Contemporary Salafism Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

This article is a first initiative at a br oaderassessment and contextualization of Abu¯ Ghudda’s life and thoughts. I present a picture of a scholar who sought to represent traditional Islam in its most unpopular moments. In particular,... more

This article is a first initiative at a br oaderassessment and contextualization of Abu¯ Ghudda’s life and thoughts. I present a picture of a scholar who sought to represent traditional Islam in its most unpopular moments. In particular, I examine Abu¯ Ghudda’s prevailing thoughts and opinions concerning “proper” scholarship and demonstrate how the role of the `ulamā in the thoughts of Abu Ghudda is primarily a continuation of a scholarly tradition rather than starting anew. I analyze Abū Ghudda's understanding of the role of the `ulamā' in light of his disagreements with his strongest detractor, the Salafi Muḥammad Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Albānī.

Soğuk savaşın ürünü olarak ortaya çıkan internet, her şey hakkında bilgi sunan ve sayıları gün geçtikçe artan web sitelerine anında ulaşım sağlayan dünya çapındaki bilgisayar ağı olmakla beraber yirminci yüzyılın en önemli teknolojik... more

Soğuk savaşın ürünü olarak ortaya çıkan internet, her şey hakkında bilgi sunan ve sayıları gün geçtikçe artan web sitelerine anında ulaşım sağlayan dünya çapındaki bilgisayar ağı olmakla beraber yirminci yüzyılın en önemli teknolojik gelişmeleri arasında yer almaktadır. Bu yeni gelişmenin etkisi her geçen gün artmaktadır. Bu etkinin nedeni internetin fonksiyonu ile ilişkilidir. İnternet sayesinde gündemden haberdar olma, bilgi alma ve görüş paylaşma, zamanın ve mekânın sınırlarını aşarak hızlı bir biçimde yapılmaktadır. Böylesi fonksiyonlara sahip olan internet, artık hayatımızın en önemli parçası olmuştur. Dahası internetin kaynaklık etmiş olduğu yeni iletişim sistemleri, insan yaşamının temel boyutlarını, zamanı ve mekânı kökten dönüştürmeye başlamıştır. Zaman ve mekân arasındaki sınır belirsizleşmiş, kültürel, tarihsel, coğrafi anlamlar değişmeye başlamış ve internet, değişimin ana manivelası haline gelmiştir.
İnternetin bir diğer özelliği de günümüzde dini veya seküler grupların kurumsal kimliklerini gözler önüne serdiği sanal mekân olmasıdır. İnternetin sunduğu tüm araçları bir araya getirme imkanıyla dini gruplar, ideoloji ve söylemlerini takipçilerine ve grubun dışındaki sempatizanlara tanıtmakta; dini grubun vizyonunu, misyonunu veya hedeflerini kamuoyu ile paylaşmaktadır. Ancak dijital ortamda varlık gösteren gruplar, bu mecraların sunduğu interaktif iletişimden ziyade geleneksel tek yönlü iletişim türünü sürdürmeyi tercih etmektedir. Son dönemde dini gruplar da interneti etkin bir biçimde kullanmaya başlamıştır. Dini gruplar; kendilerini tanıtmak, gruplarına katılımı arttırmak ve mensuplarının da kendi iç dinamiklerini pekiştirmek çerçevesinde bütün kitle iletişim araçlarını kullanmaktadırlar. Bu sayede dini grupların ideoloji ve eylemleri hem kamuoyu ile paylaşılmakta hem de dini grubun kendini konsolide etmesi sağlanmaktadır.

The common dichotomized classification of Islam in the Caucasus (“traditional” versus “fundamentalist”) does not take into account all major processes taking place in the region. The Sufi-Wahhabi discourse simplifies the social... more

The common dichotomized classification of Islam in the Caucasus (“traditional” versus “fundamentalist”) does not take into account all major processes taking place in the region. The Sufi-Wahhabi discourse simplifies the social interactions between Muslims and suggests homogeneity of each of these categories. In this paper I would show how the term “Wahhabi” has been employed by the local community of Muslims who live in the Georgian Pankisi gorge (Chechen Kists) to express their resistance towards new and radical ideas and practices. In this social conflict, Sufi brotherhoods assume the role of the defenders of traditional order, while the reformists attempt at changing not only religious but also social structures.

Für den Salafismus dient die Onlinewelt nicht nur als Medium zur Verbreitung seiner Botschaft, sondern auch als zentrales Kommunikationsmittel zur Mobilisierung und Rekrutierung neuer Mitglieder. Die vorliegende Studie widmet sich der... more

Für den Salafismus dient die Onlinewelt nicht nur als Medium zur Verbreitung seiner Botschaft, sondern auch als zentrales Kommunikationsmittel zur Mobilisierung und Rekrutierung neuer Mitglieder. Die vorliegende Studie widmet sich der Darstellung und Analyse ausgewählter Internetseiten, um die Frage zu beantworten, ob die virtuelle Welt des Salafismus im deutschsprachigen Raum eine Quelle islamistischer Radikalisierung darstellt. Ausgewählt wurden Internetportale wie etwa Islam Q&A, Islamweb.net, Islamfatwa.de, Basseera.de, Realität Islam und Im Auftrag des Islam, die außer in Deutsch oft auch in mehreren anderen Sprachen veröffentlichen und damit eine weite Öffentlichkeit erreichen. Die Studie kommt zum Fazit, dass salafistisch bzw. islamistisch geprägte Online-Angebote über den Islam einen Ansatzpunkt für islamistische Radikalisierung abstrakter Art darstellen können. D.h., die dort propagierten Inhalte weichen zwar von den im deutschen Kontext vorherrschenden Gesetzen ab, rufen aber nicht zur Gewalt auf. Die Ergebnisse regen dazu an, adäquate Alternativangebote zu schaffen, die der Attraktivität salafistischer Propaganda entgegenwirken, Jugendliche für Mediennutzung sensibilisieren und sie dazu befähigen, religiöse Inhalte kritisch zu reflektieren.
https://www.transcript-verlag.de/978-3-8376-5206-2/radikalisierung-im-cyberspace/?c=311000014

This paper describes the movements, personalities and processes in Thailand’s Malay dominated provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat that have led to unprecedented diversity within the ummah. Like the rest of Thai/Malay peninsula,... more

This paper describes the movements, personalities and processes in Thailand’s Malay dominated provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat that have led to unprecedented diversity within the ummah. Like the rest of Thai/Malay peninsula, although the overwhelming majority of Muslims in Thailand’s far-south are conservative traditionalists, the size and influence reformist Islam continues to increase. This is particularly the case among urban Malays. While the roots of reformism were sown in the 19th century by luminaries such as Syeikh Daud al-Fatani (1769-1847), and Syeikh Ahmed al-Fatani (1856-1908), the most important reformist personality in the early 20th centuries was Haji Sulong (1895-1945). Since his return from Saudi Arabia in the 1990s, Dr Ismail Lutfi Japakiya, the founding of rector of Yala Islamic University (Thailand’s first Islamic university) has emerged as the leader of Saudi style salafism. I conclude by considering the impact of the Tablighi Jama’at, a South Asian revival movement, on Islamic diversity in South Thailand since its arrival in the 1980s. A important point infrequently made in analysis of the Tablighi Jama’at is that both reformists and traditionalists are involved in this important revivalist movement.

We were one strong Ummah, believing in Tawheed, then differed, thus weaknesses. Division and differences in Islam are something inevitable, to which history bears witness. A sect is a subgroup of a religious, political, or philosophical... more

We were one strong Ummah, believing in Tawheed, then differed, thus weaknesses. Division and differences in Islam are something inevitable, to which history bears witness.
A sect is a subgroup of a religious, political, or philosophical belief system, usually an offshoot of a larger group. This Ummah was prophesized to be divided into 73 sects, all of them in the hellfire except one; that which Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) and his companions (may Allaah be pleased with them) are upon.
However, leniency is one of the major characteristics of every sunnah scholar regarding the explanation of Kitaab and Sunnah to the erred sects or groups but this is not in the book of many young scholars today. Thus, lots of right-thinking and religiously committed Islamic intellectuals, scholars, and professionals have been disenchanting with the state of the Muslim Ummah presently.
This called for more elaboration on sects in Islam, and a dire need of this Ummah for a correct way of regulating our differences and living with them, collaborating on common grounds, and excusing one another on naysaying issues by Kitaab and Sunnah.
Oh brethren, adhere to the jamaa’ah (group) of the Muslims and their leader. And if there is no jamaa’ah and no leader, then, keep away from all those different sects.

Prezentul studiu adresează problema spinoasă a rolului religiei în dezvoltarea radicalismului cu care se confruntă lumea de azi. Înmulțirea actelor terorise în ultima vreme a dat naștere unor întrebări precum: este religia sursa... more

Prezentul studiu adresează problema spinoasă a rolului religiei în dezvoltarea radicalismului cu care se confruntă lumea de azi. Înmulțirea actelor terorise în ultima vreme a dat naștere unor întrebări precum: este religia sursa violenței? Creșterea fundamentalismelor religioase poate fi corelată cu o creștere a radicalizării? Are terorismul un substrat religios, sau cauzele lui primare trebuie căutate în altă parte? Care sunt cele mai eficiente strategii de deradicalizare? În acest material se vor urmări câteva voci influente din domeniul științelor sociale, în special Gilles Kepel și Olivier Roy și se va evidenția direcția spre care se îndreaptă cercetarea din domeniul științelor sociale în analiza și interpretarea fenomenului.

Der folgende Beitrag diskutiert aus interdisziplinären Sicht die Frage, unter welchen Umständen die familiäre Sozialisation in einem salafistischen Milieu in Deutschland eine Gefährdung des Kindeswohls darstellt und welche... more

Der folgende Beitrag diskutiert aus interdisziplinären Sicht die Frage, unter welchen Umständen die familiäre Sozialisation in einem salafistischen Milieu in Deutschland eine Gefährdung des Kindeswohls darstellt und welche Herausforderungen sich für die Fachkräfte der Kinder- und Jugendhilfe in der Arbeit mit »salafistischen Familien« ergeben. Konkret soll eine Antwort auf die Frage gefunden werden: Was müssen pädagogische Fachkräfte der Kinder- und Jugendhilfe wissen, wie müssen sie handeln? Dies stellt ein Forschungsdesiderat dar, weil es keine gesicherten Daten und Erfahrungsberichte zum Innenleben »salafistischer Familien« und deren die religiöse Erziehung prägenden Milieus gibt. Aufgrund dieser Forschungslücke, wird einschlägige Literatur aus dem Bereich der sogenannten Sekten und Psychokulte herangezogen, um die Frage einer Gefährdung des Kindeswohls im Kontext des Salafismus zu erhellen. Zusätzlich werden aktuelle Gerichtsurteile zum Salafismus vor dem Hintergrund rechtlicher Grundlagen und religiöser Erziehung in Deutschland diskutiert. Eine Übertragung der Erkenntnisse und pädagogischen Erwägungen insbesondere aus dem Bereich der sog. Sekten und Psychokulte kann nicht uneingeschränkt geschehen, zumal dem Begriff der Sekte eine negative Konnotation und damit einhergehend eine kontroverse Debatte anhängt, die zu einer grundsätzlichen Neubewertung während und im Anschluss an die Enquete-Kommission (1996-1998) geführt hat.

This book chapter offers an overview of challenges and opportunities for Tunisian women's rights before and after Tunisia's 2011 revolution. From Nouri Gana’s introduction: “Monica Marks deftly weaves together the ways in which the issue... more

This book chapter offers an overview of challenges and opportunities for Tunisian women's rights before and after Tunisia's 2011 revolution. From Nouri Gana’s introduction: “Monica Marks deftly weaves together the ways in which the issue of women’s rights has been used and abused by Bourguiba and Ben Ali to maintain their hold on power. Counter-revolutionary forces, along with a host of opposition parties, have similarly wheeled out the issue of women’s rights in order to show how bad Ennadha would be for women despite Ennahda’s endorsement of the Personal Status Code of 1957 and of a new constitution that does not include Sharia law. What has muddled the waters even further, however, is the rise to prominence of Salafism, one of the most mediatized phenomena in postrevolutionary Tunisia, especially insofar as it directly affects women’s rights.”

In academic and political discourses on radicalization Salafism is routinely identified as the ideological breeding-ground of violent Jihadism and terrorism in both Western and Middle Eastern contexts. It is not clear however, despite an... more

In academic and political discourses on radicalization Salafism is routinely identified as the ideological breeding-ground of violent Jihadism and terrorism in both Western and Middle Eastern contexts. It is not clear however, despite an alleged ideological proximity, whether Salafism is a socializing agent of violent Jihadi activists. While the majority of European terrorists were not adherents of strict Salafi orthopraxy before resorting to violence, Salafis themselves publicly denounce terrorism, are very critical of Jihadis, and even often claim to be a barrier against radicalization. Is Salafism therefore a facilitator or a bulwark against violent radicalization? Is there a difference of degree or nature between Salafism and Jihadism? How credible can Salafism be as an instrument for the prevention of radicalization and for de-radicalization? The interrogation of these questions is even more important as it occurs in a contemporary context where Salafism is facing a structural crisis: accusations of breeding terrorism, the phenomenon of “Salafi burn-outs”, the challenge of young generations (“how to be born from a born again?”), the disappearance of traditional Salafi shaykhs, the end of the Saudi sponsorship of transnational Salafism, the autonomization of Salafism vis-à-vis Saudi-Wahhabi tutelage, and unprecedented adaptations to the upheavals of Arab countries’ political systems, all participate to the restructuring of Salafism as an ideology as well as a social force. This raises a number of questions: To what extent is Salafism in crisis? How has violent radicalization challenged Salafism? What are the new venues of activism and modes of engagement through which Salafis ‘reinvent’ Salafism? Are we now entering a post-Salafi era? Ultimately, is the crisis of Salafism good or bad news for violent radicalization? This e-book endeavours to provide the first systematic analysis of these issues based on the expertise of 13 scholars covering case-studies in North Africa, the Sahel/Central Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and South-East Asia (Théo Blanc, Thomas Hegghammer, Bilel Ainine, Joas Wagemakers, Alexander Thurston, Zoltan Pall, Anna Rajkowska, Louis Blin, Wael Farouq, Ester Sigillò, Jérôme Drevon and Patrick Haenni, and Olivier Roy).

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and... more

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and shrines. Drawing on Social Movement Theory (SMT), this article analyzes the response by various Shia nonstate actors—militia leaders, religious clergymen, populist preachers, and seminal poets. It argues that they used the IS threat to Shia holy sites to develop and deploy a mobilization frame that has come to be referred to as the “shrine protection narrative.” The article also documents the manifold consequences of the shrine protection narrative: it underpinned a mass recruitment drive that saw tens of thousands enlist; it legitimized foreign Shia militias to enter the conflicts in both Syria and Iraq; it justified the formation of entirely new militias who declared the centrality of shrine protection to their mandate; and it mobilized them to enact political violence. In doing so, this article extends existing studies of SMT to demonstrate that “sacred spaces”—and particularly the need to protect religious sites from specific threats—can serve as a powerful mobilization frame towards political violence.

This paper examines Muhammad Saeed Al-Qahtani's argument on the nexus between the notion of hijrah (emigration) and the Salafi concept of Al-Walā' wal Barā' (loyalty and disavowal) referred to here as WB. Al-Qahtani's works on WB asserts... more

This paper examines Muhammad Saeed Al-Qahtani's argument on the nexus between the notion of hijrah (emigration) and the Salafi concept of Al-Walā' wal Barā' (loyalty and disavowal) referred to here as WB. Al-Qahtani's works on WB asserts that Muslims who live in a non-Muslim land and under non-Islamic political system that is solely based on Sharīʿah law must emigrate or perform hijrah to Muslim lands. He added that Muslims who willingly accept the rule of non-Muslims and live under any rule other than the Sharīʿah are committing acts that nullifies their faith and tantamount to violation of the creed of WB. This paper challenges Al-Qahtani's argument on the obligation of hijrah in the contemporary period. It will also discuss the position of hijrah from the Islamic viewpoint and examine the concept of dār al-Islām and dār al-harb (land of Islam and land of war) as counter arguments to the claims made by Al-Qahtani.

Tunisia is in the middle of a political transition but the internal debate is still monopolized by the quarrel between Islamists and secularists. The stalemate is presenting an opportunity for the Salafist movement Ansar al-Shari’a... more

Tunisia is in the middle of a political transition but the internal debate is still monopolized by the quarrel between Islamists and secularists. The stalemate is presenting an opportunity for the Salafist movement Ansar al-Shari’a Tunisia (AST) to enter directly into the political fray. Confrontation between Islamist groups and the Tunisian government has escalated since the assault on the U.S. Embassy on September 14, 2012. The enduring hesitation of the Ennahda-led government about whether or not to eradicate the Salafist threat has led to an increasingly polarized climate of political violence. In this context, the assassination of opposition leader Chokri Belaid last February and the violent clashes that occurred between Salafists and security forces in May have exacerbated tensions.

Taking a nuanced look at the origins of the Salafist school of thought, this article examines what it means to be a Salafi to different people. This topic is especially pertinent today as more and more groups and political parties... more

Taking a nuanced look at the origins of the Salafist school of thought, this article examines what it means to be a Salafi to different people. This topic is especially pertinent today as more and more groups and political parties identify as salafiyya. By investigating the various beliefs and branches of Salafism and attempting to explore how they have diverged and converged in interesting ways throughout history, allows this ideology to be better understand in the present.

Das Buch leuchtet Aspekte der salafistischen Glaubenslehre, Ideologie und Bewegung und die von ihr gestellten Herausforderungen für Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft aus. Es stellt Möglichkeiten des Umgangs mit... more

Das Buch leuchtet Aspekte der salafistischen Glaubenslehre, Ideologie und Bewegung und die von ihr gestellten Herausforderungen für Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft aus. Es stellt Möglichkeiten des Umgangs mit ebendiesen Herausforderungen ebenso zur Diskussion wie die Zusammenhänge mit Phänomenen des Dschihadismus. Die Beiträge basieren auf Erkenntnissen eines vom Leibniz-Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) koordinierten und vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) geförderten Forschungsverbunds mit dem Titel »Salafismus in Deutschland – Forschungsstand und Wissenstransfer«.

The form of Islam normatively understood and practised in Malaysia, i.e. Malaysian Islam, has undergone myriad changes since the 1970s as a result of gradual Salafization. Powered by Saudi Arabian largesse and buoyed by the advent of the... more

The form of Islam normatively understood and practised in Malaysia, i.e. Malaysian Islam, has undergone myriad changes since the 1970s as a result of gradual Salafization. Powered by Saudi Arabian largesse and buoyed by the advent of the Internet, this new wave of Salafization has eclipsed an earlier Salafi trend that spawned the Kaum Muda reformist movement. Recent surveys suggest that there has been a rise in the level of extremism among Muslims in Malaysia. While the majority is far from being enamoured by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the Wahhabi-Salafi doctrine that ISIS claims to represent in unadulterated form does appeal to many of them following the decades-long Salafization of Islam in the country. This tallies with media reports on increasing numbers of Malay-Muslim youth harbouring an attraction towards radical Islamist movements such as ISIS. Salafization, referring to a process of mindset and attitudinal transformation rather than the growth of Salafi nodes per se, is not restricted to individuals or groups identified as “Salafi”, but rather affects practically all levels of Malay-Muslim society, cutting across political parties, governmental institutions and non-state actors. It has resulted in Islamist, rather than Islamic, ideals increasingly defining the tenor of mainstream Islam in Malaysia, with worrying consequences for both intra-Muslim and inter-religious relations. Responses to the Wahhabi-Salafi onslaught from the Malay-Muslim ruling elite in Malaysia have been ambivalent, and have had weak counteracting effects on the Salafization process.

In contemporary academic literature, the word “Salafī” has a variety of meanings. Most importantly, Western academic literature of the 20th and 21st centuries applies the word to (1) an Islamic reform movement founded by Jamāl al-Dīn... more

In contemporary academic literature, the word “Salafī” has a variety of meanings. Most importantly, Western academic literature of the 20th and 21st centuries applies the word to (1) an Islamic reform movement founded by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (d. 1897) and Muḥammad ʿAbduh (1849–1905) in the last decades of the 19th century and (2) to contemporary Sunni reform movements that criticize manifestations of Sunni Islam which are based on Sufism, Ashʿarism, and traditional madhhab-affiliations to the Shāfiʿī, Ḥanafī, and Mālikī schools. In a 2010-article Henri Lauzière argued that the use of the word “Salafī” to describe these two movements is an equivocation based on a mistake. While the movement of contemporary Salafīs may be rightfully called by that name, al-Afghānī and ʿAbduh never used the term. Only Western scholars of the 1920s and 30s, most importantly Louis Massignon (1883–1962), called this latter movement “salafī”. This paper reevaluates the evidence presented by Lauzière and argues that Massignon did not make a mistake. The paper describes analytically both reform movements and draws the conclusion that there is a historic continuity that justifies calling them both “salafī”. The paper draws an analogy from the use of the word “socialist” in European political history, which first applied to a wider movement of the late 19th century before its use was contested and narrowed down in the course of the 20th.

This article aims to explore emerging trends for the Sunni religious elite and the Islamic legal tradition in the new context of the Arab Uprisings by focusing on Yusuf al-Qaradawi, arguably the most prominent of these ʿulamāʾ alive... more

This article aims to explore emerging trends for the Sunni religious elite and the Islamic legal tradition in the new context of the Arab Uprisings by focusing on Yusuf al-Qaradawi, arguably the most prominent of these ʿulamāʾ alive today. The article will follow al-Qaradawi’s articulation, transmission and reconstruction of the Islamic legal tradition in his own discourse as he has attempted to negotiate the politically fraught contexts of the Arab Uprisings while also maintaining his horizontal commitments to a diverse base of supporters be they the wider Arab Muslim public, the Muslim Brotherhood or indeed the Qatari royal family. The article will focus on al-Qaradawi’s highly publicised interventions and fatwas in relation to Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Syria from the perspective of Islamic studies, and also draw on personal interviews with al-Qaradawi, his personal staff, as well as supplementary media. In so doing, the article will elucidate al-Qaradawi and his colleagues’ attempts, ranging from the highly creative to the markedly conservative, to respond to unfolding events through the legal tradition and play an increasingly active role in the public sphere while their own status simultaneously becomes ever more vulnerable and unstable.

The political reality of many countries in the Muslim World is untenable and reforms and change is absolutely necessary. This article argues that use of force and violence for political change is making things worse as one can witness in... more

The political reality of many countries in the Muslim World is untenable and reforms and change is absolutely necessary. This article argues that use of force and violence for political change is making things worse as one can witness in Syria and Iraq. The article advances a Qur'ānic perspective on the desirability of peace as a goal and peaceful means as instruments of change. The article acknowledges that the Qur'ānic sanction for use of force to defend religious freedom prcludes the advocacy of pacifism but nevertheless the article does make a strong case for privileging peace over use of force.

This article attempts to highlight many of the weaknesses, inconsistencies, and contradictions found in the methods of key Salafī figures in the field of ḥadīth. First, despite his lofty status amongst many of his followers as being the... more

This article attempts to highlight many of the weaknesses, inconsistencies, and contradictions found in the methods of key Salafī figures in the field of ḥadīth. First, despite his lofty status amongst many of his followers as being the standard of authenticity in the field of ḥadīth, Muḥammad Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Albānī (d. 1999) based his ḥadīth grading methodology on a number of faulty approaches, such as relying on oversimplified biographical dictionaries for narrators and giving far little attention to the last two negative conditions (i.e., absence of anomalies and hidden defects) of authenticity. The relative disregard of these two conditions would actually cause al-Albānī to fall into some serious contradictions. Second, the approach of some Salafī figures in their use of Prophetic traditions for legal reasoning is just as problematic. The Saudi scholar Muḥammad b. Ṣāliḥ b. al-'Uthaymīn (d. 2001) in theory rejected the citation or use of weak ḥadīths for deducing legal rulings. However, he occasionally violated his own principle, citing weak reports from the Sunan of al-Dāraquṭnī to justify his legal positions or to refute opposing views. The upshot of the research article is that leading Salafī approaches in the science of ḥadīth are not logically consistent and are marred with a number of contradictions that are in need of further study.

Belajar bahasa merupakan salah satu kebutuhan manusia agar mampu membangun relasi dengan manusia yang lain. Tanpa penguasaan bahasa, manusia kesulitan untuk mengenal lingkungannya, mengenal identitasya, mahami simbol-simbol dan struktur... more

Belajar bahasa merupakan salah satu kebutuhan manusia agar mampu membangun relasi dengan manusia yang lain. Tanpa penguasaan bahasa, manusia kesulitan untuk mengenal lingkungannya, mengenal identitasya, mahami simbol-simbol dan struktur yang berkembang di masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, tidak ada pilihan bagi manusia untuk tetap eksis kecuali menguasai bahasa yang merupakan representasi kebudayaan dan ekspresi kemasyarakatan. Untuk konteks masyarakat modern, manusi tidak hanya dituntut untuk memahami bahasa ibunya, tetapi juga bahasa orang lain. Fungsi bahasa semakin urgen dan meluas seperti diperuntukkan untuk kebutuhan kerja, transaksi barang, surat menyurat, diplomasi pemerintahan, pendidikan dan lain-lain. Kebutuhan pendidikan misalnya, ketika anak-anak ingin melanjutkan studi ke jenjang S1 ataupun S2 dan S3 di luar negeri yang menuntut kemampuan bahasa Inggris, China, Jepang, Jerman dan lain-lain, maka mereka harus menjalani tes bahasa yang akan menentukan kelulusannya. Jika mereka gugur pada tes bahasa, sulit bagi anak-anak untuk bersaing. Buku ini membahas tentang analisis konstrastif dan analisis komparatif mengenai kalimat berita dalam bahasa Arab dan Indonesia. Perbedaan struktur bahasa Arab dan Indonesia membutuhkan studi yang lebih detail dari semua aspek kebahasaan baik itu dalam tulisan, gramatika, percakapan, penulisan dan listening. Buku ini memberikan kontribusi pada analisa tenses dan aspek dalam kalimat berita dalam bahasa Arab dan Indonesia. Perbedaan yang begitu jauh cara membuat tenses antara kedua bahasa ini menjadikan kehadiran buku ini urgen untuk membantu guru, siswa, dosen dan mahasiswa. Perubahan kata, penambahan huruf dan juga kata fungsi adalah bagian yang kontras dalam kedua bahasa ini. Belum lagi bicara kesulitan dalam pengucapan, penempatan dan bagaimana mengajarkannya pada siswa.

Dakwah Ahlussunnah merupakan dakwah Nabi Muhammad dan Para sahabatnya. Tidaklah ahlussunnah dikenal melainkan dengan sikap lemah lembut sebagaimana Nabi mengajarkannya, dan Allah pun mencintainya. Dalam sebuah hadits yang masyhur... more

Dakwah Ahlussunnah merupakan dakwah Nabi Muhammad dan Para sahabatnya. Tidaklah ahlussunnah dikenal melainkan dengan sikap lemah lembut sebagaimana Nabi mengajarkannya, dan Allah pun mencintainya.
Dalam sebuah hadits yang masyhur Rasulullah pernah bersabda bahwa sikap lemah lembut akan menghiasai segala perkara dan urusan. Apalagi mengenai perkara akhlak sesama ahlussunnah maka sikap lemah lembut harus tercermin di dalamnya. Dengan sikap lemah lembut salah satunya, ahlsunnah dicintai oleh orang-orang jahil dan orang awam. Sikap lemah lembut juga akan mencerminkan persautan dan kewibawaan di mata orang-orang awam dan orang jahi. Jangan sampai orang awam dan orang jahil memandang bahwa ahlussunnah saling bertentangan satu sama lain.
Tentu yang dimaksud ahlussunnah bukanlah firqah-firqah sesat, hizbiyah dan ahli bid'ah, karena masalah tersebut sudah jelas perbedaannya.
Yang dimaksud adalah ahlussunnah yang membawa syiar dakwah sunnah di atas pemahaman salaful ummah. Sering kita dengan fitnah " Tahdzir " sesama ahlussunnah. Banyak orang yang sibuk dengan masalah tahdzir daripada belajar ilmu. Perhatiannya hanya masalah tahdzir terhadap orang lain. Bahkan, hal tersebut berdampak pada masyarakat awam yang haus akan ilmu, mereka pun ikut-ikutan tanpa ilmu mentahdzir dan tertahdzir dari ulama lain, padahal ia tidak berkewajiban dan tidak layak untuk ikut-ikutan tahdzir mentahdzir.
Dalam buku ini banyak nasehat yang akan mencerahkan pembaca insyaaAllah ta'ala. Agar ahlussunnah saling mencintai, saling menghirmati, saling meyayangi.