho incluyen el “Monexgate” del PRI, los “moches” del PAN y el “charolazo” del PRD. Las acusaciones de compra de apoyo político incluyen el abuso del programa Oportunidades así como del presupuesto de las Delegaciones en la Ciudad de México. Asimismo describo algunos esfuerzos notables para reglamentar estas conductas en la reforma político electoral de 2014, tales como la fiscalización en “tiempo real” y la prohibición del “turismo electoral”. Tras argumentar que los esfuerzos legislativos han sido insuficientes, concluyo que para seguir avanzando en la consolidación se necesita una mayor inclusión de las organizaciones civiles y de la ciudadanía común en el sistema político.

Les électeurs choisissent-ils le parti qui leur correspond le mieux ? Disposer de plus d'informations entraîne-t-il plus d'hésitations avant de voter ? Comment les électeurs belges perçoivent-ils la démocratie ? Lors des dernières... more

Les électeurs choisissent-ils le parti qui leur correspond le mieux ? Disposer de plus d'informations entraîne-t-il plus d'hésitations avant de voter ? Comment les électeurs belges perçoivent-ils la démocratie ? Lors des dernières élections, plus de quarante pour cent des électeurs ont voté pour un autre parti que celui qu'ils avaient soutenu au scrutin précédent. Comment peut-on interpréter cette observation factuelle ? Qu'est-ce que cela nous apprend sur les réflexions des électeurs et sur l'état de notre système politique ? Décrypter l'électeur offre une vue complète sur les évolutions du paysage électoral belge. Les principaux chiffres et faits du dernier scrutin electoral sont présentés et disséqués. En outre, le livre propose toute une série d'analyses complémentaires sur des sujets comme les attitudes sousjacentes des électeurs, le débat communautaire ou le vote préférentiel. Des différences entre la Wallonie et la Flandre à la confiance des électeurs dans la démocratie : les principaux politologues belges proposent dans cet ouvrage l'une des synthèses les plus détaillées de l'électeur belge jamais publiée.

La profesionalización de la política en todos sus aspectos nos ha llevado a la interacción de ésta con otras disciplinas para conseguir una mayor eficacia. El novelista C.P. Snow acuñó hace más de cincuenta años esta interacción con el... more

La profesionalización de la política en todos sus aspectos nos ha llevado a la interacción de ésta con otras disciplinas para conseguir una mayor eficacia. El novelista C.P. Snow acuñó hace más de cincuenta años esta interacción con el nombre de «tercera cultura» que no es otra cosa que “el acercamiento y cooperación de todas las ramas del conocimiento, con el fin de acabar con la clásica distinción entre ciencias y humanidades”. En las últimas décadas, ha proliferado la interacción de la neurología y la política ya que el cerebro es el centro de la acitividad humana, dando así lugar a una disciplina conocida con el nombre de «neuropolítica», que es la ciencia que “trata de explicar las bases neurobiológicas del comportamiento político”. Un mayor conocimiento del cerebro de nuestros electores puede dar lugar a campañas electorales más centradas y personalizadas, sin olvidar, en todo caso, los límites y problemas de estas técnicas.

This chapter looks into the experience of the evangelical community's participation in partisan politics. Attention is given to whether the Christian community should rally behind a certain candidate on the basis of his or her religious... more

This chapter looks into the experience of the evangelical community's participation in partisan politics. Attention is given to whether the Christian community should rally behind a certain candidate on the basis of his or her religious convictions and affiliation.

Este livro, em formato digital, reuniu pesquisadores(as) dedicados(as) à pesquisa empírica sobre os políticos profissionais no I Colóquio do Observatório de elites: políticos profissionais em análise, organizado pelo Observatório de... more

Este livro, em formato digital, reuniu pesquisadores(as) dedicados(as) à pesquisa empírica sobre os políticos profissionais no I Colóquio do Observatório de elites: políticos profissionais em análise, organizado pelo Observatório de elites políticas e sociais do Brasil da UFPR em junho de 2021. O objetivo foi debater assunções teóricas, estratégias metodológicas, técnicas de análise e formas de melhor circunscrever esse velho/novo tema de estudo.

The present study aims to analyse how the 1926 elections were presented by the periodicals, both political and independent ones. The political and legislative framework in which the voters were consulted was significant for the interwar... more

The present study aims to analyse how the 1926 elections were presented by the periodicals, both political and independent ones. The political and legislative framework in which the voters were consulted was significant for the interwar period, being for the first time when all the citizens of Great Romania voted on the same normative act. Our approach follows the way in which the press presented the unfolding of the event, from the announcement of the government's "crisis", the appointment of General Alexandru Averescu as President of the Council of Ministers, the presentation of electoral alliances, the evolution of the electoral campaign but also the reaction when finding out the results. The research was based on the analysis of the newspapers that appeared in 1926, such as the political ones, but also on the independent press. From the desire to compare the information transmitted by the press, I studied archived sources and specialized literature. Cercetarea de faţă a pornit din dorinţa de a răspunde la întrebarea: poate presa să fie o sursă credibilă în demersul istoriografic al analizei alegerilor politice? Menţionăm faptul că mare parte a cercetărilor dedicate alegerilor interbelice sunt bazate pe articole de presă, dar nu avem până în prezent o analiză bazată pe impactul presei în timpul alegerilor. Nici monografiile dedicate gazetelor sau cele de sinteză istorică a presei 1 nu analizează impactul şi rolul gazetelor în timpul

¿Cómo son en la actualidad las campañas electorales latinoamericanas? ¿Han evolucionado? ¿Se están adaptando a una realidad cambiante e imprevisible? El panorama político de la región es inestable y presenta desafíos inéditos. Nuevos... more

¿Cómo son en la actualidad las campañas electorales latinoamericanas? ¿Han evolucionado? ¿Se están adaptando a una realidad cambiante e imprevisible? El panorama político de la región es inestable y presenta desafíos inéditos. Nuevos protagonistas colman la escena y figuras emergentes se alzan triunfales en varios de los países más importantes de la zona. La Fundación Konrad Adenauer ha convocado a un grupo de autores de todo el continente para reflexionar sobre las campañas, sus características, desarrollo y resultados.Esta obra ofrece un contingente informativo que quiere ayu-dar a estudiar y comprender las campañas electorales más recientes, así como las diversas aristas que de ellas se des-prenden en esta América Latina en constante movimiento.

Wahlkampfmanagement ist ein Handwerk, eine Kunst, und in den Vereinigten Staaten auch ein Beruf. In den vergangenen 30 Jahren hat sich dort die Profession der Political Consultants etabliert. Es gibt einen Berufsverband der... more

Wahlkampfmanagement ist ein Handwerk, eine Kunst, und in den Vereinigten Staaten auch ein Beruf. In den vergangenen 30 Jahren hat sich dort die Profession der Political Consultants etabliert. Es gibt einen Berufsverband der Wahlkampfberater, einen hohen Grad der Spezialisierung, Fachzeitschriften, Studiengänge, einen berufsethischen Kanon. Professionalismus zeigt sich aber auch in den Einstellungen und Karrieren der Berater, im Marketing ihrer politischen Dienstleistung und im Vertrauensverhältnis zwischen Berater und Klienten - also den Kandidaten. Ihre angeblich unkontrollierte und manipulative Rolle bei Wahlen wird von Presse, Politikwissenschaft und sogar Politikern immer wieder angegriffen. Die Political Consultants agieren nicht nur in den Wahlkämpfen, sondern auch bei Kampagnen um Volksbegehren und im Lobbying. In jedem Fall geht es um großes Geld. Die Dissertation untersucht mit Hilfe von Konzepten aus der Professionssoziologie, wie und warum sich die Wahlkampfberater als eigener Berufsstand etablieren konnten. Die empirische Basis bilden u.a. zahlreiche Interviews und eine quantitative Erhebung unter 240 Wahlkampfberatungsfirmen im Vergleich mit Sekundäranalysen bisher unveröffentlichter Daten und Dokumente aus der Branche. Dissertation (Universität Göttingen)

This paper examines the patterns of campaign funding in the Indonesian 2019 Concurrent Election by focusing on the dimensions of revenue and expenditure both in the presidential and legislative elections. This article also discusses the... more

This paper examines the patterns of campaign funding in the Indonesian 2019 Concurrent Election by focusing on the dimensions of revenue and expenditure both in the presidential and legislative elections. This article also discusses the nature of the political regime as a consequence of the patterns. In doing so, the analysis is based on campaign finance theory supported by the concept of clientelism and programmatic politics. By relying on secondary data, this paper argues that the way the candidates manage their campaign funding shows the strengthening of political clientelism on one side and the waning of programmatic politics on the others side. Consequently, patronage democracy will also strengthen in Indonesia after the 2019 Election. Abstrak Pengelolaan dana kampanye sangat mempengaruhi penyelenggaraan pemilu yang berintegritas dan berkeadilan. Tulisan ini membedah pola pendanaan kampanye di Pemilu Serentak 2019 dengan fokus pada dimensi penerimaan dan pengeluaran. Selain itu, artikel ini juga mendiskusikan potensi dari watak rejim kekuasaan yang akan lahir dari Pilpres dan Pileg 2019. Maka untuk tujuan tersebut, analisis didasarkan pada teori pembiayaan kampanye yang didukung oleh konsep politik klientelisme dan politik programatik dengan mengandalkan pada data sekunder. Argumen yang diajukan adalah bahwa pengelolaan dana kampanye oleh peserta pemilu menunjukkan penguatan pola politik klientelisme pada satu sisi dan semakin memudarnya politik programatik pada sisi yang lain. Konsekuensinya, demokrasi patronase juga akan semakin menguat di Indonesia ke depan.

Political parties provide the platform for the actualization of the objective of capturing and controlling the machinery of government. The process of achieving this objective is often fraught with conflict exacerbating elements.... more

Political parties provide the platform for the actualization of the objective of capturing and controlling the machinery of government. The process of achieving this objective is often fraught with conflict exacerbating elements. Congresses, party primaries, elections, and appointments constitute the most visible processes that have generated disputes and threaten party cohesion and the general governance processes. The thesis sponsored by this paper is that whereas the formal judicial process of litigation has shown some strength in resolving party disputes, yet there is a budding consensus of the system’s limits and failures in delivering justice, facilitating voluntariness and reconciliation, healing wounds, ensuring direct participation of disputants in resolving their disputes, reducing time and cost of resolving dispute and fostering internal party cohesion. The paper identifies lack of ideology and absence of internal democracy as factors that predispose political parties to disputes. It argues that party disputes can be effectively resolved through the deployment of Alternative, Appropriate and Amicable Dispute Resolution (ADR) options.

Bu çalışmada, Türk siyasal hayatı ve demokrasi tarihinin 1965-1969 yıllarına ışık tutulmakta ve aynı yıllara tekabül eden XIII. Yasama Dönemi ve Meclis faaliyetleri incelenmektedir. Bu inceleme üç ana başlıktan oluşmaktadır. Birinci... more

Bu çalışmada, Türk siyasal hayatı ve demokrasi tarihinin 1965-1969 yıllarına ışık tutulmakta ve aynı yıllara tekabül eden XIII. Yasama Dönemi ve Meclis faaliyetleri incelenmektedir. Bu inceleme üç ana başlıktan oluşmaktadır. Birinci kısımda 1965 Genel Seçimleri ele alınmaktadır. Kullanılan seçim sistemi, yarışa giren siyasal partiler, adaylık kriterleri, aday listeleri ve öne çıkan isimler, seçmen profili, katılım oranları gibi konular etrafında seçim süreci aktarılmaktadır. İkinci kısımda seçim sonucunda ortaya çıkan parlamento yapısı ve faaliyetleri ele alınmaktadır. TBMM’nin XIII. Döneminde siyasal parti dağılımı ve görev alan milletvekilleri hakkında makro bilgi sunulmaktadır. Ayrıca, parlamenter sistemlerde yasamanın üstlendiği temel faaliyetler çerçevesinde komisyon oluşturma, görüşme, yasa çıkarma, hükümet oluşturma, cumhurbaşkanı seçme, denge ve denetleme gibi faaliyetler aktarılmaktadır. Üçüncü ve son kısımda sonuç ve değerlendirmeye yer verilecek, 1965-1969 yıllarındaki XIII. Yasama Döneminin öne çıkan özelliklerine değinilmektedir.

Women are the majority of the Brazilian electorate, almost half of the members of political parties, and even with the gender quotas law obliging the party list to have at least 30% female candidates, they still make up around 10% of the... more

Women are the majority of the Brazilian electorate, almost half of the members of political parties, and even with the gender quotas law obliging the party list to have at least 30% female candidates, they still make up around 10% of the elected representatives to the Chamber of Deputies. The literature on this issue lists several barriers for these women, such as the socialization process focused on the private sphere of life, their supposed lack of interest in pursuing a political career and the lack of resources to conduct an electoral campaign. Analyzing the trajectory of city councilors elected in the municipal elections of 2016 in the city of São Paulo, this work investigates the ways candidates found to overcome these commonly imposed obstacles on women, with special interest in the political parties and partisan leadership presence in encouraging or dissuading their political career. Based mostly on in-depth interviews with female city council members, this dissertation describes their trajectory, from their first political involvement, going through the decision to run for office up until electoral campaigning to investigate how the narrative of these women about their electoral success and available data resonate with theories and evidences from previous studies about each of these stages. The main question asked is how much the party organization and its leaders have influenced, directly or indirectly, to make the candidature and success of these candidates effective; at the same time, I try to consider how and when these women have created or taken advantage of opportunities to run for - and win - elections. Results show that, although political parties are not always present in these women’s first political activities, the party organization and its leaderships - often as a family member of the candidate – have a crucial role in the decision to run and at the support throughout the electoral campaign, especially providing legitimacy and access to networks with other well established political figures. With these results, it is possible to question the established notion that Brazilian political parties have no relevance or influence in the electoral arena and in women’s sub representation, as well as to reassess the arguments and proposals for improving women's political participation.

Abstracts of International Conference “Elections in Africa”. First joint Conference of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Centre of African Studies of the Porto University in the “Internal Changes... more

Abstracts of International Conference “Elections in Africa”. First joint Conference of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Centre of African Studies of the Porto University in the “Internal Changes and Foreign Policy of African Countries” Conference Series. Moscow, Russia. November 1–2, 2018.

Desde un enfoque sociológico, el autor de este estudio realiza un recorrido contextual, metodológico y analítico para comprender cómo influye Internet tanto en el comportamiento electoral, como en las elecciones y en los resultados... more

Desde un enfoque sociológico, el autor de este estudio realiza un recorrido contextual, metodológico y analítico para comprender cómo influye Internet tanto en el comportamiento electoral, como en las elecciones y en los resultados electorales. Este libro se divide en dos grandes apartados. En el primero se analizan las estrategias de comunicación digital que utilizaron Jaime Rodríguez Calderón, Enrique Alfaro y Pedro Kumamoto durante el proceso electoral de 2015; mientras que, en el segundo apartado, se formula un mecanismo causal para vislumbrar el andamiaje conceptual que vincula a Internet con la interacción social para dar lugar a la influencia sociodigital.
Aunque este libro está dirigido a especialistas del fenómeno digital, consultores y profesionales de la política, también será de mucho interés para un público más amplio, interesado en los procesos electorales. Un libro que hace aportaciones notables en un momento en el que Internet y las redes sociodigitales se han convertido en instancias fundamentales de la arena política.

Romania's upcoming accession to the European Union has opened two new lines of discussion. On the one hand, at political and administrative level, discussions are related to the legislation, to economic advantages and disadvantages,... more

Romania's upcoming accession to the European Union has opened two new lines of discussion. On the one hand, at political and administrative level, discussions are related to the legislation, to economic advantages and disadvantages, common policies in various domains, in other words, Romania's capacity to integrate in the "Brussels bureaucracy." On the other hand, discussions relate to the level of the accession's social and media representations, in other words, there are talks about the effects of this change of identity/of status from the point of view of image, both in the every day discourse and in the political and media discourse. We have considered that a privileged moment for putting forward and/or exploiting these issues is that of the electoral campaign before the accession, precisely because of the importance of accession issues on the political agenda and, at least supposedly, on the public agenda. As such, our analysis has surveyed the way in which the two lines mentioned above (with special focus on the second one) are found in the discourses of the presidential candidates in the 2004 electoral campaign. To be more specific, we have analyzed the final electoral talk shows broadcasted on the public TV channel.

This article analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the transition from communism to democracy, between 1990 and 1996, through the lens of its relations with Hungary. These were conditioned by the historical background, antagonistic... more

This article analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the transition from communism to democracy, between 1990 and 1996, through the lens of its relations with Hungary. These were conditioned by the historical background, antagonistic feelings best describing public opinion attitudes in the two states. The analysis considered the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the way in which inter‑ethnic tensions (such as the street fights in Târgu‑Mureş in March 1990) influenced diplomatic cooperation, as well as the way in which the political class positioned on this issue. The study focuses on the adoption of the ‘Treaty of understanding, cooperation and good neighborliness concluded between Romania and the Republic of Hungary,’ a condition for the acceptance of the two countries in the negotiations for accession to NATO and the European Union. The tortuous process that led to the signing of this document was analyzed through the lens of specialized literature, but also by reference to some decision‑makers at that time, such as the US ambassador to Romania, Alfred H. Moses, or President Ion Iliescu. As regards the reactions of politicians and the media in both states to the signing of the treaty, in the context of the Romanian electoral campaign that was taking place at that time, sources from the written press were used, Evenimentul Zilei and Adevărul being the most widely read dailies.

En el contexto digital, las redes sociales se han convertido en potentes plataformas para la difusión de la fotografía política. En concreto, se configuran como herramientas estratégicas en la construcción de la imagen de los actores... more

En el contexto digital, las redes sociales se han convertido en potentes plataformas para la difusión de la fotografía política. En concreto, se configuran como herramientas estratégicas en la construcción de la imagen de los actores políticos y su comunicación directa con los ciudadanos. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la gestión de Twitter por parte de los partidos políticos españoles durante procesos preelectorales, claves en el posicionamiento público de sus líderes. En este sentido, se ha realizado un análisis de contenido a los perfiles de los cuatro principales partidos políticos españoles de ámbito estatal (PP, PSOE, Podemos y Ciudadanos) y sus respectivos líderes, durante los seis meses previos a las elecciones generales (junio-noviembre 2015). A partir de una propuesta metodológica propia, los resultados obtenidos señalan una intensa utilización de diferentes tipos de fotografías en Twitter, cercana al 30 por ciento del total de mensajes, donde la difusión de la imagen del líder y el uso de carteles informativos tiene una importancia central. Además, es posible identificar tendencias estratégicas muy diferenciadas por partidos en la gestión del protagonismo digital y la proyección de atributos personales de sus candidatos. // English: In the digital context, social media have become powerful platforms for the dissemination of political photography. Specifically, they are set as strategic tools in building the image of political actors and their direct communication with citizens. The aim of this paper is to analyze the management of Twitter by the Spanish political parties during pre-election processes, key in the public positioning of their leaders. In this sense, there has been a content analysis of the profiles of the four main Spanish political parties at state level (PP, PSOE, Podemos and Ciudadanos) and their respective leaders, during the six months prior to the general election (June-November 2015). From an own methodological approach, the results indicate an intensive use of different types of photographs in Twitter, nearly 30 per cent of all messages, where the dissemination of the image of the leader and the use of informative posters has a central importance. Furthermore, it is possible to identify very different strategic trends by parties in the management of digital projection leadership and personal attributes of the candidates.