Multitude Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

In this paper, I explore the concept of multitude according to the writings of Toni Negri, Michael Hardt and Paolo Virno and in opposition to the concept of mass, developed by the French thinker Gustave Le Bon. Multitude appears as a kind... more

Huey P. Newton remains one the left’s intellectual enigmas. Although lauded for being the leader of the Black Panther Party, Newton is relatively unacknowledged as an intellectual. This article challenges the neglect of Newton’s thought... more

Huey P. Newton remains one the left’s intellectual enigmas. Although lauded for being the leader of the Black Panther Party, Newton is relatively unacknowledged as an intellectual. This article challenges the neglect of Newton’s thought by shedding light on his theory of empire, and the present-day value of returning to his thought. The article centres on how Newton’s critique of what he called ‘reactionary intercommunalism’ prefigures many of the elements found in the work of Hardt and Negri on empire. This comparison will be used to show how Newton not only foresaw elements of the rise of contemporary neoliberal globalization, but also offered an idea of political solidarity and revolutionary politics for such a context. The article concludes by highlighting how Newton’s ideas about the need for a war of position based on ‘survival pending revolution’ presents a more theoretically and empirically salient conceptualization of resistance than his successors.

Erschienen in: Versammlung und Teilhabe, Transcript 2014

Cet article est consacré à la « multitude », un terme clé aujourd’hui dans les interprétations opéraïste et populiste de Machiavel. À travers l’étude du lexique des auteurs appartenant à la tradition aristotélicienne et thomiste, cet... more

Cet article est consacré à la « multitude », un terme clé aujourd’hui dans les interprétations opéraïste et populiste de Machiavel. À travers l’étude du lexique des auteurs appartenant à la tradition aristotélicienne et thomiste, cet article met en évidence l’ambiguïté substantielle de ce terme et de ce sujet collectif. L’analyse que Machiavel consacre en particulier à la multitude en tant que composante « désordonnée » du corps politique, révèle des analogies avec la réflexion contemporaine de Pietro Pomponazzi (De incantationibus). Du point de vue de l’histoire des
sciences sociales, l’hypothèse développée est que la découverte de la dimension psychique de la multitude au début du XVIe siècle constitue un tournant épistémique qui permet de repenser la chronologie de la foule comme objet d’étude et de gouvernement.

""Politics is always about nomination. It is about naming a political subjectivity and organizing politically around that name.– Simon Critchley (2007, 103) This paper situates Guy Standing’s recent work on ‘the precariat’ within a... more

Rejecting the dichotomy of centralism and horizontalism that has deeply marked millennial politics, Rodrigo Nunes' close analysis of network systems demonstrates how organising within contemporary social and political movements exists... more

Rejecting the dichotomy of centralism and horizontalism that has deeply marked millennial politics, Rodrigo Nunes' close analysis of network systems demonstrates how organising within contemporary social and political movements exists somewhere between - or beyond - the two. Rather than the party or chaos, the one or the multitude, he discovers a 'bestiary' of hybrid organisational forms and practices that render such disjunctives false. The resulting picture shows how social and technical networks can and do facilitate strategic action and fluid distributions of power at the same time. It is by developing the strategic potentials that are already immanent to networks, he argues, that contemporary solutions to the question of organisation can be developed. Part of the PML Books series. A collaboration between Mute and the Post-Media Lab. http://metamute.org/

El levantamiento del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional de 1994 desencadenó a nivel nacional e internacional la movilización multitudinaria de un espectro social diverso y polifónico. Redes, movimientos, organizaciones, colectivos... more

El levantamiento del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional de 1994 desencadenó a nivel nacional e internacional la movilización multitudinaria de un espectro social diverso y polifónico. Redes, movimientos, organizaciones, colectivos o multitudes, generaron un proceso de acción colectiva un tanto sui generis. Alrededor del zapatismo armado se constituyó un extraño sujeto polimorfo. Este trabajo trata de explicar la emergencia, composición, el repertorio de acción y el proceso de subjetivación política de ese sujeto múltiple, difícil de caracterizar y de representar, incluso, conceptualmente. Intentaremos ubicar algunos de sus procesos emblemáticos en las coordenadas de los conceptos de antagonismo y emancipación, apoyándonos para su comprensión en la categoría de “multitud urbana zapatista”; debido a su extensión y complejidad nos centraremos en el fenómeno de movilización en el ámbito urbano de la Ciudad de México.

Huey P. Newton remains one the left's intellectual enigmas. Although lauded for being the leader of the Black Panther Party, Newton is relatively unacknowledged as an intellectual. This article challenges the neglect of Newton's thought... more

Huey P. Newton remains one the left's intellectual enigmas. Although lauded for being the leader of the Black Panther Party, Newton is relatively unacknowledged as an intellectual. This article challenges the neglect of Newton's thought by shedding light on his theory of empire, and the present-day value of returning to his thought. The article centres on how Newton's critique of what he called 'reactionary inter-communalism' prefigures many of the elements found in the work of Hardt and Negri on empire. This comparison will be used to show how Newton not only foresaw elements of the rise of contemporary neoliberal globalization, but also offered an idea of political solidarity and revolutionary politics for such a context. The article concludes by highlighting how Newton's ideas about the need for a war of position based on 'survival pending revolution' presents a more theoretically and empirically salient conceptualization of resistance than his successors.

Nel 2000 viene pubblicata la prima edizione di Empire, opera di Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt destinata a diventare pietra miliare della teoria politica contemporanea e nucleo focale di una elaborazione che si sviluppa tutt’oggi. Con... more

Nel 2000 viene pubblicata la prima edizione di Empire, opera di Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt destinata a diventare pietra miliare della teoria politica contemporanea e nucleo focale di una elaborazione che si sviluppa tutt’oggi. Con l’intento di «rinvigorire la teoria comunista, o meglio, di scrivere un nuovo capitolo del Capitale», gli autori si propongono di analizzare il mondo globalizzato aggiornando la «cassetta degli attrezzi» di marxiana memoria, traghettando così Marx oltre Marx e il marxismo novecentesco. Empire ha avuto una diffusione planetaria e la sua pubblicazione ha scatenato una discussione amplissima che ha interessato le accademie e i movimenti di tutto il mondo. A distanza di circa vent’anni dalla prima edizione dell’opera, il presente saggio si pone come obiettivo l’analisi critica di questo dibattito e una sua ricostruzione tematica, al fine di mettere a confronto il lavoro di Negri e Hardt con le diverse interpretazioni da essi suscitate e così comprendere compiutamente il loro pensiero.

In his Cartesian Meditations (1929), Edmund Husserl proposes a monadological solution to the epistemological problem of transcendental solipsism. At the basis of intersubjectivity lies the lived body (Leib). After the famous bracketing of... more

In his Cartesian Meditations (1929), Edmund Husserl proposes a monadological solution to the epistemological problem of transcendental solipsism. At the basis of intersubjectivity lies the lived body (Leib). After the famous bracketing of the empirical validity of experience, Leibniz is invoked for a second reduction, meant to determine the sphere of appurtenances that originally belongs to each subject and that accounts for communication with the Other. Husserl thus grounds the constitutive lifeworld in body integrity and possessive individualism, i.e. the ontological distribution of physical properties based on the identity of self-consciousness.
By contrast, Deleuze in The Fold. Leibniz and the Baroque (1988) discovers in Leibniz a “crisis of property” that reflects the first great crisis of capitalism. Unlike Husserl, who raises the organic intentionalities by which humans are inserted into the world to a transcendental level, Leibniz never managed to find a final solution to the problem of the union of body and soul, precisely because he held the body itself to be a world teeming with non-human others. The problem of the Other refers to a micropolitics of mobile and non-localizable captures rather than individual closures, such that intersubjective monadology is inseparable from an animal monadology with its twin components of animism and totemism.
In my contribution I demonstrate how Leibniz’s metaphysical account of composite substances and its 20th century ramifications could contribute to a contemporary yet non-phenomenological understanding of the transindividual constitution of communities. By contrasting Deleuze’s later reading of Leibniz with Balibar’s critique of Leibniz, I demonstrate how the monstruous animality of the baroque socius remains a possibility endemic to the present.

Course at the University of Arts and Design Karlsruhe

Juni 2017. Wir treffen Toni Negri en passant, am Rande eines Workshops in Berlin, zwischen zwei Vorträgen, die um die Frage nach den neuen Modi von Subjekti-vierung und Kontrolle in postindustriellen, affektbasierten Ökonomien kreisen.... more

Juni 2017. Wir treffen Toni Negri en passant, am Rande eines Workshops in Berlin, zwischen zwei Vorträgen, die um die Frage nach den neuen Modi von Subjekti-vierung und Kontrolle in postindustriellen, affektbasierten Ökonomien kreisen. Das Treffen findet in einer Hotellobby statt, in einem jener anonymen und sterilen Kongresszentren, die sich parasitisch vom Universitätsbetrieb ernähren. Blick auf einen Parkplatz, ein wenig Rasen, Glas, Beton. Auf uns zu tritt ein älterer, freundlicher Herr mit zwinkernden Augen. Er schnappt sich unsere ausgedruckten Fragen, die zu stellen wir kaum hinterherkommen. Das Interview findet auf Französisch statt, unserem common ground. Aber tatsächlich bewegt sich das Gesagte zwischen Toni Negris Italienisch, seiner ersten Sprache, dem Französisch seiner Exiljahre und unserem deutschdenkenden, ins Französische übertragenen Versuch, passende Nachfragen zu stellen und die Worte aufzunehmen, die zwischen klapperndem Geschirr, lachenden Menschen und Loungemusik auf uns zuschwirren. Hinterher werden wir immer wieder erstaunt sein darüber, wie sehr wir das Interview als Format unterschätzt haben. Wir haben es nicht einfach mit einem Gespräch zu tun, das einmal aufgenommen, bloß in Text überführt zu werden braucht. Das Interview ist ein hoch artifizielles Produkt, das zwar auf dem Gespräch basiert, aber nicht in gesprochener Sprache gedruckt, nicht uneditiert und sich selbst überlassen werden kann, das gekürzt und neu angeordnet werden muss, um schließlich in einer Übersetzung, die dann auch zu einer Neufassung wird, zu sich selbst zu finden.

This PhD thesis aims at defining the “common good” concept, joining scientific meanings of different disciplines (Law, Economics, Social and Political Science) with social actors’ ideas (common sense conceptions) matured on the occasion... more

This PhD thesis aims at defining the “common good” concept, joining scientific meanings of different disciplines (Law, Economics, Social and Political Science) with social actors’ ideas (common sense conceptions) matured on the occasion of the Italian referendum in favor of the "Water Common Good” (June 2011).
Full text available from http://padis.uniroma1.it/handle/10805/2475

Since the late 1960s there has been a resurgence of interest in Spinozism in France: Gilles Deleuze was among the first who gave life to a 'new Spinoza' with his seminal book Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza (1968). While Deleuze was... more

Since the late 1960s there has been a resurgence of interest in Spinozism in France: Gilles Deleuze was among the first who gave life to a 'new Spinoza' with his seminal book Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza (1968). While Deleuze was primarily interested in Spinoza's ontology and ethics, the contemporary French philosopher Etienne Balibar focuses on the political writings. Despite their common fascination for Spinoza's relational definition of the individual, both thinkers have drawn very different consequences from the Spinozist inspiration regarding the relevance of his philosophy for a contemporary ethical and political thought. Deleuze draws from Spinoza an ethics of the encounter, an 'ethology' that is concerned with the composition of bodies on a plane of immanence. Balibar, on the contrary, deals with the modes of communication that we institute between one another and that are always effectuations on two levels at once: the real and the imaginary. Whereas Deleuze emphasizes the conception of a univocal plane of immanence, Balibar insists on a double expression of the real and the imaginary in any transindividual practice. The aim of this paper is to compare and finally assess their respective contributions to a conception of collective political action: the question of constitution of the 'free multitude'.

Consideramos las aportaciones del operaísmo y post-operaísmo italiano al debate sobre el concepto de clase social. Las principales aportaciones derivan en este caso del estudio de las formas que adquiere el trabajo social en las distintas... more

Consideramos las aportaciones del operaísmo y post-operaísmo italiano al debate sobre el concepto de clase social. Las principales aportaciones derivan en este caso del estudio de las formas que
adquiere el trabajo social en las distintas fases del capitalismo contemporáneo, que se expresan en la sucesión de los conceptos de obrero-masa, de obrero social y de multitud. Alrededor de estas tres categorías se delimitan los contornos y designan los contenidos respetivos de lo que se define como recomposiciones de clase a la cuales se atribuyen la primacía dinámica y un principio de autonomía respecto al capital, el cual estaría constantemente reaccionando e intentando descomponer y tratando de quebrar la recomposición subjetiva clasista en sus distintas manifestaciones históricas.
El artículo forma parte del libro "El concepto de clase social en el marxismo contemporáneo", coordinado por M. Modonesi, A. García Vela y M. Vignau Loría (UNAM y BUAP, 2017)

Trabajo de investigación sobre los movimientos indignados de la primavera de 2011 desde la perspectiva de la filosofía política contemporánea. Se ha tomado como referencia la obra de autores como Michel Foucault, Antonio Negri, Michael... more

Trabajo de investigación sobre los movimientos indignados de la primavera de 2011 desde la perspectiva de la filosofía política contemporánea. Se ha tomado como referencia la obra de autores como Michel Foucault, Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt, Paolo Virno o David Harvey (entre otros). En primer lugar he tratado de desgranar los principales conceptos de esta corriente de la filosofía política contemporánea, para en un segundo momento aplicarlos al análisis del movimiento 15M.

Negri’nin ‘çokluk’ olarak ifade ettiği ‘özne’nin içeriği ve önerdiği eylem tarzıyla Gezi Parkı sürecinde yaşananlar arasında görünüşte bir benzerlik söz konusudur. Negri, açıkça ifade edilmemekle birlikte, ‘küreselleşme karşıtı’ ya da... more

Negri’nin ‘çokluk’ olarak ifade ettiği ‘özne’nin içeriği ve önerdiği eylem tarzıyla Gezi Parkı sürecinde yaşananlar arasında görünüşte bir benzerlik söz konusudur. Negri, açıkça ifade edilmemekle birlikte, ‘küreselleşme karşıtı’ ya da ‘alternatif küreselleşmeci’ hareketlerin teorik sözcülüğünü yapmaktadır. Bu hareketler, başta Seattle (1999) olmak üzere, uluslararası bileşenli eylemlerle gündeme gelmişti. Yine Arap Ayaklanmaları ve Occupy Wall Street eylemleri de, Negri’ye göre, kendi tezini doğrulamaktadır. Bu eylemlerin ortak özellikleri, farklı sınıf ve görüşlerden çeşitli kesimlerin bir araya gelmiş olması, merkezi bir örgütlenmeye tabi olmamaları, aksine bunu reddetmeleri ve alternatif bir iletişim ağı kurmaları... Bütün bu özellikler, farklı biçimlerde Gezi eylemlerinde de görülebilir. Ancak, bu, Negri’nin, ne çokluğunu ne de onun teorileştirdiği eylem, talep ve mücadele biçimini mantıklı ve tutarlı kılar. Özetle, bu yazıda Gezi Parkı’nın açtığı gündem vesilesiyle sınıf ve “çokluk” tartışmasına odaklanacağız.

This dissertation offers a new theoretical paradigm for understanding the political subjectivity of children in Occidental society. Whereas much of the contemporary research on children by political scientists employs a liberal legalist... more

This dissertation offers a new theoretical paradigm for understanding the political subjectivity of children in Occidental society. Whereas much of the contemporary research on children by political scientists employs a liberal legalist framework that is organized around the rights of parents and children, this dissertation instead turns to the work of Michel Foucault. It does so for two reasons. First, it uses a Foucauldian lens to analyze the ways in which childhood is problematized within Western culture. While the notion of the child at first appears to have a stable, unchanging meaning, its meaning is instead fluid and defined by certain political processes that co-opt the child to pursue a strategic goal. Second, this dissertation employs Foucault’s work to assert that the politicization of children operates by managing children at the level of the population indicative of a regime of power that Foucault refers to as biopolitics. To this end, it explores several case studies that show, in different ways, how children are used within Western politics as a means of either preserving, or producing, a particular vision of society and its subjects. Such an analysis recasts the intersection of politics and childhood as being anchored in domination, rather than liberal notions of freedom and equality. However, this dissertation also examines moments wherein children resist attempts by biopolitical apparatuses to force them to submit to such desires for the population, revealing the possibility for overturning this oppressive order. It argues that such forms of resistance, rather than the remedies provided by liberal legalism, are the only ways that the oppression of children can ever be overcome.

Esta ponencia analizara los actuales conflictos agrarios en Michoacán desde la perspectiva de las luchas por medio de la autonomía, el autogobierno y la defensa armada de los recursos naturales. El marco teórico es del marxismo... more

Esta ponencia analizara los actuales conflictos agrarios en Michoacán desde la perspectiva de las luchas por medio de la autonomía, el autogobierno y la defensa armada de los recursos naturales. El marco teórico es del marxismo autonomista y se aplica los conceptos de imperio, multitud, y los comunes para poder adoptar una perspectiva mas basada en las luchas de resistencia por parte de varias comunidades indígenas contra los procesos de despojo e injusticia, que los análisis más tradicionales que se fijen más en los actos de injusticia e impunidad que en las resistencias. Se ve a los antecedentes históricos de las resistencias de Cherán, Santa María de Ostula, Caltzontzin y Arantepacua en Michoacán, y la evolución del terrorismo del Estado-nación moderno.

Locating itself amidst current debates on post-modern analyses of mysticism, particularly academic debates on the Bauls of Bengal, this article discusses issues of cultural transformation as a result of gentrifi cation and globalisation.... more

Locating itself amidst current debates on post-modern analyses of mysticism, particularly academic debates on the Bauls of Bengal, this article discusses issues of cultural transformation as a result of gentrifi cation and globalisation. It combines the author’s ethnographic research and a methodology mainly derived from Italian Marxist critique (Antonio Gramsci, Ernesto de Martino, Antonio Negri and Paolo Virno). The article examines the reification
of mysticism and the process of ‘rehab’, as imposed by Bengali bourgeoisie via the Tagorian archetype and the Western show business on the Bauls, to cleanse their image from inconvenient traits. Suggesting an interpretation of radical materialist mystics as ‘multitude’ and viewing professional Bauls as ‘people’, this research explores how the construction of a myth has ultimately penetrated contemporary society at all levels, including academic circles.

Junho de 2013 passou pelas ruas do Brasil e arrastou qualquer ilusão de radicalização democrática que a Nova República, dos pactos oligárquicos, sequer foi capaz de sonhar. Com as estruturas da política partidária e institucional... more

Junho de 2013 passou pelas ruas do Brasil e arrastou qualquer ilusão de radicalização democrática que a Nova República, dos pactos oligárquicos, sequer foi capaz de sonhar. Com as estruturas da política partidária e institucional abaladas, o fino reboco da democracia representativa desmanchou de vez e, finalmente, transpareceu a fachada da crise da representatividade. Se de um lado os corpos não mais interrompem as vias internas das metrópoles, tampouco os caminhões as vias externas, como ocorreu recentemente, de outro os espectros de Junho de 2013 continuam a assombrar e desafiar a política institucional. Para fazer um balanço e uma análise sobre o fenômeno, a revista IHU On-Line, cinco anos depois, reúne uma série de pesquisadores e pesquisadoras para discutir os limites, os desafios e as perspectivas das Jornadas de Junho.

In this article I will analyze the central categories of Thomas Aquinas's social thought, such as a people (populus), multitude (multitudo), and Commonwealth (respublica). The next article (Part 2) will contain an investigation of the... more

In this article I will analyze the central categories of Thomas Aquinas's social thought, such as a people (populus), multitude (multitudo), and Commonwealth (respublica). The next article (Part 2) will contain an investigation of the categories of a community (communitas), communication , and society (societas). I stress the immediate readiness of the question in existing Thomistic literature. Despite the active investigations of Aquinas's political theory, the social theory remains almost forgotten. The works of Ignatius Th. Eschmann, Yves Congar, and Jeremy Catto represent some exclusions from this assertion, but not one of them has paid enough attention to the terminological peculiarities of Thomistic thought. Between the main results of this work, it is worth to focus on the next aspects of the dissipation of the people's concept, its equalization with the multitude, and the break of the connection between the notions of a people and a Commonwealth. The populus in Thomas's theory loses its political nature ascribed to it by Cicero and Augustin. Having lost its subjectivity, the People convert into an organized multitude united by common territory and the same mode of everyday life. Aquinas ignores the creation of the Commonwealth by the People and establishes a connection of another type between these concepts. According to him, the People is a kind of Aristotelian " materia, " while the Commonwealth is the " form. " In compliance with the precedential assertion, the Respublica becomes eternal and unchangeable, where only the content—i.e., the People or the multitude—can change. In effect, Aquinas formulates the concept of the proto-State here.

Résumé : Cet article évalue le potentiel analytique de la théorie des affects que l’on trouve dans l’Éthique de Spinoza en vue de la compréhension des alternatives éthiques contenues dans les plus récentes structures de la... more

Résumé : Cet article évalue le potentiel analytique de la théorie des affects que l’on trouve dans l’Éthique de Spinoza en vue de la compréhension des alternatives éthiques contenues dans les plus récentes structures de la production sociale de la valeur. Conséquence de la fusion, au sein du monde du travail, de toutes les activités de nature communicationnelle et affective, le caractère irréversible des formes sociales actuelles installe la redoutable constitution du biopouvoir. Telle est la prémisse de ce texte, qui participe à la nouvelle réception qui est faite à Spinoza en vue du renouvellement de la grammaire du politique. L’auteure estime que le philosophe permet de relire la théorie marxiste de la subjectivité révolutionnaire comme recueillement et appropriation des circuits collectifs de l’imagination, que les ordonnancements prescrits par les théories normatives et juridiques tendent à mobiliser à leur détriment. L’apport proposé ici consiste à développer une méthode de lecture des « pulsions communistes » qui se font jour d’une multitude de manières, et d’en constituer un récit unificateur.

O pensamento social contemporâneo tem atentado para a importância dos afetos, sentimentos e emoções na teorização das formações e dos fenômenos sócio-políticos, a ponto de podermos falar de uma virada afetiva que atravessa as ciências... more

O pensamento social contemporâneo tem atentado para a importância dos afetos, sentimentos e emoções na teorização das formações e dos fenômenos sócio-políticos, a ponto de podermos falar de uma virada afetiva que atravessa as ciências humanas, sociais e a filosofia. Os afetos não são tratados, porém, de maneira individualista, mas como causados por e causantes de estruturas sociais. Dessa forma, tratamos do fenômeno da solidão contemporânea a partir da forma mesma de atividade capitalista, o trabalho livre: seguimos a hipótese de que a solidão é intrínseca ao modo de produção capitalista, sendo predicado necessário do trabalhador livre. Seguimos, portanto, o argumento de Hannah Arendt sobre a emergência da solidão nas sociedades de massa modernas, em que ela é definida pela redução do homo faber ao animal laborans, cuja atividade é o trabalho de subsistência (labor). Seguimos, também, a argumentação de Marx sobre a ruptura ontológica entre as formas econômicas pré-capitalistas e o capitalismo, que, dentre outras características, marca o surgimento do trabalhador livre pelo apartamento dos animais humanos de qualquer propriedade de meios de (re)produção imediata e, o mais importante para nossos interesses, marca a separação destes da comunidade, produzindo assim o sujeito livre ou indivíduo livre próprio do capitalismo e do pensamento liberal, indivíduo da sociedade de massas comentada por Arendt e que possuirá no trabalho livre-assalariado ou labor sua principal ou única característica. Ainda, em mais um desenvolvimento sócio-afetivo, seguimos a hipótese de Arendt sobre a relação da solidão massificada com a emergência fascista (ou “totalitária”), mas a partir do contexto atual de trabalho uberizado ou trabalho de plataforma e da emergência do que chamamos, junto com Deleuze & Guattari, de “neoarcaísmos”, que podem vir a qualificar um fascismo molecular e micropolítico e o que chamamos de comunidades artificiais de ódio. Por fim, explanamos sobre o problema de uma possível reapropriação e recomposição do comum, via composição de classe social em um sentido expandido, para além da massificação da solidão intensificada pela fragmentação de classe uberizada e de suas derivas fascistas.

O presente trabalho se concentra em problematizar o conceito de multidão, dos filósofos Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, focando a investigação na sua constituição enquanto conceito de classe social em um sentido marxista. Para tanto, visto... more

O presente trabalho se concentra em problematizar o conceito de multidão, dos filósofos Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, focando a investigação na sua constituição enquanto conceito de classe social em um sentido marxista. Para tanto, visto que um pensamento de classe tem de se haver com a problemática do “sujeito”, tomamos como ponto de partida as críticas efetuadas, sobretudo por Althusser, ao Sujeito moderno e ao humanismo para uma empreitada que consiste em pensar o que seria uma classe social anti e pós-humanista. Negri afirma que sua obra utiliza o método marxiano, ainda que ele se coloque mais influenciado por Foucault e Deleuze & Guattari do que pela ortodoxia marxista enquanto tal, o que já nos indica suas precauções em relação ao Sujeito e ao humanismo, o que não o impede, entretanto, de insistir em um marxismo que preze pelo espaço da subjetividade. Dessa forma, ele propõe uma atualização do discurso de classe utilizando o que alega ser o método marxiano para a crítica do modo de produção capitalista e, diante das características de um capitalismo transformado, resgata ou cria novos conceitos para a mesma – como os de multidão, Império, trabalho imaterial, comum, biopolítica e subsunção real. A presente pesquisa, portanto, intenta analisar a obra de Negri a fim de verificar como os conceitos se articulam em um movimento de pensamento que difere do objeto de crítica do anti e do pós-humanismo, ainda que Negri ele mesmo se declare um humanista – um humanismo de outro tipo, por suposto.

Gezi direnişinin ardından farklı düşünsel ve siyasal akımlar; harekete ilişkin farklı sonuçlar çıkardı. Bu yaklaşımlardan birisi de, Gezi direnişinin işçi hareketi ve sosyalizmin temel tezlerinin pratik bir eleştirisi olduğu, işçi... more

Gezi direnişinin ardından farklı düşünsel ve siyasal akımlar; harekete ilişkin farklı sonuçlar çıkardı. Bu yaklaşımlardan birisi de, Gezi direnişinin işçi hareketi ve sosyalizmin temel tezlerinin pratik bir eleştirisi olduğu, işçi hareketine dayanan bir komünizmin artık geçersiz olduğu fikridir. Bu makalede; komünizmin iktidardan uzak durarak, “komünizmin ilkelerini hiç beklemeksizin doğrudan yaşama geçirerek”; kapitalizm içerisinde ‘soluk alınabilecek’ adacıklar, otonom yaşam alanları ya da komünler kurarak gerçekleştirme yaklaşımını; otonomcu politikanın iki en önemli teorisyenleri olan Negri ve Hardt’ın görüşleri üzerinden değerlendireceğiz.

Za decyzją, by mówić o obrazach motłochu stała intuicja, że z jego przedstawień wynikać może wiedza inna niż ta produkowana przez konstruowane na jego temat teorie. W lansowanych przez filozofie polityczne definicjach motłoch utożsamiany... more

Za decyzją, by mówić o obrazach motłochu stała intuicja, że z jego
przedstawień wynikać może wiedza inna niż ta produkowana przez konstruowane na jego temat teorie. W lansowanych przez filozofie polityczne definicjach motłoch utożsamiany jest z anarchiczną i amorficzną masą, „osadem biernym fermentacji najniższych warstw starej społeczności” (Marks, Engels 1962), tłumem niezainteresowanym kwestią społecznego uznania, nieprodukującą żadnej wartości zbieraniną, jednym słowem –
ze społeczną negatywnością. Wgląd w motłochowe obrazy rozbija jednak te zaszufladkowania, ukazując bogactwo narracji i praktyk wytwarzanych przez żyjących na marginesach ludzi. Żebracze tragedie i opery, powieści łotrzykowskie, pirackie legendy, plebejskie podania czy ludowe teologie, jak ta wyobrażona przez wiejskiego młynarza, o którym pisze Carlo Ginzburg, albo opisana przez księdza Ściegiennego w Złotej książeczce, gdzie wolność i możliwość korzystania z „darów boskich” przysługują wszystkim ludziom, dopóki nie zostaną ograniczone przez niesprawiedliwe urządzenia społeczne – to tylko niektóre z niezliczonej liczby motłochowych narracji.