White Settler Soceties Research Papers (original) (raw)

This paper draws on articles published in the New Zealand Herald between 1914 and 1933 by the writer and journalist Elsie K. Morton to demonstrate how nostalgia for childhood experiences in the forest, or the bush, as it is labelled... more

This paper draws on articles published in the New Zealand Herald between 1914 and 1933 by the writer and journalist Elsie K. Morton to demonstrate how nostalgia for childhood experiences in the forest, or the bush, as it is labelled colloquially, have acted as an antimodern response to and critique of deforestation in New Zealand. Morton's articles are situated within the wider body of cultural antimodernism in New Zealand, locating them after the antimodern literature of Maoriland in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, but before the antimodern writing of several prominent authors who published their works in the 1930s and 1940s. The author makes the argument that the bush landscape is central to the expression of antimodernism as a response to the modernisation of New Zealand.

This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21 st century. A central argument is that disposability is a... more

This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21 st century. A central argument is that disposability is a discursive and material relation of power that creates and reproduces invidious distinctions between the value of "legitimate" Canadian settler-citizens (and candidates for citizenship) and the lack of worth of undesirable migrant populations working in Canada, often for protracted periods of time. The analytical lens of migrant disposability draws upon theorizing within Marxian, critical modernity studies, and decolonizing settler colonial frameworks. This article explores the technologies of disposability that lay waste to low wage workers in sites such as immigration law and provincial/territorial employment legislation, the workplace, transport, living conditions, access to health care and the practice of medical repatriation of injured and ill migrant workers. The mounting evidence that disposability is immanent within low-wage migrant labour schemes in Canada has implications for migrant social justice. The failure to protect migrant workers from a vast array of harms reflects the historical foundations of Canada's contemporary migrant worker schemes in an "inherited background field [of settler colonialism] within which market, racist, patriarchal and state relations converge" (Coulthard, 2014, p. 14). Incremental liberal reform has made little headway insofar as the administration and in some cases reversal of more progressive reforms such as guaranteed pathways to citizenship prioritize employers' labour interests and the lives and health of primarily white, middle class Canadian citizens at the expense of a shunned and racialized but growing population of migrants from the global South. Transformational change and social justice for migrant workers can only occur by reversing the disposability and hyper-commodification intrinsic to low-wage migrant programs and granting full permanent legal status to migrant workers.

This paper considers how Canadian settlers - particularly in predominantly white, rural, and deindustrialized areas - are formed as political subjects invested with an extreme sense of having been injured or made fragile. From this... more

This paper considers how Canadian settlers - particularly in predominantly white, rural, and deindustrialized areas - are formed as political subjects invested with an extreme sense of having been injured or made fragile. From this supposed injury settlers engage in a politics of aggression and rancour that regularly targets Indigenous peoples. Developing Nietzsche’s concept ressentiment, I suggest that the processes of subject formation within Canada’s settler colonial project produces subjects who are unwilling and perhaps unable to articulate a politics that contests oppressive power, instead reproducing it.
These reflections on settler anger are grounded in a discussion of an ongoing dispute between the Saugeen Ojibway First Nation and the Township of South Bruce Peninsula over ownership of Sauble Beach. I highlight the ways in which reactionary populism is used by local politicians to evacuate the emancipatory power of popular unrest by intertwining the legitimate grievances of poor and working people suffering under neoliberalism, with an active reinvestment in processes of colonial dispossession that strive to erase, marginalize, and remove Indigenous peoples.

By centralizing the experiences of seven, urban, self-identified Two-Spirit Indigenous people in Toronto, this paper addresses the settler-colonial complexities that arise within contemporary queer politics: how settler colonialism has... more

By centralizing the experiences of seven, urban, self-identified Two-Spirit Indigenous people in Toronto, this paper addresses the settler-colonial complexities that arise within contemporary queer politics: how settler colonialism has seeped into Pride Toronto’s contemporary Queer politics to normalize White queer settler subjectivities and disavow Indigenous Two-Spirit subjectivities. Utilizing Morgensen’s settler homonationalism, the authors underscore that contemporary Queer politics in Canada rely on the eroticization of Two-Spirit subjectivities, Queer settler violence, and the production of (White) Queer narratives of belonging that simultaneously promote the inclusion and erasure of Indigenous presence. Notwithstanding Queer settler-colonial violence, Two-Spirit peoples continue to engage in settler resistance by taking part in Pride Toronto and problematizing contemporary manifestations of settler homonationalism. Findings highlight the importance of challenging the workings of settler colonialism within contemporary Queer politics in Canada, and addressing the tenuous involvements of Indigenous TwoSpirit peoples within Pride festivals. The article challenges non-Indigenous Queers of color, racialized diasporic, and White, to consider the value of a future that takes seriously the conditions of settler colonialism and White supremacy.

Can dogs be racist? Posing this question may seem odd and at worst, unhelpfully provocative at a time when the discourse of ‘colour-blindness’ is so pervasive. Yet the idea of ‘racist dogs’ remains salient within the post-settler... more

Can dogs be racist? Posing this question may seem odd and at worst, unhelpfully provocative at a time when the discourse of ‘colour-blindness’ is so pervasive. Yet the idea of ‘racist dogs’ remains salient within the post-settler societies of eastern and southern Africa, where dogs have been an integral if overlooked tool of colonial practices of racialization. This article traces the colonial demarcation of ‘native dogs’ – juxtaposed to white settlers’ ‘pet’ dogs – to understand how racial categories were imposed on domesticated animals, and how these racialized animals were then colonized through rabies legislation. Although the formal racialization of dogs ended with the dawn of political decolonization in the early 1960s, dogs continued to be co-opted for postcolonial racial discourse. Dogs were in a prominent position in postcolonial society due to their prevalence in the security arrangements of white homes as well as in the security forces of white supremacist Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa. The intensity of the relationship between white minorities, their canine pets and the surrounding African population points toward the uncomfortable conclusion that in the heightened racial environments of decolonizing settler Africa, dogs could be made to be racist.

Why is it that, at a time when countless state officials are apologizing for historic wrongs and insisting that Canada has entered a period of reconciliation, many settlers continue to act towards indigenous peoples with unabated... more

Why is it that, at a time when countless state officials are apologizing for historic wrongs and insisting that Canada has entered a period of reconciliation, many settlers continue to act towards indigenous peoples with unabated aggression and resentment? This thesis attempts to explain the continual reproduction of settler colonialism through an investigation of the processes involved in the formation of settlers as political subjects. Developing a Butlerean account of the subject, the author suggests that settlers are produced through colonial regimes as political subjects with deep and often unacknowledged investments in the reproduction of systems of oppression that provide for their material and psychic position of privilege. While the instability inherent in such systems ultimately threatens settlers themselves – as seen in the collapsing North American middle class – the fragility and precarity experienced by settlers who are targeted by neoliberal reforms often leads them to reinvest in, and aggressively defend, those very systems of power as a matter of subjective continuity.
The author’s inquiry into these issues emerges from his own experience as a settler, and as an attempt to understand what motivates the aggression and resentment that many elements within his own community direct towards indigenous peoples. Because of these motivations, much of this thesis is grounded in discussions about the ways in which the author’s home community, in the southern Ontario riding of Bruce-Grey-Owen Sound, is predicated in ongoing acts of colonization. From burial ground reclamations, to mob violence, to the problems inherent in combatting white supremacy without at once critiquing settler colonialism, each of the examples brought forward in this thesis attempts to analyze why this community of settlers seemingly throbs with a collective anger and indignation that is continually directed at the Saugeen Anishinaabek.

In this essay, we elaborate on the ways in which colonial unknowing is always itself a response, an epistemological counter-formation, which takes shape in reaction to the lived relations and incommensurable knowledges it seeks to render... more

In this essay, we elaborate on the ways in which colonial unknowing is always itself a response, an epistemological counter-formation, which takes shape in reaction to the lived relations and incommensurable knowledges it seeks to render impossible and inconceivable. Apprehending colonial unknowing as a counter-formation is also a way of de-centering whiteness. We look specifically to Black and Indigenous relations of study as a being and thinking with under conditions often inhospitable—conditions predicated on the uneven distribution of suffering and sustenance—as “dissident relations” shaped by collective struggle. This essay is written in conversation with Alex Trimble Young’s criticism of the “On Colonial Unknowing” special issue we edited for Theory & Event.

This article contributes to emerging efforts to decolonize race-based approaches and antiracist pedagogies in sociology. Building on recent scholarship on settler colonialism and decolonization as well as her experiences of being... more

This article contributes to emerging efforts to decolonize race-based approaches and antiracist pedagogies in sociology. Building on recent scholarship on settler colonialism and decolonization as well as her
experiences of being unsettled, the author discusses the limitations of her critical sociological toolkit for understanding and teaching about the cultural violence associated with “Indian” sport mascots. By discussing an active-learning writing assignment and students’ work from an online course in sport and society, the author argues for sociologists to go beyond frameworks that conceptualize American Indians as a racial or ethnic group seeking greater inclusion in a multicultural nation and consider ongoing settler colonialism that structures U.S. society. The author contends that adding land back into sociological frameworks will help make visible legitimized racism and the cultural logic of elimination and replacement of Indigenous peoples of Turtle Island. To conclude, the author advocates for instructors to be critically self-reflective and to use sociology classrooms as sites of decolonization.

This article provides an introduction to one of the lesser-known examples of European settler colonialism, the settlement of European (mainly Russian and Ukrainian) peasants in Southern Central Asia (Turkestan) in the late nineteenth and... more

This article provides an introduction to one of the lesser-known examples of European settler colonialism, the settlement of European (mainly Russian and Ukrainian) peasants in Southern Central Asia (Turkestan) in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It establishes the legal background and demographic impact of peasant settlement, and the role played by the state in organising and encouraging it. It explores official attitudes towards the settlers (which were often very negative), and their relations with the local Kazakh and Kyrgyz population. The article adopts a comparative framework, looking at Turkestan alongside Algeria and Southern Africa, and seeking to establish whether paradigms developed in the study of other settler societies (such as the ‘poor white’) are of any relevance in understanding Slavic peasant settlement in Turkestan. It concludes that there are many close parallels with European settlement in other regions with large indigenous populations, but that racial ideology played a much less important role in the Russian case compared to religious divisions and fears of cultural backsliding. This did not prevent relations between settlers and the ‘native’ population deteriorating markedly in the years before the First World War, resulting in large-scale rebellion in 1916.

The 1965 debate at Cambridge University between James Baldwin and William F. Buckley, Jr., posed the question: " Has the American Dream been achieved at the Expense of the American Negro? " Within the contours of the debate, Baldwin and... more

The 1965 debate at Cambridge University between James Baldwin and William F. Buckley, Jr., posed the question: " Has the American Dream been achieved at the Expense of the American Negro? " Within the contours of the debate, Baldwin and Buckley wrestled with the ghosts of settler colonialism and slavery in a nation founded on freedom and equality. Framing the debate within the longue durée, this essay examines the deep cultural currents related to the American racial paradox at the height of the Civil Rights movement. Underscoring the changing language of white resistance against black civil rights, the essay argues that the Baldwin and Buckley debate anticipated the ways the U.S. would address racial inequality in the aftermath of the civil rights era and the dawn of neoliberalism in the 1970s.

Abstract This research study examined how stereotyping of Indigenous Peoples impacts health service provider attitudes, actions and services to Indigenous Peoples. This was done by assessing incidents posted by health service provider... more

Abstract
This research study examined how stereotyping of Indigenous Peoples impacts health service provider attitudes, actions and services to Indigenous Peoples. This was done by assessing incidents posted by health service provider participants in the BC Provincial Health Services Authority (PHSA), San’yas Indigenous Cultural Safety (ICS) program. The data were coded and analyzed for the frequency of specific stereotypes, attitudes, type of harm, and sites of harm. Anonymous demographic identifiers selected by health service providers were also analyzed as secondary data to provide information regarding the standpoint and perspective of participants observing the harms in health services. These data provide a better understanding of stereotype harm and Indigenous-specific racism in Health Systems on both an organizational and individual level. This study may also assist system design and service delivery to become safer for Indigenous Peoples and to address unparalleled inequities between Settler Canadians and Indigenous Peoples. The intent was to assist Settler service providers to understand how unexamined stereotypes can seriously harm Indigenous Peoples. I conducted qualitative research followed up with quantifying the results. This method of study of the incidents provided by participants produced data to examine and better understand the frequency, impact, and context of Indigenous-specific stereotyping incidents.
Research questions:
1. What stereotypes of Indigenous Peoples are reported by health service providers?
2. Where are stereotypes toward Indigenous Peoples occurring within health care systems?
3. What attitudes towards Indigenous Peoples are reported by health service providers?
4. What types of harm towards Indigenous Peoples are reported by health service providers working in health systems?

In this era of recognition and reconciliation in settler societies indigenous peoples are laying claims to tribunals, courts and governments and reclaiming extensive territories and resource rights, in some cases even political... more

In this era of recognition and reconciliation in settler societies indigenous peoples are laying claims to tribunals, courts and governments and reclaiming extensive territories and resource rights, in some cases even political sovereignty. But, paradoxically, alongside these practices of decolonization, settler societies continue the work of colonization in myriad everyday ways. This book explores this ongoing colonization in indigenous-settler identity politics in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. These four are part of the 'Post-British World' and share colonial orientations towards indigenous peoples traceable to their European origins. The book identifies a shared settler imaginary that continues to constrain indigenous possibilities while it fails to deliver the redemption and unified nationhood settler peoples crave. Against this colonizing imaginary this book argues for the need for a new relational imaginary that recognizes the autonomy of indigenous ways of being, living and knowing.

This article traces a specific moment when Castellorizian settlers intersected with the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction in the Northern Territory, between 1916 and 1920. Through an examination of a... more

This article traces a specific moment when Castellorizian settlers intersected with the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction in the Northern Territory, between 1916 and 1920. Through an examination of a contested labour issue, a political immigration debate and a racialist newspaper dispute, this history aims to demonstrate how a group of ethnically Greek labourers from the Dodecanese island of Castellorizo ushered in a distinctive form of “white” racial preferencing. By examining how Castellorizian labourers were viewed by unionists, politicians and public commentators, this article suggests that confusing, and, at times, porous, national and racial classifications—such as Greek and Turk, and white and Asiatic—predisposed how these distinctive settlers could engage with the society in which they lived. In direct opposition to being classified as, and compared to, Asians, Castellorizians articulated their own distinct attachments to Australia and the white race. An investigation into their
articulations offers us a nuanced reading into the making and fluidity of white racial consciousness in Australia. By examining the precarious positioning and self-articulations of Castellorizians in the Northern Territory, we can begin to reflect on how the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction impacted on the making of an early Greek-Australian racial consciousness.

Saul Dubow’s A Commonwealth of Knowledge focuses primarily on the development of science and sensibility among English-speaking settlers in the Cape Colony from 1820, through union (of South Africa) in 1910, up to the victory of the... more

Saul Dubow’s A Commonwealth of Knowledge focuses primarily on the development of science and sensibility among English-speaking settlers in the Cape Colony from 1820, through union (of South Africa) in 1910, up to the victory of the Afrikaner nationalists in 1948 – examining how this shaped ideas about national identity among the country’s white (European) population. The latter part of the book brings the story up to 2000, a period that saw the decline of the liberal ‘South Africanism’ developed in the preceding period.
Dubow’s grasp of the historiography and his deft use of archival and secondary sources make this an invaluable book for intellectual historians. More broadly, he is illuminating on the ways in which science has been used by successive colonial and post-colonial elites to establish, assert or bolster their identities and authority, and as in his previous book Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa (2005), shows there is much exciting work to be done on the history of science in the region.

In *Identity Anecdotes: Translation and Media Culture*, Sage, 2006

This essay argues that the fiction of Tim Winton offers far more than mere celebration of Australian place and white settler belonging. In an examination of Cloudstreet, Dirt Music, Eyrie and the memoir Island Home, the essay reveals a... more

This essay argues that the fiction of Tim Winton offers far more than mere celebration of Australian place and white settler belonging. In an examination of Cloudstreet, Dirt Music, Eyrie and the memoir Island Home, the essay reveals a complex, unsettled, processual ontology of place. Winton emerges as the poet of non-belonging who dreams of, and seeks imaginative form for, the possibility of belonging, for Indigenous and non-Indigenous, working class and class traveller Australians. The essay is informed by Judith Butler's ontological theories of becoming, particularly in her volume Precarious Life.

Abstract: For the average Canadian, colonialism is a historical phenomena. The relationship between the indigenous nations of North America and the early settler-state are widely regarded with horror, shock and condemnation. Luckily,... more

Abstract:
For the average Canadian, colonialism is a historical phenomena. The relationship between the indigenous nations of North America and the early settler-state are widely regarded with horror, shock and condemnation. Luckily, the mainstream argument asserts, the liberal-democratic program has left such colonial relationships behind, and today the Canadian state is able to interact with its indigenous citizens in an open and balanced way.
The reality, however, is that indigenous nations remain firmly outside of the liberal-democratic program. This is a result of their own perseverance and tenacity. For these nations, liberal-democracy is nothing more than a rebranding of the historic settler-state project of colonialism. The Idle No More movement has shown us that resistance to this project is still very much alive.
The author of this paper seeks to establish a deeper understanding of the persistent colonial relationship, which the Canadian state seeks to maintain over indigenous nations. Furthermore, the author intends to undermine this relationship, encouraging a rethinking of indigenous national self-determination, outside (and perhaps in opposition to) the settler-state’s authority.

In 2001, Rie Fujii, a 23-year-old Japanese national living without legal status in Calgary, Alberta, Canada left her two infant children alone in her apartment for 10 days while visiting her out-of-town boyfriend. The children, Domenic... more

In 2001, Rie Fujii, a 23-year-old Japanese national living without legal status in Calgary, Alberta, Canada left her two infant children alone in her apartment for 10 days while visiting her out-of-town boyfriend. The children, Domenic and Gemini, died of dehydration and starvation. Charged with two counts of seconddegree homicide, Fujii plead guilty to manslaughter and received an 8-year sentence. Through an analysis of the publicly available judicial documents relating to the crimes of Rie Fujii, this paper explores how the law's individualization and medicalization of crime and violence may obscure the multiple forms of everyday and structural violence that racialized women in white settler states such as Canada experience and may perpetrate. Drawing on Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois' concept of the violence continuum, I argue that the law's conceptualization of crime and violence conceals and thus advances the violence endemic to white settler colonialism. Keywords Medicalization Á Mothers who kill their children Á Non-status migrants Á Racialized women Á Structural violence Á White settler colonialism

The article argues that the unique circumstances of the Second World War allowed the white population of Belgian Africa to seek enhanced power and influence. Though ultimately unsuccessful, their experience is significant for several... more

The article argues that the unique circumstances of the Second World War allowed the white population of Belgian Africa to seek enhanced power and influence. Though ultimately unsuccessful, their experience is significant for several reasons, not least because it serves to illustrate a number of important longer term trends. These include the complex relationship between Europeans and both their own colony, at once dependent but resentful, and that with other European populations elsewhere in Africa. It does not aim to present a panoramic overview of the often disparate factions and political causes which emerged during the period. Rather, it focuses on two particular themes. The first is the sense of political possibility which was created by new relationships, between the Congo and other African colonial societies—and in particular South Africa. The second examines their experimentation with new forms of political mobilisation—loosely based on trade unionism—which would characterise the period. Taken together, these themes show a colonial population intent on seizing real power and influence from the colonial administration rather than passively following it, as is sometimes assumed.

This paper examines the violent delusions anchoring U.S. history rooted in its settler colonial and slavery-Jim Crow past. It argues that violence is triggered when these delusions of white supremacy and autonomy over people of color are... more

This paper examines the violent delusions anchoring U.S. history rooted in its settler colonial and slavery-Jim Crow past. It argues that violence is triggered when these delusions of white supremacy and autonomy over people of color are challenged.

This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21stcentury. A central argument is that disposability is a... more

This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21stcentury. A central argument is that disposability is a discursive and material relation of power that creates and reproduces invidious distinctions between the value of “legitimate” Canadian settler-citizens (and candidates for citizenship) and the lack of worth of undesirable migrant populations working in Canada, often for protracted periods of time. The analytical lens of migrant disposability draws upon theorizing within Marxian, critical modernity studies, and decolonizing settler colonial frameworks. This article explores the technologies of disposability that lay waste to low wage workers in sites such as immigration law and provincial/territorial employment legislation, the workplace, transport, living conditions, access to health care and the practice of medical repatriation of injured and ill migrant ...

Sigrid Lien brings more than 250 America–photographs into focus as a moving account of Norwegian migration in the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, conceived of and crafted by its photographer-authors to shape and reshape their... more

Sigrid Lien brings more than 250 America–photographs into focus as a moving account of Norwegian migration in the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, conceived of and crafted by its photographer-authors to shape and reshape their story. Reading these photographs alongside letters from Norwegian immigrants, Lien provides the first comprehensive account of this collective photographic practice involving “the voice of the many.”

The first section of this article provides a brief history of Comparative and International Education (CIE), the official journal of the Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, over its almost 50-year history. The... more

The first section of this article provides a brief history of Comparative and International Education (CIE), the official journal of the Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, over its almost 50-year history. The second section outlines general characteristics of the journal, including the role of the editors and editorial board, the bilingual nature of the journal, special issues, and book reviews. The article reviews the current general operations associated with the journal, providing details about financial aspects and changes in the production and dissemination processes as it moved from a print to an online format in 2012. Finally, the article recaps some challenges the journal has had and currently faces, as well as aspirations for the future. It demonstrates the resilience of the journal to adapt and notes the commitment of its champions, who have kept it going through challenging times. Keywords Journal publishing; Bilingual publishing; Editorial proces...

To date, environmental histories of rivers, floods, and settlers in early colonial Australia (1788–1820) have meshed with colonial historiography rather than challenging it. Missing from these studies are problem-oriented questions about... more

To date, environmental histories of rivers, floods, and settlers in early colonial Australia (1788–1820) have meshed with colonial historiography rather than challenging it. Missing from these studies are problem-oriented questions about the behaviors of rivers and people alike. What were the specific histories and impacts of floods and freshes? How did settlers survive, conceptualize, and understand floods? Why did they stay on the riverbanks, even defying governors’ orders to move to higher ground, when they well knew the river’s destructive power? These are questions we might ask of all humans who live on floodplains. This article argues and demonstrates that a deep ethnographic and environmental approach can do more than graft new environmental research onto existing historical narratives. It can unlock the radical potential of environmental history to reveal past peoples more fully, more humanly, in a whole new light—in short, to change the way we think about them and their environments.

In its broadest and perhaps most ambitious sense, I conceptualize my project as a letter to, for, and of, community: addressed to the settlers of the Saugeen Peninsula. The investment which rural subjects have in sustaining a claim to... more

In its broadest and perhaps most ambitious sense, I conceptualize my project as a letter to, for, and of, community: addressed to the settlers of the Saugeen Peninsula. The investment which rural subjects have in sustaining a claim to injury must be understood through and in conversation with discourses of decolonization if the energy and sense of community that undoubtedly still imbibes rural life is to be put towards emancipatory purposes.

Ironically, while the last century was heralded for decolonization, many indigenous peoples have “only recently been subjected to outside domination”with the expansion of state systems following the Second World War. By the late 20th... more

Ironically, while the last century was heralded for decolonization, many indigenous peoples have “only recently been subjected to outside domination”with the expansion of state systems following the Second World War. By the late 20th Century there were 3000-5000 indigenous peoples, whose sovereignty had been erased, “subsumed within… fewer than 200”states. In recent years, an international declaration has been sought, in an effort to elevate the status of indigenous peoples and ensure their continued survival. Ratified in 2007, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) is the final product of these efforts. This Declaration was described by many as a victory and a “milestone”in international indigenous struggles. Unfortunately, this milestone is fraught with problems. UNDRIP is, at best, a devastating compromise for indigenous people, and at worst, it is an insidious attempt by state actors to maintain the structures of international injustice.

In the last decade or so, as part of an increasing interest in popular history a spate of re-enactment television programmes have been been produced. In Britain there were programmes such as "1900 House" (1999); in Germany there were "The... more

In the last decade or so, as part of an increasing interest in popular history a spate of re-enactment television programmes have been been produced. In Britain there were programmes such as "1900 House" (1999); in Germany there were "The Black Forest House" (2002). The re-enactment series produced in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States differ significantly from the European versions. In these nations to re-enact the past is to engage with the history of colonialism. This chapter focuses on an Australian series and uses it to explore contemporary attitudes to Indigenous land and belonging as they are represented in a re-enactment of Australian pioneer history

Jeff Halper s’attarde à deux questions fondamentales dans ce livre: (1) pourquoi le soutien mondial envers Israël est-il si puissant? (2) Pourquoi Israël est-il si réticent à adhérer à la solution des deux États, et ce alors que presque... more

Jeff Halper s’attarde à deux questions fondamentales dans ce livre: (1) pourquoi le soutien mondial envers Israël est-il si puissant? (2) Pourquoi Israël est-il si réticent à adhérer à la solution des deux États, et ce alors que presque tous les États de la région (y compris les Palestiniens) l’ont accepté ? Il répond sans détour que l’occupation de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza est devenue une ressource économique et politique dont l’État hébreu ne souhaite plus se départir et qui lui assure une place de choix au sein de l’industrie mondiale de la sécurité. Appuyé sur une recherche minutieuse, Halper offre un point de vue unique sur la place qu’occupe Israël au sein du complexe militaro-sécurito-industriel essentiel au capitalisme financiarisé. Ce faisant, il montre avec justesse que la répression militaire, policière et sécuritaire que vivent les Palestiniens est de moins en moins unique tandis que nous assistons à une «Palestinisation du monde». Cette recension met en lumière comment.

What are the pedagogical encounters through which we learn about hierarchies of citizenship and the positions to which we belong in a nation? In this article, we seek to answer this question by examining the ways Muslim and non-Muslim... more

What are the pedagogical encounters through which we learn about hierarchies of citizenship and the positions to which we belong in a nation? In this article, we seek to answer this question by examining the ways Muslim and non-Muslim bodies are spatially related to the settler nation-state of Canada, to reveal how outsider subjectivities are constructed and maintained. We articulate the ways spatiality and subjectivity are intertwined with how normative and non-normative citizenship is learned. This relationship is examined through the events of the Parliament Hill shooting in Ottawa in 2014, and the subsequent state funeral held in the city where the authors live. We argue that these events were explicitly pedagogical and demonstrate the ways spatial subjectivities are produced along the racial lines of the nation. We trace how spatiality and subjectivity are interwoven in conceptions of Canadian citizenship, how these relationships prioritize the maintenance of a normative white settler citizenship identity, and we highlight this process in the pedagogical nature of the War Memorial and the subjectivity it calls forth. We define what we see as pedagogies of citizenship and analyse the subsequent state funeral and procession through our own lived experiences of the funeral's spatial imperative of subjectivity. We take up how the funeral as pedagogy asserted explicit Anglo-colonial power and its necessary constructs of embodied emplacement and settler futurity. Throughout, we consider how Anglo-dominance rests on multiple oppressions.