Backlash Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Backlash is a nonlinearity that occurs in a mechanical or a hydraulic system when two parts of that system are supposed to move together and there is an amount of space between the parts i.e.: Motor and Load Side. This non linearity is... more

Backlash is a nonlinearity that occurs in a mechanical or a hydraulic system when two parts of that system are supposed to move together and there is an amount of space between the parts i.e.: Motor and Load Side. This non linearity is known to cause oscillations, inaccuracy and delays in the system. The performance of speed and position control is being affected by this non linearity. In this paper H infinity control approach has been selected to control the discretized model of the system with Backlash non linearity. Mechanical System operating in two modes, i.e. Contact Mode and Backlash mode. H infinity control design has been suggested to control the effect of this non linearity in the system. The robustness and good performance of the suggested control design has been compared with the performance of standard PID controller. By the comparison of results it has been found that the proposed controller is better and superior to PID controllers and other comparable linear controllers.

This paper offers an exploration into feminist female fans' reactions to the first female Doctor (Doctor Who's protagonist). After 55 years of male actors, the 13th Doctor became a woman in 2017. The announcement was met with a backlash,... more

This paper offers an exploration into feminist female fans' reactions to the first female Doctor (Doctor Who's protagonist). After 55 years of male actors, the 13th Doctor became a woman in 2017. The announcement was met with a backlash, especially from male fans. Unlike previous studies on controversial casting, which focused on the negative commentators, this study sheds light on the supporters who defend the casting while being personally attacked. This research is based on 22 semi-structured in-depth interviews with self-identified feminist female fans of Doctor Who, a minority in a fandom that is perceived as male-dominated. Interviews were conducted after the announcement and before the airing of the new series. This timing provided the opportunity for participants to project their expectations onto the new Doctor. The findings reveal ambivalent reactions: interviewees avidly defended the casting and considered it an important step towards gender equality, both in popular culture and outside of it. However, they also wished the female Doctor would maintain masculine characteristics. This article offers first-hand accounts of feminist female fans who feel excluded from their fan community and the object of their fandom, and the tactics they employ to defend themselves and the new female leading character.

The paper investigates and theorises different forms and patterns of resistance to international courts (ICs) and develops an analytical framework for explaining their variability. In order to make intelligible the resistance that many... more

The paper investigates and theorises different forms and patterns of resistance to international courts (ICs) and develops an analytical framework for explaining their variability. In order to make intelligible the resistance that many ICs are currently facing, the paper first unpacks the concept of resistance. It then introduces a key distinction between mere pushback from individual Member States or other actors, seeking to influence the future direction of a court's case-law, and actual backlash – a critique triggering significant institutional reform or even the dismantling of tribunals. On the basis on the proposed theoretical framework, the paper provides a roadmap for empirical studies of resistance to ICs, considering the key contextual factors necessary to take into account in such studies.

This article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on... more

This article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the "anti-gender" campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist an...

Resistance to efforts to advance gender equality is a common feature of social life, whether in workplaces and other organisations or elsewhere. In this article, we review the typical character, dynamics of and contexts for resistance to... more

Resistance to efforts to advance gender equality is a common feature of social life, whether in workplaces and other organisations or elsewhere. In this article, we review the typical character, dynamics of and contexts for resistance to gender equality measures. Resistance is an inevitable, although undesirable, response to efforts at progressive social change. Backlash and resistance to gender equality take common forms including: denial of the problem, disavowal of responsibility, inaction, appeasement, co-option and repression. Resistance may be individual or collective, formal or informal. Pushback against gender equality measures comes more often from members of the privileged group (men) than the disadvantaged group (women). Resistance is a predictable expression of the defence of institutionalised privilege, but it is also shaped by widespread discourses on "sex roles" and "post-feminism," the methods adopted to advance gender equality and the contexts in which they take place. Understanding the character and dynamics of resistance and backlash is vital for preventing and reducing them.

Whether rotates unidirectional or bidirectional, a certain amount of space between meshing teeth flanks, usually called backlash, is allowed for functional reasons. Backlash actually is a requirement for efficient performance of a gear... more

Whether rotates unidirectional or bidirectional, a certain amount of space between meshing teeth flanks, usually called backlash, is allowed for functional reasons. Backlash actually is a requirement for efficient performance of a gear pair when lubrication, manufacturing and assembly errors, heating of the gearbox elements etc. are considered. However, for critical applications where accurate positioning by bidirectional rotation of gears is a must, the actual backlash of assembled gears has to be minimized and predicted before the real assembly of gears. The operating backlash of meshing gears teeth is affected by many factors among which runouts, pitch errors and tooth thicknesses are the three most pronounced ones. All these three parameters are the measurable ones once the gears are manufactured. Assuming that an assembly line of a pair of (driving and driven) gears are supplied with hundreds of driving and driven gears each of which was measured for the three parameters and all measured data are stored in a data base, a software can be developed to predict the likely maximum and minimum backlash of a pair selected arbitrarily. Such selected pairs with targeted backlash range predicted via the software will help speed up the assembly process and reduce the number of rejected assemblies. Here in this paper, an algorithm is constructed to predict the likely backlash due to parameters of runouts, pitch errors and tooth thicknesses (via span measurement) individually and in combination. Case studies are presented by using MATLAB programming tool for different combinations of the parameter effects within the range of allowable deviations with regards to gear manufacturing quality grades.

International legal regimes are currently experiencing a broad backlash. In the investment regime, this reaction has been labelled a `legitimacy crisis,' and resulted in multiple reform proposals. In this paper I focus on how states have... more

International legal regimes are currently experiencing a broad backlash. In the investment regime, this reaction has been labelled a `legitimacy crisis,' and resulted in multiple reform proposals. In this paper I focus on how states have approached reform in the drafting of investment agreements. I ask: What is the link between the legal content of agreements and investor claims for arbitration? Drawing on the legalisation literature and using novel data on the contents of over 2500 investment agreements, I analyse how key drafting dimensions affect the risk of claims. I find that the presence of substantive obligations is associated with increased risk for investor claims, and that these effects are not offset by precision, flexibility or legal delegation levels in the agreements. These findings draw into question some of the current reform narratives pushed by states and international organisations, and speak to recent research suggesting that drafting innovations do not necessarily lead to changes in arbitral jurisprudence. More generally, these findings should feed into discussions around the balancing of costs and benefits of investment agreements at the state level, and the role of legalisation in the backlash against the international judiciary.

Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale makes it difficult for the reader to shake off the impression that described reality is the worst nightmare that both politicians and the state could impose on women. The Republic of Gilead, presented... more

Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale makes it difficult for the reader to shake off the impression that described reality is the worst nightmare that both politicians and the state could impose on women. The Republic of Gilead, presented by the Canadian writer, is truly the women’s hell. Wom- en became victims of a well-thought, well-organised and consistent attack on their fundamental rights and their humanity. The authorities of Gilead call for return to the biblical, Old Testament- based tradition. Yet the vision of tradition promoted by them is in fact a political product – serving as a tool for legitimacy of multidimensional objectification and submission of women, as well as the prolongation of fundamental inequalities and injustices towards one of the genders.
It would seem, that this grim and horrifying dystopia should be interpreted as a warning show- ing what backlash is, namely an attempt to show women back to their (traditional) places and their former positions after they have managed to establish some freedoms and rights for their gender. Atwood’s novel, whilst seen in the light of recent events in Poland, reveals some disturb- ing similarities between the nightmarish experiences of women living in the Republic of Gilead and the approach to women presented by conservative Polish politicians. Both leaders of the Re- public of Gilead and Polish politicians advocating for „traditional values”, make decisions leading to the objectification of women: by reducing women to the role of mere reproductive tool and by interfering with their reproductive rights they rob them of autonomy and subjectivity. In the Republic of Gilead, women are the property of the state (represented by male authorities). In Poland the threat of possible repercussions for miscarriage and abortion also reduce women to the property of the state. Mechanisms of objectification involve suppressing and silencing any attempted protests – in the Republic of Gilead control is totalitarian, in Poland we are dealing with the disregard of the Black Protest: the conservatives consider it amusement of bored feminists who sip their soy latte in fancy cafes. All of these symptoms belong to the definition of objectification presented by two philosophers: Martha Nussbaum and Rae Langton.
The article concerns the following question: whether the The Handmaid’s Tale should be consid- ered as a vivid feminist fantasy, or rather as a possible warning showing that some political changes may result in bringing women into the role of subjects, limiting them to the role of reproductive tools, and depriving them of their fundamental rights.

During the latter half of the 1960s, the perceived inability of law enforcement to address urban disarray shaped public attitudes about crime, helping to lay the groundwork for the emergence of urban vigilante groups. Although public... more

During the latter half of the 1960s, the perceived inability of law enforcement to address urban disarray shaped public attitudes about crime, helping to lay the groundwork for the emergence of urban vigilante groups. Although public officials and journalists criticized vigilantes for their actions, often deeming the activists as racist, many average White Americans applauded their ability to directly address a problem and take action to fix it. In Newark, a group of citizens led by Anthony Imperiale responded to the city’s perceived turmoil, vocally and physically. White backlash against crime and the perceived rise of unruly African Americans and other minorities necessitated control over the public narrative concerning urban decay and racial tensions. Anthony Imperiale was adept at using the media as a tool for discourse and image-shaping (in a sense, portraying himself as “the great White hope”), exploiting the fears of his white peers and using racially-charged language and right-wing anticommunist rhetoric to catapult his inconsequential political career and engage people to consider vigilantism as an expression of civic engagement/popular sovereignty.

The less efficiency of gear box of a machine tool is a serious problem as it increases maintenance cost and also affects the reputation of a firm. Hence its life has to be increased and should be made more reliable. The work to be done... more

The less efficiency of gear box of a machine tool is a serious problem as it increases maintenance cost and also affects the reputation of a firm. Hence its life has to be increased and should be made more reliable. The work to be done here is to find and rectify the causes of failure thereby improving the life of it. Also bearing failure should be reduced which is a cause of system failure. The alternative for the above problem is to design and optimization of a worm and worm gear box which reduced maintenance and improved reliability, lack of lubrication requirements, precise peak torque transmission, inherent overload protection, physically isolated input and output shafts, misalignment tolerance, and low acoustic noise and vibration etc. The parameters considered in the research are Lead Angle, Backlash and Bearing failure.

Książka poświęcona jest procesom przemian tożsamości kobiet w Polsce po 1989 roku, zarejestrowanym we współczesnych tekstach kultury: w literaturze pięknej, (auto)biografistyce, kulturze popularnej, publicystyce. Moment przecięcia ról... more

Książka poświęcona jest procesom przemian tożsamości kobiet w Polsce po 1989 roku, zarejestrowanym we współczesnych tekstach kultury: w literaturze pięknej, (auto)biografistyce, kulturze popularnej, publicystyce. Moment przecięcia ról genderowych i narodowych jest tu kluczowy: pytaniu o rolę kobiet w warunkach polskiej demokracji po 1989 roku towarzyszy pytanie o to, czym różni się ona od roli wyznaczanej Polkom w poprzednich okresach historycznych, oraz o działania, które one same podejmują w celu wypracowania całkiem nowych ról – tych na miarę sytuacji, w której znajduje się dziś Polska. Analizy tożsamości kobiet usytuowane są na szerszym tle przemian, którym podlega całe polskie społeczeństwo, rzucone po 1989 roku na głębokie wody wolnego rynku, globalnej polityki, a zarazem uwikłane w wewnętrzne spory wokół historii, pamięci, tradycji. Autorka korzysta z narzędzi krytyki feministycznej do analizy tekstów literackich autorstwa kobiet, ale też do analizy samego dyskursu feministycznego w Polsce po 1989 roku. Śledząc mechanizmy konstruowania społecznych ról kobiet, tropi uwikłanie owych ról w relacje władzy, od której nie jest wolny także feminizm.

As a geographical area where the “buisonnement juridictionnel” of international relations has seen its most vivid expression, Africa is also the continent where the vulnerability of international courts and tribunals has undoubtedly also... more

As a geographical area where the “buisonnement juridictionnel” of international relations has seen its most vivid expression, Africa is also the continent where the vulnerability of international courts and tribunals has undoubtedly also been the most highlighted. Taking a different angle of analysis, the present reflection examines the strategies and means deployed by the African international judge to carry out his or her mission, both effectively and prudently. The article thus attempts to highlight the strengths and inevitable weaknesses of the jurisprudential policy of African courts

Área do Direito: Constitucional Resumo: O presente artigo busca analisar como o fenômeno conhecido pelo termo backlash vem ganhando força na esfera brasileira. Situação mais conhecida no direito norte-americano, faz-se presente no cenário... more

Área do Direito: Constitucional Resumo: O presente artigo busca analisar como o fenômeno conhecido pelo termo backlash vem ganhando força na esfera brasileira. Situação mais conhecida no direito norte-americano, faz-se presente no cenário nacional diante da presente atuação mais arrojada de membros do Poder Judiciário, que por vezes atuam abarcados pela ordem constitucional, porém, em outras, extrapolam limites, havendo uma crítica nesse último ponto, tendo em vista que magistrados estariam exercendo a função de legislar, usurpando a função típica do Poder Legislativo. Ao longo do artigo é possível identificar a relevância do tema, que pode parecer novo, mas que tem forte presença em muitos casos, como será possível analisar diante dos exemplos comentados. Sendo assim, esse estudo visa reunir informações na busca de uma melhor compreensão da temática. Palavras-chave: Backlash-Ativismo judicial-Separação dos Poderes-Constitucionalismo democrático Abstract: This article seeks to analyze how the phenomenon known as "backlash" is gaining strength in Brazil. Situation best known in North American law, is present in the national scene in the current bolder performance of members of the Judiciary, who sometimes act within the constitutional order, but in other extrapolate limits, with a criticism on this last point, taking into account that judges would be exercising the function of legislating, usurping the typical function of the legislative branch. Throughout the article, it is possible to identify the relevance of the theme, which may seem new, but which has a strong presence in many cases, as will be possible to analyze in the light of the commented examples. Thus, this study aims to gather information in the search for a better understanding of the theme.

Little research has been done on antifeminism, whether from the perspective of the sociology of social movements or even of women's studies. Yet, a particular form of antifeminism has been at work for a number of years, more specifically,... more

Little research has been done on antifeminism, whether from the perspective of the sociology of social movements or even of women's studies. Yet, a particular form of antifeminism has been at work for a number of years, more specifically, masculinism. Its discourse claims that men are in crisis because of the feminization of society and it mobilizes primarily around issues pertaining to the interests of fathers and spouses (divorce laws, alimony, child custody, violence). This article examines two alternative explanations of the masculinist phenomenon: (1) men have real problems, and masculinists scapegoat women and feminists instead of targeting the true causes of their problems, such as the transformation of the labor market; (2) masculinism is openly opposed to feminism and is thus the result of countermovement dynamics. While referring to other contexts (UK, the USA, etc.), our paper takes the situation in Québec (Canada) as a case study. The feminist movement and masculinism are dynamic there and stand in sharp opposition to each other. The essay applies the theory of countermovements in order to better understand the oppositional relationship between these two political forces and demonstrates ultimately that masculinism's effects on feminists are at times paradoxical.

Critically interrogating the relationships that exist between the Indigenous nations of Turtle Island and non-Indigenous people who live on the territories of those nations (settlers) is amongst the most important political questions... more

Critically interrogating the relationships that exist between the Indigenous nations of Turtle Island and non-Indigenous people who live on the territories of those nations (settlers) is amongst the most important political questions today. This is particularly the case for those of us who live within the area presently known as Canada, because so much of that state-building project is predicated on the refusal and destruction of a meaningful relationship with Indigenous peoples. In this course we will consider the relationships between Indigenous nations and the settler communities living on their territories, how those relationships manifest on multiple scales (eg. at the level of the state, civil society, communities, and interpersonally), and in various ways (eg. backlash politics and alliance-building).

Este artículo analiza la contramovilización frente a la institucionalización de los de-rechos de los grupos lgbti en Colombia y México. Con base en un marco analítico que integra la dimensión de la movilización y la contramovilización en... more

Este artículo analiza la contramovilización frente a la institucionalización de los de-rechos de los grupos lgbti en Colombia y México. Con base en un marco analítico que integra la dimensión de la movilización y la contramovilización en los conflictos por derechos, se evidencia que la reacción conservadora, liderada por las iglesias en Colombia y México, es una respuesta coordinada y activa a las conquistas de las mi-norías sexuales, que ha logrado hacer más lento el avance del reconocimiento de los derechos humanos. En los dos casos se han presentado estrategias similares de con-tramovilización y repertorios de acción colectiva que han elevado los costos políticos de los cambios institucionales a partir de dos mecanismos de conflicto: el activismo callejero-electoral y el activismo institucional-legislativo.
This article analyzes the counter-mobilization against the institutionalization of lgbt rights in Colombia and Mexico. From an analytical framework that integrates the dimension of mobilization and counter-mobilization in the conflicts for rights, we show that the conservative reaction in Colombia and Mexico is a coordinated and active response against the conquests of sexual minorities, led by the churches, which has slowed the progress of effective recognition of human rights. We have identified similar strategies of mobilization of demand frameworks, mobilization structures and collective action repertories in both cases that have raised the political costs of institutional changes through two mechanisms of conflict: street and electoral activism and institutional activism.

Research Summary: There is mounting evidence of a widespread popular backlash against globalization in advanced economies, which can hurt multinational companies' (MNCs) interests. In this article, we argue that MNCs are both "culprits"... more

Research Summary: There is mounting evidence of a widespread popular backlash against globalization in advanced economies, which can hurt multinational companies' (MNCs) interests. In this article, we argue that MNCs are both "culprits" and "victims" of backlash against globalization. Building on the comparative capitalism literature, we argue that national institutions influence the likelihood of a backlash by either encouraging MNCs to embrace a "labor arbitrage" strategy consisting in tapping into cheap labor markets overseas or preventing them from doing so. Where institutional constraints lead firms to adopt an "upgrading" route of using domestic workers, popular backlash is less likely. Such institutional factors help to explain variation in the likelihood of backlash across countries. We also discuss the strategic options available to firms facing backlash. Managerial Summary: Multinational companies are increasingly facing a backlash against globalization that, in some countries, may lead to policies that directly hurt their interests. Yet little is known about the link of this phenomenon with firm-level strategies.

This article analyzes backlashes to queer and Indigenous diversity-affirmative practices in Australia that entail perceived loss of dominance by the majority culture. The case studies outlined here demonstrate how whiteness, nationhood,... more

This article analyzes backlashes to queer and Indigenous diversity-affirmative practices in Australia that entail perceived loss of dominance by the majority culture. The case studies outlined here demonstrate how whiteness, nationhood, and (gendered) heterosexuality are playing out in parallel ways through populist backlashes that have the purpose of containing queerness and indigeneity in "respectable" modes that do not challenge the default neutrality of a constructed "Australian" subject. The rhetorical and political strategies of erasing the queer and Indigenous others so as to reify the norm will be analyzed.

International conventions and domestic laws have been enacted to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women worldwide. However, these progressive policy initiatives have faced opposition in contentious contexts where policy... more

International conventions and domestic laws have been enacted to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women worldwide. However, these progressive policy initiatives have faced opposition in contentious contexts where policy rivals have contested their creation and implementation. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on progressive networks that have led to policy advances, such as violence against women (VAW) policies, while emerging literature has noted their limited impact and implementation. However, there is scant attention paid to one major underlying cause of limited impact and problematic implementation: that there is sustained opposition to these policies by policy rivals that resist and undermine progressive policies. We identify opponents and entrenched opposition to VAW laws in Mexico and Nicaragua in the 1990s and 2010s. We also identify how these opponents leverage ties with the state and utilise 'family discourse', framing progressives as anti-family, as strategies and mechanisms for stunting and even reversing VAW laws.

Through a synthesis of fledgling theories of post-truth (author, 2006, 2014, 2016, 2017) developing around Donald Trump and Brexit and theories of emotions in populism, I analyze the right-wing French movement La Manif Pour Tous, and... more

Through a synthesis of fledgling theories of post-truth (author, 2006, 2014, 2016, 2017) developing around Donald Trump and Brexit and theories of emotions in populism, I analyze the right-wing French movement La Manif Pour Tous, and their ongoing issue campaign against what they call “gender theory in the schools.” After I identify their populist qualities, I analyze five prominent post-truth qualities in the movement: 1) organization and public presentation; 2) “active distrust” qualities; 3) emotional/affective qualities; 4) “rumor bombs” about gender theory; and 5) conjunctural specificity within gender, sexuality and other backlashes. Considering the conjunctural convergence of social trust and truth deficits, I propose that the post-truth and “rumor-bombing” aspects simultaneous with their populist nature are better understood as a kind of emotional or “emo-truth” common to both performance of authenticity in Reality TV shows and right-wing populist movements today. Finally, I propose cases like this point to a mainstreaming of post-truth populism, across Western liberal democracies and beyond.

The use of courts to achieve social change has long been criticized on the grounds that judicial victories tend to provoke counterproductive political backlashes. Backlash arguments typically assert or imply that if movement litigators... more

The use of courts to achieve social change has long been criticized on the grounds that judicial victories tend to provoke counterproductive political backlashes. Backlash arguments typically assert or imply that if movement litigators had relied on democratic rather than judicial politics, their policy victories would have been better insulated from opposition. We argue that these accounts wrongly assume that the unilateral decision by a group of movement advocates to eschew litigation will lead to a reduced role for courts in resolving the relevant policy and political conflicts. To the contrary, such a decision will often result in a policy field with judges every bit as active, but with the legal challenges initiated and framed by the advocates’ opponents. We document this claim and explore its implications for constitutional politics via a counterfactual thought experiment, rooted in historical case studies of litigation involving abortion and the right to die.

This article explores the role of emotion in the politicisation of security through the concept of backlash: the idea of visceral and reactionary episodes where security claims are adamantly rejected and the subject of ‘security’ becomes... more

This article explores the role of emotion in the politicisation of security through
the concept of backlash: the idea of visceral and reactionary episodes where security claims
are adamantly rejected and the subject of ‘security’ becomes intensely controversial. Starting
by examining the role of emotion in politicisation, I make the case for viewing emotions
as playing a key role in the distribution of certainty in security discourse. Building on this
epistemic view of emotion, I review how backlash is understood in other fields before tailoring
a definition for security studies centered around four constitutive features: reaction, hostility,
emotion, and contagion. The final section focuses on the politicising effects of backlash
including the mobilisation of backlash movements, the intensification of controversy, and
arena shifting. The discussion concludes by suggesting that the concept of backlash offers a
promising research agenda for those inquiring into the politicisation of security.

Entre mai 2011 et novembre 2013, se sont tenus les États généraux de l'analyse et de l'action féministes (ÉG), organisés à l'initiative de la Fédération des femmes du Québec (FFQ). Pendant toute la durée du processus, la perspective... more

Entre mai 2011 et novembre 2013, se sont tenus les États généraux de l'analyse et de l'action féministes (ÉG), organisés à l'initiative de la Fédération des femmes du Québec (FFQ). Pendant toute la durée du processus, la perspective intersectionnelle est apparue et restée au cœur des discussions et débats. Une réaction est toutefois devenue manifeste face à la mise de l'avant de la nécessité de réfléchir à l'imbrication des différents systèmes d'oppression dans la vie des femmes, notamment en portant un éclairage soutenu sur les rapports de pouvoir entre femmes. À partir d'une ethnographie par observation participante et non-participante menée lors des ÉG (novembre 2012 à février 2014), je propose d'analyser comment se met en place une structure temporaire de pouvoir au sein du mouvement des femmes du Québec, sur la base du concept de champs d'action stratégique (Fligstein et Mc Adam, 2011). Puis, à l'aide de la théorie des cadres de l'action collective (Benford et Snow, 2000), je suggère l'idée qu'un cadre de l'action collective intersectionnel s'impose dès le début des ÉG comme cadre d'injustice dominant, et que cela suscitera au sein de la démarche une dispute de cadres avec le cadre féministe universaliste. Finalement, à partir de la théorie du backlash (Mansbridge et James, 2012), je présente une lecture des rapports de pouvoir entre militantes féministes à travers ce que j'appelle une résistance négative au nouveau cadre de représentation collective ou un backlash intramouvement.

O artigo parte da relação entre constitucionalismo e democracia nas teorias constitucionais progressistas do campo liberal; especificamente o direito como integridade, o minimalismo judicial e o constitucionalismo democrático, apontando... more

O artigo parte da relação entre constitucionalismo e democracia nas teorias constitucionais progressistas do campo liberal; especificamente o direito como integridade, o minimalismo judicial e o constitucionalismo democrático, apontando suas diferenças em relação ao papel que atribuem às Cortes na solução das controvérsias constitucionais, como também aos efeitos provocados por suas decisões (backlash). Por fim, discute-se o caso da vaquejada (ADI n. 4.983) para mostrar como tais teorias constitucionais progressistas e suas respostas ao backlash podem servir para iluminar aspectos negligenciados da prática constitucional brasileira, sem, contudo, advogar pela importação de uma ou outra teoria para o Brasil.

Researchers have recently documented the unexpected opportunities war can present for women. While acknowledging the devastating effects of mass violence, this burgeoning field highlights war's potential to catalyze grassroots... more

Researchers have recently documented the unexpected opportunities war can present for women. While acknowledging the devastating effects of mass violence, this burgeoning field highlights war's potential to catalyze grassroots mobilization and build more gender sensitive institutions and legal frameworks. Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina serve as important examples of this phenomenon, yet a closer examination of both cases reveals the limits on women's capacity to take part in and benefit from these postwar shifts. This article makes two key contributions. First, it demonstrates how the postwar political settlement created hierarchies of victimhood that facilitated new social divisions and fractured women's collective organizing. Second, it argues that while war creates certain opportunities for women, a revitalization of patriarchy in the aftermath can undermine these gains. Drawing on more than 250 interviews with women in both countries, this article ultimately questions the extent to which postwar mobilization can be maintained or harnessed for genuine gender emancipation.

The study replicates the first European field experiment on gay men's labor market prospects in Greece. Utilizing the same protocol as the original study in 2006-2007, two follow-up field experiments took place in 2013-2014 and 2018-2019.... more

The study replicates the first European field experiment on gay men's labor market prospects in Greece. Utilizing the same protocol as the original study in 2006-2007, two follow-up field experiments took place in 2013-2014 and 2018-2019. The study estimated that gay men experienced occupational access constraints and wage sorting in vacancies offering lower remuneration. It was found that in 2013-2014 and 2018-2019, gay men experienced increasingly biased treatment compared to 2006-2007. Moreover, the results suggested that monthly unemployment bore an association with occupational access constraints and wage sorting in vacancies offering lower remuneration for gay men. In each of the three experiments, this study captured recruiters' attitudes toward gay men. A one standard deviation increase in taste-discrimination attitudes against gay men decreased their access to occupations by 9.6%. Furthermore, a one standard deviation increase in statistical-discrimination attitudes against gay men decreased their access to occupations by 8.1%. According to the findings, in 2013-2014 and 2018-2019, firms excluding gay applicants expressed a higher level of taste-and statistical-discrimination attitudes compared to 2006-2007. A gay rights backlash due to the LGBTIQ+ group's attempt to advance its agenda, rising far-right rhetoric, and prejudice associated with economic downturns experienced in Greece might correspond with increasing biases against gay men. The current study contributes to the economics of sexual orientation when an economy deteriorates.

Em um período que a onda conservadora tem se mostrado inseridana política brasileira, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o advento do governo de Jair Bolsonaro como um processo de institucionalização do backlash contra os... more

Em um período que a onda conservadora tem se mostrado inseridana política brasileira, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o advento do governo de Jair Bolsonaro como um processo de institucionalização do backlash contra os direitos das mulheres (Faludi, 2001). Desta forma, em um primeiro momento serão contextualizados o movimento feminista e a ideologia patriarcalista que estruturam as relações da sociedade no Brasil, apontando para os avanços que ocorreram no país ao longo do tempo na agenda de gênero. A partir disto, serão selecionadas falas do presidente Bolsonaro e de alguns membros da sua cúpula, coletadas a partir de três palavras-chave em sites de busca: aborto, ideologia de gênero e objetificação da mulher. Como fonte foram delimitados os jornais O Globo e Folha de São Paulo, e a Revista Exame, restringindo o período investigado aos nove primeiros meses de governo.

The American pro-life movement’s “mother-child” strategy, which emphasizes the alignment of fetal and maternal interests, complicates conceptions of backlash. Pro-life activists claim that it is now feminists who are engaging in backlash... more

The American pro-life movement’s “mother-child” strategy, which emphasizes the alignment of fetal and maternal interests, complicates conceptions of backlash. Pro-life activists claim that it is now feminists who are engaging in backlash against the movement for “fetal human rights.” Although this claim does reflect the troublingly defensive position in which advocates of reproductive freedom currently find themselves, I contend that neither pro-life nor pro-choice activism can be adequately captured by the notion of backlash. I also argue that pro-life discourse has evolved from a backlash into a neopatriarchal campaign for a future that superficially reconfigures but ultimately deepens reproductive oppression. Because the pro-life movement has a complicated relationship with neoliberal feminism, I conclude that feminists should respond by developing new discourses about pregnant bodies and visions of a feminist future that offer an alternative to neoliberalism.

O constitucionalismo contemporâneo, ao promover a expansão do texto constitucional e possibilitar a ampliação da discricionariedade do Poder Judiciário, tornou insubsistente o modelo institucional liberal. Neste contexto de empoderamento... more

O constitucionalismo contemporâneo, ao promover a expansão do texto constitucional e possibilitar a ampliação da discricionariedade do Poder Judiciário, tornou insubsistente o modelo institucional liberal. Neste contexto de empoderamento judicial, a juristocracia é o fenômeno que designa uma espécie de regime político com proeminência de juízes; o backlash é descrito como uma reação do povo a decisões judiciais. Os fenômenos indicam a insu ficiência do modelo institucional liberal adotado pelo constitucionalismo contemporâneo e apontam para a premente necessidade de sua superação, bem como recolocam a discussão existente entre constitucionalismo e democracia. Sendo expressões do desequilíbrio dos poderes institucionais, é possível traçar semelhanças entre ambos, bem como contrapô-los, apontando a necessidade de criação de novos arranjos institucionais.