Modern Political Philosophy Research Papers (original) (raw)

Police and authorities have increasingly adopted “command and control” strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and... more

Police and authorities have increasingly adopted “command and control” strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.

Numerous articles have been written on economic sanctions over the past few decades. Most papers take an overall approach, focusing on the utilities and disutilities of sanctions in general or on a specific sanction. While this paper also... more

Numerous articles have been written on economic sanctions over the past few decades. Most papers take an overall approach, focusing on the utilities and disutilities of sanctions in general or on a specific sanction. While this paper also looks at general aspects of sanctions, it goes beyond the usual focus and also examines some particular aspects of economic sanctions that are often overlooked in both the economic and ethical literature. Rather than limiting itself to utilitarian aspects of sanction policy, the paper also applies other ethical approaches to evaluate whether sanctions pass the ethical test. The possibility of compensation for losses caused by the imposition of sanctions is also discussed. A bibliography with links to more than 100 articles on trade is also included. BIO Robert W. McGee is an accounting professor and best-selling novelist who has published 58 nonfiction books and more than 700 scholarly articles. He is an attorney and CPA who has lectured or worked in more than 30 countries, and has earned 13 doctorates from universities in the United States and four European countries. The Social Science Research Network has ranked him as high as #2 in the world All-Time among accounting professors and #30 in the world All-Time

This paper makes an initial attempt to redescribe the failure of racial equality in America by making use of the idea of tragedy. I offer a reading of Antigone to stabilize the appropriateness of three ideas in support of reading the... more

This paper makes an initial attempt to redescribe the failure of racial equality in America by making use of the idea of tragedy. I offer a reading of Antigone to stabilize the appropriateness of three ideas in support of reading the history of race in America as tragic: the problem of one thought too many, pollution, and the question, "was it worth it?" I argue, following James Baldwin, that the tragedy of race in America is initiated by the idea of white people who think they are white and that this conviction, initializes the impact of the above three ideas resulting in a society of people lacking in, as defined by Bernard Williams, agent-regret, and, thus, lacking shame.

El presente artículo se enfoca en la idea de lo trágico en Marx. Efectúa una comparación entre El Capital y los Manuscritos de economía y filosofía para concluir que la comprensión de lo que sucede con el ser humano bajo el capitalismo... more

El presente artículo se enfoca en la idea de lo trágico en Marx. Efectúa una comparación entre El Capital y los Manuscritos de economía y filosofía para concluir que la comprensión de lo que sucede con el ser humano bajo el capitalismo pasa por entender su condición trágica. Se sostiene que la tragedia es el conflicto entre el ser humano y las condiciones materiales de vida que él produce; conflicto en cuyo desarrollo el ser humano sacrifica sus fuerzas esenciales con la intención de producir nuevos contenidos de vida para él.

This article explores the ways in which Gramsci's engagement with Machiavelli and The Prince in particular result in three significant developments in the Prison Notebooks. First, I analyze how the 'heroic fury' of Gramsci's lifelong... more

This article explores the ways in which Gramsci's engagement with Machiavelli and The Prince in particular result in three significant developments in the Prison Notebooks. First, I analyze how the 'heroic fury' of Gramsci's lifelong interest in Machiavelli's thought develops, during the composition of his carceral writings, into a novel approach to the reading of The Prince, giving rise to the famous notion of the 'modern Prince'. Second, I argue that the modern Prince should not be regarded merely as a distinctive (individual or collective) figure, but rather, should be understood as a dramatic development that unfolds throughout 'the discourse itself' of the Prison Notebooks, particularly in the crucial phase of reorganisation in the 'special notebooks' composed from 1932 onwards. Third and finally, I suggest that the combination of the two preceding themes is decisive for understanding the modern Prince as a distinctive form of political organization. Rather than equated with a generic conception of the '(communist) political party', this notion was developed as a part of Gramsci's larger argument regarding the necessity for anti-Fascist political forces in Italy in the early 1930s to grow into an antagonistic collective body guided by principles of 'living philology'.

Nota critica a R. Mordacci, "La condizione neomoderna, Einaudi, Torino, 2017.

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it... more

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it was banished from France. Soon thereafter, Rousseau fled to Geneva, where he saw the book burned in public. At the same time, many of his contemporaries, such as Kant, considered Rousseau to be “the Newton of the moral world,” as he was the first philosopher to draw attention to the basic dignity of human nature. The Social Contract has never ceased to be read in the 250 years since it was written. Rousseau's “Social Contract”: An Introduction offers a thorough and systematic tour of this notoriously paradoxical and challenging text. David Lay Williams offers readers a chapter-by-chapter reading of the Social Contract, squarely confronting these interpretive obstacles, leaving no stones unturned. The conclusion connects Rousseau's text both to his important influences and those who took inspiration and sometimes exception to his arguments. The book also features a special extended appendix dedicated to outlining his famous conception of the general will, which has been the object of controversy since the Social Contract's publication.

Wstęp do polskiego przekładu rozprawy Kanta pt. "Jedyna możliwa dowodu na istnienie Boga"

In what follows, we are concerned to present the main features of socialism, both as a critique of capitalism, and as a proposal for its replacement. Our focus is predominantly on literature written within a philosophical idiom, focusing... more

In what follows, we are concerned to present the main features of socialism, both as a critique of capitalism, and as a proposal for its replacement. Our focus is predominantly on literature written within a philosophical idiom, focusing in particular on philosophical writing on socialism produced during the past forty-or-so years. Furthermore, our discussion concentrates on the normative contrast between socialism and capitalism as economic systems. Both socialism and capitalism grant workers legal control of their labor power, but socialism, unlike capitalism, requires that the bulk of the means of production workers use to yield goods and services be under the effective control of workers themselves, rather than in the hands of the members of a different, capitalist class under whose direction they must toil. As we will explain below, this contrast has been articulated further in different ways, and socialists have not only made distinctive claims regarding economic organization but also regarding the processes of transformation fulfilling them and the principles and ideals orienting their justification (including, as we will see, certain understandings of freedom, equality, solidarity, and democracy).

W książce podniesiono jedno z fundamentalnych zagadnień polskiego systemu konstytucyjnego, jakim jest zasada podziału władzy przyjęta przez ustrojodawcę, wraz z założeniem równowagi władz, za podstawę ustroju Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej... more

W książce podniesiono jedno z fundamentalnych zagadnień polskiego systemu konstytucyjnego, jakim jest zasada podziału władzy przyjęta przez ustrojodawcę, wraz z założeniem równowagi władz, za podstawę ustroju Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (art. 10 ust. 1 konstytucji z 1997 r.). Pozostaje ona jedną z zasad naczelnych funkcjonowania i organizacji systemu organów państwowych RP. W książce przedstawiono najczęściej spotykane sposoby rozumienia teorii podziału władzy oraz ewolucję ujęć zasady podziału władzy w projektach i propozycjach rozważanych w toku prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego (1994-1997). Zasadnicze znaczenie dla wywodów Autora mają interpretacje art. 10 konstytucji oraz charakterystyka pozycji organów władz ustawodawczej, wykonawczej
i sądowniczej. W oparciu o jednolity schemat analizy organów każdej z wyodrębnionych władz Autor przedstawia funkcjonalne i organizacyjne aspekty zasady podziału władzy, a następnie charakteryzuje stosowane przez te organy „hamulce” (instrumenty powstrzymywania) wobec innych władz. Ważne miejsce zajmuje też omówienie konstytucyjnych instrumentów (form) współdziałania władz.

Alföld, 2017/9, 65-79. (Utolsó korrektúrakör előtti verzió.)

Special issue on Mme de Staël, Germaine, ou la politique. Madame de Staël,

This text was originally written for the tenth anniversary issue of the Journal of Environmental Thought and Education (Japan). This is an expanded and revised version (June 20, 2018). Links to several earlier versions are included.

Unrivaled in scope and scholarly rigor, the Encyclopedia examines the history of political thought, contemporary political theory, and political philosophy. The entries range in size from shorter definitions and biographies to extended... more

Unrivaled in scope and scholarly rigor, the Encyclopedia examines the history of political thought, contemporary political theory, and political philosophy. The entries range in size from shorter definitions and biographies to extended treatments of major topics and traditions. Tracing the evolution of political thinking from antiquity to the present, the scope of this unprecedented resource emphasizes the richness and diversity of the field’s traditions. # Offers over 900 A-Z entries including shorter definitions and biographies as well as extended treatments of major topics from over 700 contributors from around the world. # Examines the history of political thought from antiquity to contemporary political theory and political philosophy # Reflects diverse traditions in the evolution of political theory and political science # Addresses the theorists, their key theories and methods from within the western canon as well as from non-western perspectives # Published in association wi...

This is a final draft of the article published in Environmental Ethics 11 (Fall 1989): 243-258. This assessment of the Promethean dimension of Marx's thought is accurate, but though it mentions Marx's more dialectical side and its... more

This is a final draft of the article published in Environmental Ethics 11 (Fall 1989): 243-258. This assessment of the Promethean dimension of Marx's thought is accurate, but though it mentions Marx's more dialectical side and its potential implications, this aspect is seriously neglected in the article . A more balanced assessment is presented in "Marx's Natures," a draft version of which can be found on this site. This article should be read in connection with the latter one.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Fundamental Political Writings includes the Social Contract, Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, and “Preface to Narcissus.” Each text has been newly translated, and... more

Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Fundamental Political Writings includes the Social Contract, Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, and “Preface to Narcissus.” Each text has been newly translated, and includes a full complement of explanatory notes. The editors’ introduction offers students diverse points of entry into some of the distinctive possibilities and challenges of each of these fundamental texts, as well as an introduction to Rousseau’s life and historical situation, from his early years in Geneva to his final years in relative solitude. Each text is accompanied by images from the original editions. The volume also includes annotated appendices that help students to explore the origins and influences of Rousseau’s work, including excerpts from Hobbes, Pascal, Descartes, Mandeville, Diderot, Voltaire, Madame de Staël, Benjamin Constant, Joseph de Maistre, Kant, Hegel, and Engels.

La tesis que intentaremos sostener a lo largo de nuestro trabajo es que las producciones filosóficas de Sébastien Castellion, Jean Bodin y Michel de Montaigne, y las diversas posiciones asumidas por cada uno en particular frente al... more

La tesis que intentaremos sostener a lo largo de nuestro trabajo es que las producciones filosóficas de Sébastien Castellion, Jean Bodin y Michel de Montaigne, y las diversas posiciones asumidas por cada uno en particular frente al conflicto confesional que afecta a la Francia del siglo XVI, adquieren un mayor grado de inteligibilidad si ellas son comprendidas como posibles "intentos de respuesta" a los desafíos presentados por ese singular contexto histórico, político e intelectual. En ese mismo sentido, podemos indicar que el objetivo general de nuestro trabajo consiste en brindar una interpretación de ese debate ubicado en la antesala de las discusiones modernas acerca de la tolerancia. Asimismo, podemos señalar que nuestros dos objetivos específicos son los siguientes: el primero consiste en ofrecer una interpretación de las diversas posiciones asumidas frente al conflicto por los tres autores mencionados (en donde residirá, también, nuestra mayor originalidad); el segundo, en indicar una serie de posibles puntos de continuidad y de ruptura entre aquellas posiciones "prehistóricas" y las desarrolladas por diversos filósofos en el transcurso de los siglos XVII y XVIII.

Recent scholarship on John Stuart Mill has illuminated his arguments about the normative legitimacy of imperial rule. However, it has tended to ignore or downplay his extensive writings on settler colonialism: the attempt to create... more

Recent scholarship on John Stuart Mill has illuminated his arguments about the normative legitimacy of imperial rule. However, it has tended to ignore or downplay his extensive writings on settler colonialism: the attempt to create permanent “civilized” communities, mainly in North America and the South Pacific. Mill defended colonization throughout his life, although his arguments about its character and justification shifted over time. While initially he regarded it as a solution to the “social problem” in Britain, he increasingly came to argue that its legitimacy resided in the universal benefits—civilization, peace, and prosperity—it generated for humanity. In the final years of his life Mill seemed to lose faith in the project. Finally recognizing the prevalence of colonial violence and the difficulty of realizing his grand ambitions, yet refusing to give up on colonization altogether, his colonial romance gave way to a form of melancholia.

Revista Gioja - Nº 3 (2008)

The book makes a critical comparison of fundamental trends in modern epistemology with the epistemological concerns of critical theory of the Frankfurt School. It comprises five chapters, which refer to phenomenology, structuralism and... more

The book makes a critical comparison of fundamental trends in modern epistemology with the epistemological concerns of critical theory of the Frankfurt School. It comprises five chapters, which refer to phenomenology, structuralism and poststructuralism, modernism and postmodernism, systems’ theory and critical realism.
It follows the course of development of modern epistemology, considering basic conceptions such as dialectics, theory and practice in science, and the potential for a political epistemology based on the arguments of critical theory. It can certainly be used as a textbook because each chapter tallies with a major trend in modern epistemology, and provides a concrete analysis of the comparison it draws with the work of leading figures of the Frankfurt School such as Horkheimer, Adorno and Habermas.
The present volume addresses the reader of political theory, epistemology, social theory and it also raises key questions on methodology in science and research. Therefore, it can prove beneficial for students, researchers and academics that deal with issues of theory, practice, and method in science. The contents of the volume were meticulously constructed in order to be of practical use both for undergraduate and postgraduate students, and each chapter includes basic graphs that condense the basic argument for each thematic circle on modern epistemology and methodology.
The book contains unpublished critique and information provided to the writer in recent interviews she conducted with Jürgen Habermas (providing analysis on systems theory), William Outhwaite and Stefan Müller-Doohm (both the latter clarified issues and contributed valuable information on critical realism and the Frankfurt School, respectively).

A study of China's modernisation is arguably the most important research project that Sinologists could embark on in close collaboration with China oriented scientists from various quarters ready and willing to co-operate with each other.... more

A study of China's modernisation is arguably the most important research project that Sinologists could embark on in close collaboration with China oriented scientists from various quarters ready and willing to co-operate with each other. The big question is: CAN CHINA BECOME A MODERN NATION WITHOUT LIBERTY?

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive,... more

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

ABOUT THE PAPERThis paper is an extract from my book entitled: The Cruces of Post 1991 Ethiopian Politics: Revolutionary Democracy, Democratic Developmentlaism and the Late Meles Zenawi. The book is first pulished in December 2017, and... more

ABOUT THE PAPERThis paper is an extract from my book entitled: The Cruces of Post 1991 Ethiopian Politics: Revolutionary Democracy, Democratic Developmentlaism and the Late Meles Zenawi. The book is first pulished in December 2017, and republished in Septmeber 2018. The book gives a comprehensive account on the rules of the game in the system of governance of politics, economy, bureaucracy and Securityin Ethiopia since 1991. This article \is organized into two parts. In the first part, the underlying factors triggering for the genesis and development of revolutionary democratic concept is discussed. The first section further addresses competing views on the lines of revolutionary democracy Moreover, the status of revolutionary democracy is subjected to question, as a single party program or as a full fledge concept that comprehensively addresses on all aspects of governance. The second part discusses on the evolution, development and/or consolidation of ideals of revolutionary thoug...

La réflexion sur le droit peut-elle saisir son objet comme s'il se déployait dans une sphère autonome, ou bien doit-elle rapporter la logique juridique aux usages politiques qui en sont faits ? Partant de cette question, Hobbes et le... more

La réflexion sur le droit peut-elle saisir son objet comme s'il se déployait dans une sphère autonome, ou bien doit-elle rapporter la logique juridique aux usages politiques qui en sont faits ? Partant de cette question, Hobbes et le sujet de droit met en lumière la rationalité juridique développée par Hobbes, rarement étudiée comme telle.
Le philosophe rompt en effet avec les doctrines classiques de la loi pour penser l'autonomie du droit et le type de normativité qu'il instaure. Faisant de la volonté de l'individu la racine de l'ordre juridique institué, Hobbes construit une théorie inédite de l'obligation et une pensée du contractualisme centrée sur l'affirmation du sujet de droit, cette autre figure de la subjectivité.
Mais cette pensée d'un sujet fondateur de l'ordre politique n'engendre-t-elle pas de nouvelles formes d'assujettissement ? Inscrit dans un système représentatif, jouissant d'une liberté négative plutôt que d'une absence de dépendance, le sujet de droit n'en vient-il pas à consentir à sa propre servitude ? Telles sont les interrogations qui traversent cet ouvrage et orientent une lecture politique de ce moment décisif de la rationalité juridique moderne.