Constitutional Review Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The role of the judicial branch in the US checks and balances model of the separation of powers has never been univocal; An analysis of the epochs reveals that this branch of government has come together in an interesting and complex way... more

The role of the judicial branch in the US checks and balances model of the separation of powers has never been univocal; An analysis of the epochs reveals that this branch of government has come together in an interesting and complex way of evolution. The following paper briefly discusses the basic essence of the US constitutional model, the development of constitutional review within its framework, key characteristics of the Supreme Court control, along with several case-law decisions and the contemporary challenges of the American Supreme Court in a polarized political climate.

В настоящее время в КНР существует механизм конституционного контроля советского происхождения и обсуждаются варианты его реформирования. Китайский конституционный контроль в современном виде не функционирует в силу ряда... more

В настоящее время в КНР существует механизм конституционного контроля советского происхождения и обсуждаются варианты его реформирования. Китайский конституционный контроль в современном виде не функционирует в силу ряда институциональных, концептуальных и культурологических причин. Перспективная реформа может привести к созданию квазисудебного органа конституционного контроля в структуре высшего представительного органа власти либо ограничиться налаживанием функционирования действующего механизма. Однако глубокая интеграция института конституционного контроля в китайскую правовую культуру может потребовать соединения конституционной и конфуцианской традиций в форме конституционной академии. Работа выполнена на основе анализа китайской и англоязычной литературы, а также наиболее иллюстративных случаев из практики китайского конституционного контроля.

Дээд шүүхийн шүүгч болон Цэцийн гишүүний тусгай саналыг нийтлэх зохицуулалтыг Цэц хүчингүй болгосон нь Цэцийн хамгийн муу шийдвэрүүдэд хамаарна. Эдгээр шүүгчид хүсвэл бусад шүүгчид, олон нийтэд хүргэхийн тулд л тусгай саналыг бичдэг.... more

Дээд шүүхийн шүүгч болон Цэцийн гишүүний тусгай саналыг нийтлэх зохицуулалтыг Цэц хүчингүй болгосон нь Цэцийн хамгийн муу шийдвэрүүдэд хамаарна. Эдгээр шүүгчид хүсвэл бусад шүүгчид, олон нийтэд хүргэхийн тулд л тусгай саналыг бичдэг. Тусгай саналаа олон нийтэд хүргэхийг хүсэхгүй бол бичихгүй байх бүрэн боломжтой. Тусгай санал нь шүүгч олонхоос бие даан боддог, өөрийн үндэслэлтэй байр суурьтай гэдгийг харуулах боломж олгодог учраас шүүгчийн хараат бус байдалд халдах бус бэхжүүлдэг. Түүнчлэн, тусгай саналыг нийтлэх нь хувь шүүгч хэр зэрэг Үндсэн хууль эсхүл хуульд үнэнч вэ, хэр зэрэг зарчимч вэ гэдгийг харуулах, илэрхийлэх боломж олгодог. Мөн, цөөнх тусгай саналаа бичдэг болсноор олонх болон цөөнхийн үндэслэлийг харьцуулах, шүүмжлэх боломжтой болдог, улмаар шийдвэрийн үндэслэл сайжирдаг, чанарждаг, илүү ойлгомжтой, ил тод болдог, улмаар шүүхэд итгэх олон нийтийн итгэл нэмэгддэг.

სტატიის მიზანია, გააანალიზოს საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოს უახლესი პრაქტიკა, არსებითი მიმართულებები და ტენდენციები, მიმოიხილოს მასზე დაკისრებული ნეგატიური კანონმდებლის ფუნქციის პოზიტიურ ნორმაშემოქმედებად გარდაქმნისა და განვითარების... more

სტატიის მიზანია, გააანალიზოს საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოს უახლესი პრაქტიკა, არსებითი მიმართულებები და ტენდენციები, მიმოიხილოს მასზე დაკისრებული ნეგატიური კანონმდებლის ფუნქციის პოზიტიურ ნორმაშემოქმედებად გარდაქმნისა და განვითარების შესაძლებლობები.

The constitutional court is the central place of constructing and balancing the relationship between politics and law. Therefore, it is not by chance that ‘politicization’ is one of the most frequently used keywords in scientific research... more

The constitutional court is the central place of constructing and balancing the relationship between politics and law. Therefore, it is not by chance that ‘politicization’ is one of the most frequently used keywords in scientific research on constitutional courts. Although it plays a central role in many, particularly in empirical studies, a distinct definition is often lacking. Against this background, we reconstruct and typologize the manifold concepts of politicization in the history of ideas. Additionally, we examine the theoretical conceptions of the relationship between politics, law and constitutional adjudication that underlie these different concepts. Based on this, we develop a systems-theoretical understanding of politicisation. It will be shown, that numerous empirical studies implicitly use such a concept.

В статье рассматривается используемая в КНР при описании конституционного контроля терминология, дается обзор истории и современного состояния данного института в КНР. В настоящее время в КНР существует механизм конституционного контроля... more

В статье рассматривается используемая в КНР при описании конституционного контроля терминология, дается обзор истории и современного состояния данного института в КНР. В настоящее время в КНР существует механизм конституционного контроля советского происхождения и обсуждаются варианты его реформирования. Впервые норма о конституционном контроле появилась в Конституции КНР 1954 г., будучи заимствована из Конституции СССР 1936 г. Вплоть до настоящего времени функция конституционного контроля принадлежит высшему представительному органу и его постоянному комитету. На практике немногочисленные случаи проверки законодательства на соответствие конституции производятся при участии партийных органов и вне установленных процедур. Работа выполнена на основе анализа китайской и англоязычной литературы, а также наиболее иллюстративных случаев из практики китайского конституционного контроля.

This paper offers a critical rereading of the history of judicial review of constitutional amendments in Turkey. We argue that, contrary to appearances, the claim to a power of amendment review on the part of the Turkish Constitutional... more

This paper offers a critical rereading of the history of judicial review of constitutional amendments in Turkey. We argue that, contrary to appearances, the claim to a power of amendment review on the part of the Turkish Constitutional Court does not fit Ran Hirschl’s model of hegemonic preservation, which aims to explain the genesis of strong constitutionalism and judicial review as the result of an anti-democratic elite consensus that tries to leverage the prestige of judicial institutions. Attempts to impose Hirschl’s model on the constitutional history of the Turkish Republic have been very popular in the jurisprudential literature on Turkey, but the model offers a misleading and incomplete diagnosis of what ails Turkish constitutionalism. It is not the supposed excessive strength of formal constitutionalism and judicial review in Turkey, but rather the normative weakness of the Turkish Constitution of 1982, that is responsible, at least in part, for Turkey’s repeated constitutional crises. We therefore suggest an alternative template for understanding Turkish constitutional history—the theory of sovereignty as the power to decide on the exception put forward by Carl Schmitt.

Різні підходи до розуміння поняття, форми та змісту права судді Конституційного Суду України (КСУ) на окрему думку неодноразово ставали предметом палкої дискусії, як у самому органі, так і за його межами. Водночас ні Закон України “Про... more

Різні підходи до розуміння поняття, форми та змісту права судді Конституційного Суду України (КСУ) на окрему думку неодноразово ставали предметом палкої дискусії, як у самому органі, так і за його межами. Водночас ні Закон України “Про Конституційний Суд України”, ні Регламент КСУ не містять конкретного визначення поняття “окрема думка”, а в українській правовій доктрині,
незважаючи на окремі теоретичні дослідження, не сформований єдиний понятійно-категоріальний апарат цього інституту.
У статті за допомогою компаративного методу визначено основні засади впровадження окремих думок в органах конституційного контролю Сполучених Штатів Америки, Європейського Союзу та в міжнародних судових органах.
Встановлено, що у різних системах права термін “окрема думка судді” у межах конституційного провадження має різне смислове значення. Так, в англосаксонській правовій сім’ї вона є інструментом судової правотворчості. Водночас як право судді висловити окрему думку у країнах континентального права містить у собі смисл суддівської незалежності, гарантій забезпечення власної професійної гідності і слідування своєму моральному обов’язку, а також слугує певною гарантією, яка убезпечує суддю від зовнішнього тиску. Натомість у міжнародних судових органах існування цього інституту здебільшого пояснюється міжнаціональністю їхніх членів.
Зроблено висновок про те, що інститут окремої думки є новим для правозастосовної практики незалежної України і потребує подальшого вивчення і змін з урахуванням уже досягнутого методологічного рівня. Головним чином причиною суперечності поглядів, які виникають навколо цього інституту на національному
рівні, є неврахування у процесі запозичення іноземного досвіду історичних, онтологічних, аксіологічних, гносеологічних і праксеологічних чинників соціального та державного буття.

This chapter canvasses the role of non-judicial actors in upholding the constitution and critically examines the nature of their involvement. Section II explores the contribution made by Councils of State and chancellors of justice. These... more

This chapter canvasses the role of non-judicial actors in upholding the constitution and critically examines the nature of their involvement. Section II explores the contribution made by Councils of State and chancellors of justice. These institutions are independent of the government and, amongst other things, are tasked to provide it and Parliament with advice on the constitutionality of draft legislation. Section III discusses how Parliament can go about upholding the constitution in the course of its activities, and devotes considerable attention to the special parliamentary committees that exist in Finland and the United Kingdom which scrutinise bills for constitutionality. Section IV considers heads of state and in particular their ability to refuse to sign a new piece of legislation on the ground that it contravenes the constitution. Section V contemplates the role of the people and explains how public discourse and public opinion, the media and academia can impact on the meaning given to constitutional provisions and principles by bodies such as parliaments, constitution-makers and constitutional courts. Section VI offers some concluding remarks. First, it emphasises that we should remember when a matter is placed before the court, usually there has already been consideration of and debate about the meaning of the relevant constitutional provisions and whether a given legal rule lies within constitutional boundaries. In other words, courts usually do not adjudicate constitutional issues ex nihilo. Second, while non-judicial actors typically lack the power to enforce their views on the constitutional validity or compatibility of a legal rule on other State organs de cure, their views may carry considerable weight de facto. In particular, the opinions provided by councils of state, chancellors of justice and the views of the Finnish and UK intra-parliamentary committees for constitutional scrutiny in practice exert significant influence on the way in which the political branches of government approach and deal with constitutional issues.

Resumen Este trabajo pretende brindar una justificación teórica desde la perspectiva de la democracia deliberativa y la teoría del discurso respecto del control de constitucionalidad de la legislación ordinaria. La democracia deliberativa... more

Resumen Este trabajo pretende brindar una justificación teórica desde la perspectiva de la democracia deliberativa y la teoría del discurso respecto del control de constitucionalidad de la legislación ordinaria. La democracia deliberativa desplaza el valor epistémico generalmente asignado a la regla de la mayoría y lo ubica en el procedimiento de toma de decisiones-el principio del discurso-, según el cual todos los afectados por ellas deben tener la posibilidad de intervenir en condiciones de simetría en un debate público, dotando así de racionalidad discursiva a la actuación estatal. La legitimidad de los jueces para revisar la legislación democrática no emana de supuestos conocimientos especiales que les permiten acceder a la única respuesta cobijada en el sistema constitucional, sino de un proceso inclusivo de formación de la voluntad del órgano, de una actividad permeable a los aportes de la ciudadanía y de la sociedad civil, y de decisiones abiertas a respuestas del legislador, que incentiven un debate público y que transformen la interpretación constitucional en un proceso cíclico que se nutre permanentemente a sí mismo.

This article examines the process of the judicial Europeanization of the Polish Constitution. In Poland the judicial method of Europeanizing the Constitution is currently the primary way of adjusting constitutional norms to requirements... more

This article examines the process of the judicial Europeanization of the Polish Constitution. In Poland the judicial method of Europeanizing the Constitution is currently the primary way of adjusting constitutional norms to requirements resulting from EU law. The phenomenon of re-interpretation of constitutional provisions in light of the new and changing realities is a characteristic feature of contemporary constitutionalism. It has been a long time since most national constitutions have undergone significant textual changes.
In Poland, the scope of judicial Europeanization of the Constitution is connected, to a great extent, with the inflexible procedure required for constitutional amendments. In this situation, these so-called “silent changes” of constitutional norms are the easiest and fastest way of reacting to requirements stemming from Poland’s EU membership. In the Polish case not only have the norms regarding the political system of the state changed, but also constitutional standards relating to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms have undergone the process of the Europeanization. To some extent, these changes relate to
procedural norms as well.

This article aims to place the selection process of judges to the Slovak Constitutional Court, which is most likely to determine its composition for more than a decade, into the context of the constitutional judges’ interaction with other... more

This article aims to place the selection process of judges to the Slovak Constitutional Court, which is most likely to determine its composition for more than a decade, into the context of the constitutional judges’ interaction with other political actors, including the broader public. It illustrates how selected quality Slovak newspapers have framed the role of politics in the selection process. Conceptually, the article departs from a more robust line of research undertaken in several Western democracies, particularly the United States, that has given rise to discussions about how their apex courts interact with the media and, through them, with the public at large. Building on theories of the courts as political institutions and informed by theses on the judicialization and mediatization of politics, the article presents a broader understanding of both the decisionmaking process of constitutional judges and politics emphasizing expertise in their selection. Firstly, the selection of judges and their adjudication might be seen through partisan bias, associated with the attitudinal model of judging, and secondly, it might be perceived as a neutral expertise, associated with the vision of the courts as bureaucratic non-political actors. Surveying selected, primarily opinionated newspaper outputs, the article found a peculiar interaction between the debate surrounding qualification as a necessary justification for a constitutional appointment and the three different fameworks of constitutional judges as political but non-partisan, partisan, or neutral (non-political) actors. Qualification is overwhelmingly seen as a necessary condition for appointing a constitutional judge, regardless of their views. However, disagreements persist as to whether previous political experience disqualifies a candidate. Such disagreement overlies a deeper divide over whether constitutional judges are political actors, and if so, what kind of political actors they are.

Constitution to States is much like the nerves to a human body. Their imperative is integral to the soundness of maintaining states as well as shaping governance. This paper seeks to examine the incubation of constitutional reforms in... more

Constitution to States is much like the nerves to a human body. Their imperative is integral to the soundness of maintaining states as well as shaping governance. This paper seeks to examine the incubation of constitutional reforms in Africa and its desire with a case of Kenya in its continuous constitutional reforms. As it asks why the reforms (the short and long term), it also narrows down on the implications of the process of constitutionalism to the country. It will evaluate the long standing issues on Kenya's constitutional processes past and the immediate post 2010 constitutional dispensation. The conclusion gears towards reflecting as to whether it is a desire to fix 'the form state' or not. It ends by recommending that unless 'the form state' is fixed to move from the current unitary state, more and frequent reviews shall still follow after numerous conflicts.

Constitutional practice and case law was enriched by the latest decisions and judgments that changed main directions of Georgia’s constitu-tional development. Interpretational variations and positive transformation of judicial competences... more

Constitutional practice and case law was enriched by the latest decisions and judgments that changed main directions of Georgia’s constitu-tional development. Interpretational variations and positive transformation of judicial competences determined some interesting basic tendencies. Few audacious decisions made an illusion of changing classic “Negative Legislator’s” function to the “Positive Legislator” and tried to conquer new fields of constitutional competencies, despite positions of Parliament and Georgian political establishment. This article aims to analyze the latest case law of the Georgian constitutional court, basic tendencies and opportunity of transformation from negative to positive lawmaker.

Revista do Ministério Público 145 : Janeiro : Março 2016 [ pp. 101-152 ] SUMÁRIO:1. Introdução. 2. Arbitragem e fiscalização concreta da constitucionalidade. 3. Decisão arbitral em matéria tributária e recurso de constitucionalidade; 3.1.... more

Revista do Ministério Público 145 : Janeiro : Março 2016 [ pp. 101-152 ] SUMÁRIO:1. Introdução. 2. Arbitragem e fiscalização concreta da constitucionalidade. 3. Decisão arbitral em matéria tributária e recurso de constitucionalidade; 3.1. A (i)recorribilidade da de-cisão arbitral tributária; 3.2. Modo de interposição e tramitação do recurso de constitucionalidade; 3.3. Eventual limitação dos fundamentos do recurso de constitucionalidade; 3.4. Os recursos de constitucionalidade obrigatórios para o Ministério Público; 3.5. O eventual provimento do recurso de constitucionalidade; 3.6. Os efeitos da interposição do recurso de constitucionalidade de decisão arbitral tributária. 4. Conclusões. A arbitragem tributária entrou em vigor, no ordenamento jurídico portu-guês, na segunda metade de 2011. Desde então, o Tribunal Constitucional já proferiu diversas decisões que tiveram como objeto formal decisões arbitrais tributárias. Da análise deste acervo jurisprudencial resulta a evi-dência de alguns aspetos problemáticos que o Regime Jurídico da Ar-bitragem Tributária suscita em sede de recurso de constitucionalidade. É sobre estes aspetos que se debruça este estudo, visando-se a análise, concretamente, da (i) eventual limitação dos fundamentos do recurso de constitucionalidade operada pelo referido regime, do (ii) modo de inter-posição e tramitação do recurso de constitucionalidade da decisão arbi-tral tributária, dos (iii) problemas que se levantam em sede dos recursos

Үндсэн хуулийн 66-р зүйлд иргэний өргөдөл, мэдээлэл гэсэн ерөнхий нэр томьёо орсон ч түүний агуулга, хянан шийдвэрлэгдэх процесс ямар байх талаар маргаантай. Үндсэн хуулийн шүүх ийм ерөнхий заалтыг тайлбарласан хэд хэдэн үзэл баримтлалаас... more

Үндсэн хуулийн 66-р зүйлд иргэний өргөдөл, мэдээлэл гэсэн ерөнхий нэр томьёо орсон ч түүний агуулга, хянан шийдвэрлэгдэх процесс ямар байх талаар маргаантай. Үндсэн хуулийн шүүх ийм ерөнхий заалтыг тайлбарласан хэд хэдэн үзэл баримтлалаас үндсэн хуулийн суурь зарчим, бүтэц, түүхийг цогцоор нь утгажуулсан, хамгийн сайн үндэслэлээр дэмжигдсэн үзэл баримтлалыг зөв гэж үзэж сонгох хэрэгтэй. Иргэний өргөдөл, мэдээллийн талаар хоёр үзэл баримтлал байдаг. Нэгдүгээр (одоо хэрэгжиж буй) үзэл баримтлалаар бус харин хоёрдугаар үзэл баримтлалаар ойлгох нь илүү үндэслэлтэй гэдгийг энэ өгүүллээр харуулах болно. Энэ өгүүлэл гурван бүлэгтэй. 1-р бүлэгт үндсэн хуулийн шүүхэд иргэн хандах гол хэлбэр болох үндсэн хуулийн гомдлыг тодорхойлно. 2-р бүлэгт Монгол Улсын Үндсэн хууль дахь иргэний өргөдөл, мэдээллийн тухай нэгдүгээр үзэл баримтлалыг, 3-р бүлэгт энэ тухай хоёрдугаар үзэл баримтлалыг авч үзнэ.
Энэ өгүүлэл дараах эмхтгэлд хэвлэгдсэн:
О.Мөнхсайхан, Иргэний өргөдөл, мэдээлэлтэй холбоотой Үндсэн хуулийн цэцийн бүрэн эрхийг оновчтой тодорхойлох боломж, МОНГОЛ УЛСЫН ХУУЛЬ ЗҮЙН ШИНЖЛЭХ УХААН: ӨНӨӨ БА ИРЭЭДҮЙ (Олон улсын эрдэм шинжилгээний хурлын эмхэтгэл), УБ: Соёмбо 2015, хуудас 64-81

Indonesia implements dualism of judicial review system because there are two different judicial institutions that are granted the authority to review laws and regulations, namely the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. This... more

Indonesia implements dualism of judicial review system because there are two different judicial institutions that are granted the authority to review laws and regulations, namely the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. This research aims to analyse the problems caused by the dualism of judicial review system. It found two main legal problems of the current system. First, there is an inconsistency of decisions concerning judicial review cases for the same legal issues decided by the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. Second, there is no mechanism to review the constitutionality of People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) decisions and regulations under the level of law. Based on these findings, this research suggests that the authority to review all laws and regulations should be integrated under the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court.

Debate on the Constitutional Guardianship in the Context of Schmitt’s and Kelsen’s Views

УИХ 2012 онд Шүүхийн иргэдийн төлөөлөгчийн эрх зүйн байдлын тухай хууль баталж, эрүүгийн хэрэг, эрх зүйн маргааныг анхан шатны журмаар хянан шийдвэрлэх шүүх бүрэлдэхүүнд нэг иргэдийн төлөөлөгчийг таслах эрхтэй оролцуулахыг зөвшөөрсөн... more

УИХ 2012 онд Шүүхийн иргэдийн төлөөлөгчийн эрх зүйн байдлын тухай хууль баталж, эрүүгийн хэрэг, эрх зүйн маргааныг анхан шатны журмаар хянан шийдвэрлэх шүүх бүрэлдэхүүнд нэг иргэдийн төлөөлөгчийг таслах эрхтэй оролцуулахыг зөвшөөрсөн шинэчлэлийн олон улсын нийтлэг чиг хандлагын дагуу хийсэн. Энэ агуулгыг илэрхийлсэн тус хуулийн заалтууд Үндсэн хууль зөрчсөн гэсэн шийдвэрийг Үндсэн хуулийн цэц гаргасан. Энэ өгүүлэл нь гурван хэсгээс бүрдэнэ. 1-р хэсэгт ардчилсан орнуудад хэрэг, маргааныг анхан шатны журмаар хянан шийдвэрлэхэд иргэдийг оролцуулдаг загваруудыг товчхон судална. 2-р хэсэгт иргэдийн төлөөлөгчийг шүүх бүрэлдэхүүнд оруулахыг хүчингүй болгосон шийдвэрийн үндэслэлүүдэд дүн шинжилгээ хийж няцаах болно. 3-р хэсэгт иргэдийн төлөөлөгчдийг шүүх бүрэлдэхүүнд оролцуулах нь Үндсэн хуулийн 52.2-ын агуулга төдийгүй Үндсэн хуулийн суурь зарчмуудад нийцсэн илүү үндэслэлтэй тайлбар гэдгийг танилцуулна.

This paper discusses the issue of legitimacy of constitutional review in a constitutional democracy. The author deliberates the role of a constitutional court in three models of democracy: procedural democracy (founded on the majority... more

This paper discusses the issue of legitimacy of constitutional review in a constitutional democracy. The author deliberates the role of a constitutional court in three models of democracy: procedural democracy (founded on the majority rule and primacy of public autonomy), substantive democracy (based on protection of substantial values related to private autonomy) and deliberative democracy (accentuating close interaction between public and private autonomy, as well as the role of discourse in determining the meaning of constitutional principles). According to this author, substantive theories of democracy - which presume a strong position of the constitutional court – are usually underpinned by a certain form of moral realism within the meaning of fundamental rights and constitutional values. Procedural and deliberative concepts are closer to a constructivist approach. Proponents of procedural theories prefer informal (non-legalistic) reasoning conducted within the representative bodies in the matter of fundamental rights. At the same time, the explicit affirmation of the majority rule expressed within procedural theories stems from the assumption that consensus is impossible in axiological disputes– which is an assumption contrary to the one expressed by proponents of deliberative theories. The latter are distinguished by the assumption that formulating a democratic will is not based either on the majority rule or on conformity with a priori principles, but on complex social interactions aimed at transforming preferences through discourse.

Since 2012, same-sex marriage has been legal in Brazil. This, however, was accomplished without the participation of any political branch: the only lawmaking actor involved was the Supreme Court. In existing studies on the... more

Since 2012, same-sex marriage has been legal in Brazil. This, however,
was accomplished without the participation of any political branch: the only lawmaking
actor involved was the Supreme Court. In existing studies on the judicialization
of politics, lawmakers are typically the first movers, while courts function as
actual or potential veto players regarding the outcome of the legislative process.
The Brazilian Supreme Court, however, when provoked by social and political
actors under specific circumstances, has delivered decisions that: (a) established
rules in areas of law where the elected branches had not made any decisions in the
last decades; and (b) at least in how they came to be treated by the Supreme Court
itself, foreclosed further congressional or presidential lawmaking on these topics.
This paper is a case study on the conditions in which this judicial role – of
a first and only legislative chamber – has emerged in Brazil. Although Brazilian
constitutional law includes a couple of mechanisms designed for judicial review of
legislative omissions, it was the Supreme Court’s increasingly expansive reading of
its own powers – not those deliberately designed to allow for judicial legislation –
that created opportunities for social and political movements to bypass Congress
and change the constitutional status quo according to their ideals. This new role of
the Supreme Court, however, creates tension between two different justifications
for judicial intervention in politics – when judges act last, they are constrained by
not having also been the first to decide what the constitution requires and allows for
on a given issue. In same-sex marriage litigation and in several other recent cases,
however, the Brazilian Supreme Court has been trying to have it both ways.

The article concerns the relation between constituent power and constitu tional review. The Author emphasises that this kind of relation determines different models of constitutionalism. He analyses the status of constituent power and... more

The article concerns the relation between constituent power and constitu tional review. The Author emphasises that this kind of relation determines different models of constitutionalism. He analyses the status of constituent power and constitutional review from the perspective of the so-called legal constitutionalism and political constitutionalism. He also addresses the challenges of populist constitutionalism. Special emphasis is put on the issues of understanding and expressing the constitutional identity within particular models of constitutionalism. The Author argues that the future of constitutionalism depends on the question, whether it is possible to formulate a new model of relations between constituent power and constituted power. The key element of this process is to restore the meaning of constitutional politics as a special reflection on constitutional identity of community led with the active participation of citizens. It will require formulating of reflexive – immune to threats related to populism – institutions of direct civic participation in constitu tional politics, but also rethinking the relations between the sovereign and the constitutional court. The latter should not only speak on behalf of the sovereign, but rather act as a guardian of the pluralistic people’s identity expressed within a permanent dialogue between the citizens and the con stituted power

Článek se pokouší nabídnout přístup, jak porozumět ústavnímu soudnictví jakožto důležité části normativního projektu ústavní demokracie. Politická věda má často potíže s chápáním argumentů užívaných ústavními soudy, a to kvůli... more

Článek se pokouší nabídnout přístup, jak porozumět ústavnímu soudnictví jakožto důležité části normativního projektu ústavní demokracie. Politická věda má často potíže s chápáním argumentů užívaných ústavními soudy, a to kvůli behavioralistické a postbehavioralistické revoluci, které v rámci ní dříve proběhly. Nicméně přístupy jako nový institucionalismus nabízejí alternativu zdůrazňující to, že soudci následují logiku jimi zastávané role. Podle tohoto slibnějšího přístupu se soudci snaží následovat standardy vlastní soudcovské profesi. V ní je důležitá schopnost odůvodňovat rozhodnutí v konkrétních věcech. Při ospravedlňování rozhodnutí ústavních soudů jsou ústavní soudci nuceni vypracovávat své vlastní koncepce základních stavebních kamenů ústavy. Ty jsou zároveň dědictvím politické filosofie, která ovlivnila tvorbu ústavy i její porozumění (autoritativními) interprety. Článek proto v návaznosti na amerického právního teoretika Paul W. Kahna navrhuje specifickou metodu sociologie právních konceptů, která by umožnila konceptům politické a ústavní teorie (a praxe) porozumět jak z historické, tak strukturální perspektivy.

This article discusses the judgement of the Polish Constitutional Court of 16 November 2011 in the case SK 45/09. In the case the Court decided to review the constitutionality of an EU regulation. Due to controversies related to the... more

This article discusses the judgement of the Polish Constitutional Court of 16 November 2011 in the case SK 45/09. In the case the Court decided to review the constitutionality of an EU regulation. Due to controversies related to the cognition of constitutional courts of Member States in this matter the justification of the judgement in the case was as important as its sentencing part. Although the sentencing part resembles the judgement of the German Federal Constitutional Court in the Solange I case of 1974, in its justification the Polish Constitutional Court applied the formula that the German Federal Constitutional Court used in the Solange II case of 1984. The article analyses the reasons for such constitutional borrowing and its legal consequences. At the same time the article states a thesis according to which in the current community system of protection of fundamental rights an ideEa of constitutional identity is a better concept used to protect constitutional standards of such rights.

For this piece of writing I will discuss de-radicalisation as a social movement and as is the opposite of the concept to radicalisation. I will look at the cases of the Gama’a Al-Islamia and Jihad in Egypt, as social movements and how... more

For this piece of writing I will discuss de-radicalisation as a social movement and as is the opposite of the concept to radicalisation. I will look at the cases of the Gama’a Al-Islamia and Jihad in Egypt, as social movements and how they de-radicalised and changed their approach after a decade of violence, killing and conflict with the Egyptian government.

Az Alaptörvény és az új ABtv hatásköri taxációja több hatáskört tartalmaz, mint az előző szabályozás, többek között életre hívta a valódi alkotmányjogi panasz intézményét ezzel orvosolva az előző szabályozás hiányosságait, megszüntetve az... more

Az Alaptörvény és az új ABtv hatásköri taxációja több hatáskört tartalmaz, mint az előző szabályozás, többek között életre hívta a valódi alkotmányjogi panasz intézményét ezzel orvosolva az előző szabályozás hiányosságait, megszüntetve az AB hatásköri féloldalasságát. Azonban csupán a hatáskör törvényi taxációja alapján – ahogy azt Sólyom Lász-lótól származó fenti idézet is alátámasztja – nem lehet értékelni az AB hatásköreit, mert valós tartalmát csak a részletszabályok, a bíróság gya-korlata alapján lehet megállapítani. Az új modell megalkotása során a jogalkotó egy speciális alkotmányjogi panasz életre hívásával és az om-budsmannak adott normakontroll kezdeményezési hatáskörrel kívánta pótolni az actio popularis hiányát. Kérdéses, hogy az újonnan létrehozott rendszer ugyanolyan ered-ményesen tudja-e szolgálni a jogállamot, mint az azt megelőző, továbbá, hogy az actio popularis megszüntetése nem okoz-e kiigazíthatatlan al-kotmányos deficitet?

This chapter examines how the Slovak Constitutional Court conceived of its significant law-making potential granted to it by its very wide range of competences. For the first time in the research on this Court, the chapter is structured... more

This chapter examines how the Slovak Constitutional Court conceived of its significant law-making potential granted to it by its very wide range of competences. For the first time in the research on this Court, the chapter is structured as a dialogue between the insider perspective on the SCC’s past, present, and optimal law-making role in the constitutional system, and the external view on the reception of some strands of the Court’s law-making activity by its three core ‘epistemic communities,’ the media, the political elites, and the experts, taking into consideration available data on public opinion as well. Selected case law is scrutinized from the inception of the Court until the end of the term of most of its judges in 2019, as the end of one important phase in its history. The chapter highlights how the reflection of the Court’s law-making activity has been shaped by a limited set of decisions.

Current state of the doctrine and the main tendencies of development of constitutional justice in Ukraine are analyzed in the article. The dilemma and main factors of introduction of the constitutional justice in the state structure of... more

Current state of the doctrine and the main tendencies of development of constitutional justice in Ukraine are analyzed in the article. The dilemma and main factors of introduction of the constitutional justice in the state structure of Ukraine, the contradictory elements of which laid some problems in the implementation of the rule of law, respect for human rights and democracy are revealed. The main tendencies of the development of constitutional justice in the light of the constitutional reform of justice and the adoption of a new version of the Law on the Constitutional Court are defined. Special attention is paid to the introduction of the institution of constitutional complaint and the system of legal protection of human rights in Ukraine.
KEY WORDS: rule of law, constitutional complaint, constitutional justice, constitutional legal proceedings, values of constitutionalism

სტატიის მიზანია, მიმოიხილოს საარჩევნო დავის განხილვის თავისებურებანი საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოში, მისი ძირითადი მახასიათებლები, ის უარყოფითი და დადებითი მხარეები, რისკები, რომლებიც თან ახლავს მსგავს საქმეთა გადაწყვეტას; ასევე, გაანალიზდეს... more

სტატიის მიზანია, მიმოიხილოს საარჩევნო დავის განხილვის თავისებურებანი საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოში, მისი ძირითადი მახასიათებლები, ის უარყოფითი და დადებითი მხარეები, რისკები, რომლებიც თან ახლავს მსგავს საქმეთა გადაწყვეტას; ასევე, გაანალიზდეს საქართველოს საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოს პრაქტიკა, მისი კომპეტენციური ფარგლები საკონსტიტუციო ცვლილებების გათვალისწინებით. ნაშრომის მიზანია, არსებული სინამდვილისა და გამოცდილების გათვალისწინებით, შეიმუშავოს წინადადებები და რეკომენდაციები საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლოში საარჩევნო დავის განხილვისა და გადაწყვეტის საკონონმდებლო და პრაქტიკული
ეფექტურობისათვის.

ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატებისთვის დამახასიათებელ შეკავება-გაწონასწორების მოდელში სასამართლოს როლი არასდროს ყოფილა ერთმნიშვნელოვანი. ეპოქათა ანალიზი ცხადყოფს, რომ ხელისუფლების ამ შტომ ევოლუციის ერთობ საინტერესო და კომპლექსური გზა განვლო.... more

ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატებისთვის დამახასიათებელ შეკავება-გაწონასწორების მოდელში სასამართლოს როლი არასდროს ყოფილა ერთმნიშვნელოვანი. ეპოქათა ანალიზი ცხადყოფს, რომ ხელისუფლების ამ შტომ ევოლუციის ერთობ საინტერესო და კომპლექსური გზა განვლო. ნაშრომში მოკლედ განხილულია აშშ-ის კონსტიტუციური მოდელის ძირითადი არსი, მის ფარგლებში საკონსტიტუციო იუსტიციის სამოსამართლო სამართლისგან განვითარება, უზენაესი სასამართლოს კონტროლის ძირითადი მახასიათებლები რამდენიმე პრეცედენტულ გადაწყვეტილებასთან ერთად და ამერიკის უმაღლესი სასამართლოს თანამედროვე გამოწვევები პოლარიზებული პოლიტიკური კლიმატის პირობებში.

The Fundamental Law, which was accepted in 2012, and the new Constitutional Court Act (hereinafter referred to as New CC Act) remedied this insufficiency and summoned the real institution of constitutional complaints. Because of the... more

The Fundamental Law, which was accepted in 2012, and the new Constitutional Court Act (hereinafter referred to as New CC Act) remedied this insufficiency and summoned the real institution of constitutional complaints. Because of the abolition of the actio popularis special constitutional complaints and the actions of Ombudsman were also included into the regulation. The increase of the authority taxation – as László Sólyom explicated - does not automatically mean authority increase because it is influenced by regulatory environment as well as the self-understanding of judges in association with authorities. Because of that, it is questionable whether the newly created system can serve the constitutional state as effectively as the previous one. The other pending question is whether the actions of Ombudsman and the special constitutional law complaints can be capable of substituting actio popularis, or the abolition of the institute would cause irretrievable constitutional deficit. I would like to provide answers for these questions by introducing the current Hungarian and international regulations and the recommendations of the Venice Commission.