Jihad Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The first act of Chechen suicide terrorism occurred on June 7, 2000 and was carried out by two young women. This inaugurated the migration of suicide terrorism from other conflict zones, into the Chechen conflict. How suicide terrorism as... more

The first act of Chechen suicide terrorism occurred on June 7, 2000 and was carried out by two young women. This inaugurated the migration of suicide terrorism from other conflict zones, into the Chechen conflict. How suicide terrorism as a tactic made it’s way into Chechnya is the topic of this paper, which provides an analysis of the events concerning the importation of militant ideologies and radical terrorist movements taking place since the Chechen declaration of independence as well as an empirical and theoretical analysis of Chechen suicide terrorism based on psycho-social interviews that were collected in Chechnya over a two-year time period from March 2003 to March 2005. We report data about suicide terrorism and the radicalization process from thirty-two interviews with family members and close associates of thirty-four Chechen suicide terrorists inquiring about the terrorists’ backgrounds, experiences, religious, and psychological reasons leading up to their suicidal acts.

The question of jihad is fundamental to Ibn Taymiyya since he is one of the theologians of the Mamluk period-and probably of the entire medieval period-who wrote the most on this subject. Jihad was an essential part of the life of the... more

The question of jihad is fundamental to Ibn Taymiyya since he is one of the theologians of the Mamluk period-and probably of the entire medieval period-who wrote the most on this subject. Jihad was an essential part of the life of the famous theologian of Damascus, who took part in the Mamluk war effort as a volunteer in various expeditions. Over the last decades, scholars have been interested in the issue of jihad in Ibn Taymiyya and have highlighted several elements. These works have helped us learn more about the ideology of jihad in Ibn Taymiyya. However, it should be noted that those works focus on the jihad against a particular enemy (Mongols, heretics of the Kisrawān, Shi'ites) in a particular context and do not deal much with Ibn Taymiyya's general conception of jihad, for which several grey areas remain. This article will discuss Ibn Taymiyya and his general conception of jihad. My method is broken down into two steps to provide new elements and research perspectives. In the first instance, I will identify the maximum of Ibn Taymiyya's writings and passages related to jihad, making the beginning of a type of inventory. Then I will analyze their content and cross-check them to bring to light general aspects of Ibn Taymiyya's conception of jihad.

When Edward Said wrote Orientalism, he was defending the honor of the Western "other," especially that of his fellow Arabs. Three years later, he published a book on Western media coverage of the Iranian revolution of 1979, in which he... more

When Edward Said wrote Orientalism, he was defending the honor of the Western "other," especially that of his fellow Arabs. Three years later, he published a book on Western media coverage of the Iranian revolution of 1979, in which he applied many of the principles he worked out in orientalism to Western journalists' coverage of events in 1979. It is probable that Said did not know that 1979 was 1400 in the Muslim calendar, and that it marked the dawn of modern global jihad and the drive for a global caliphate. It is also probable that Said had no idea that his attack on the West for their "racist" attitudes towards his fellow Arabs actually paralyzed the West's ability to deal with the cognitive war about to come. This chapter will analyze the way in which Said's honor-driven analysis worked to the benefit of those working towards a global caliphate, warriors whose values and goals were the exact opposite of what he espoused in his post-colonial work. The problems with the Western reception of Saïd continue to haunt democracies and progressive efforts.

The Syrian Salafi armed group Ahrar al-Sham epitomises the most prominent case of politicisation. By 2014, Ahrar al-Sham was the leading insurgent group in Syria, with the largest number of soldiers, presence throughout Syrian... more

The Syrian Salafi armed group Ahrar al-Sham epitomises the most prominent case of politicisation. By 2014, Ahrar al-Sham was the leading insurgent group in Syria, with the largest number of soldiers, presence throughout Syrian opposition-held areas, and relatively strong ties with foreign countries including Turkey and Qatar. Ahrar al-Sham explicitly rejected al-Qaida’s legacy and developed a more inclusive approach to other groups and the population. This chapter traces the group’s emergence and development to demonstrate how pre-war developments and a de-centralised alliance-based expansion underpinned its politicisation over the years. This case study also contends that politicisation was sustained by the group’s internal institutionalisation, which ultimately explains its successes and failures during the conflict. This chapter is based on extensive field research interviews in Turkey and north-west Syria in 2019 with an array of leaders and members of Ahrar al-Sham, armed opposition groups, and independent Syrian Islamists.

The delicate yet volatile balance of jihadi movements and insurgents within Afghanistan may be about to shift.

The aim of the research is to trace causes of the wave of terrorism in present day Bangladesh, to analyze the government’s response to it and to give possible scenarios of the further development of Bangladesh as the result of the clash... more

The aim of the research is to trace causes of the wave of terrorism in present day Bangladesh, to analyze the government’s response to it and to give possible scenarios of the further development of Bangladesh as the result of the clash between the government and radical Islamic terrorists. The research task is to make the monitoring of a press, the list of terrorist events and the list of victims and to analyze them. The main research method employed is historic one that puts all the events into the system of causes and consequences. The author finds the roots of present political instability in the ambiguous nature of Bangladesh and the conflict of the secular and the religious in its base. Bangladesh is the product of na-tionalist secession from the Islamic state of Pakistan while Pakistan is the result of Islamist secession from India. The author discusses numerous cases of terror in Bangladesh and attempts to give possible scenarios of political development in this South Asian country. The four most probable scenarios are the victory of the secular government, the change of the government and the domination of ‘mild Islamists’ in the new government, the Islamist victory and the new military coup that would suppress radical Islamists but also will suppress all legal political activity.

The different between jihad and terrorism is clear.

Е E-джихад (кіберджихад)-це ведення джихаду з вико-ристанням інформаційних засобів. Мовна обсерваторія Вар-шавського університету зареєструвала слово «кіберджихад» у 2016 р. У «Словнику польської мови» сказано, що це «дії проти невіруючих... more

Е E-джихад (кіберджихад)-це ведення джихаду з вико-ристанням інформаційних засобів. Мовна обсерваторія Вар-шавського університету зареєструвала слово «кіберджихад» у 2016 р. У «Словнику польської мови» сказано, що це «дії проти невіруючих і послідовників інших релігій, котрі проводяться ісламськими фундаменталістами в Інтернеті», однак це визначення дуже неточне й навіть частково хиб-не. Джихад є поняттям дуже розмитим і складним, запо-чатковано в Корані та має щонайменше два значення. Са-ме слово походить від арабського словесного іменника (masdar) від дієслова gahada і спочатку означало «доклада-ти старань, зусиль» для досягнення поставленої мети. Цим зусиллям могло бути як озброєне діяння (kital), так і бороть-ба зі своїми слабкостями. Так виник основний поділ на джихад дальній/великий (al-akbar) і близький/малий (al-asghar). Перший означає defacto внутрішній джихад, тобто шлях до звільнення від своїх слабкостей, другий-це збройна боротьба (kital). Докорінно збройний джихад мав обмежуватися до збройної боротьби в сурі ІІ Коран наказує боротися з тими, хто є агресором, самі послідовники не повинні бути ворогами. Проте вже в Сунні (традиції) джи-хад сприймається як агресивна війна проти тих, хто живе за межами ісламу (daral-islam) на землі війни (daral-harb). Особливо важливим є hadis: посланник Бога сказав: мені наказано боротися з людьми, допоки вони не визнають./ Що нікому не мають права поклонятися так, як Богу єди-ному і що Мухаммад є посланником Аллаха [...]».Так від-бувся поділ на войовничий джихад ближній (тобто обо-ронний-al-daf) і войовничий джихад дальній (атакуючий-altalab). Однак важливо, що джихад-це обов'язок кожно-го мусульманина. Звичайно, не кожен схильний до зброй-ної боротьби, у такому випадку повинен надавати допомо-гу войовникам так, як тільки може. Цим способом може бути фінансова підтримка (al-jihadbilmal). Отже, викорис-товуючи цей простий поділ, можемо розділити е-джихад

In 2012, northern Mali seceded from the rest of the country under the leadership of secessionist and Islamist groups. This, and subsequent events, have been interpreted, broadly speaking, in two ways. First, as a result of the unchecked... more

In 2012, northern Mali seceded from the rest of the country under the leadership of secessionist and Islamist groups. This, and subsequent events, have been interpreted, broadly speaking, in two ways. First, as a result of the unchecked influence of external actors representing 'global jihad' on a country whose Islamic practice had until then been described as 'moderate'. Second, allegiance to Islamist groups was seen as a strategy in local power struggles. Without wanting to invalidate the latter interpretation, this chapter asks what would happen if we took the Islamic rhetoric put forward by various actors in northern Mali seriously. This implies understanding Islam in the region both in local and in transregional terms, and placing it within a narrative not of radical rupture, but of continuity. Contemporary tensions between local conflicts and universal notions of justice, legitimacy and belonging, have in fact a long and variegated history in the area.

Afghanistan's future will continue to be defined substantially by Islamabad's mischief. Unless Pakistan is compelled by the international community to end its support to the Taliban and other extremist formations in Afghanistan, the... more

Afghanistan's future will continue to be defined substantially by Islamabad's mischief. Unless Pakistan is compelled by the international community to end its support to the Taliban and other extremist formations in Afghanistan, the prevailing troubles can only escalate.

In the week I took writing this review, Beirut, Paris and Bamako were attacked by terrorists claiming to act in the name of Islam. In the days following the attacks, a mosque was burnt down in Canada and multiple European countries... more

In the week I took writing this review, Beirut, Paris and Bamako were attacked by terrorists claiming to act in the name of Islam. In the days following the attacks, a mosque was burnt down in Canada and multiple European countries recorded a spike in hate crime against Muslims, as far-right organizations continued to mobilize crowds across the continent. Radicalization has become a central issue...

an analysis of the interactions between two major current global millennial movements, Global Progressive Leftists and Global Caliphaters.

מבט השוואתי על סוגיות של מלחמה ושלום בדת היהודית ובאסלאם, בראי היחסים הבינלאומיים.

Following recent terrorist attacks in the US and Europe, Western Muslims have been criticized for not taking a firm stand against radical Islam and extremist organizations. Drawing on insights from narrative criminology, we challenge such... more

Following recent terrorist attacks in the US and Europe, Western Muslims have been criticized for not taking a firm stand against radical Islam and extremist organizations. Drawing on insights from narrative criminology, we challenge such assertions and reveal Muslims’ narrative mobilization against violent jihadism. Based on 90 qualitative interviews with young Muslims in Norway, we show how violent extremism is rejected in a multitude of ways. This narrative resistance includes criticizing extremist jihadist organizations for false interpretations of Islam and using derogatory terms to describe them. It also includes less obvious forms of narrative resistance, such as humour and attempts to silence jihadist organizations by ignoring them. While narrative criminology has effectively analysed the stories that constitute harm, less attention has been paid to narratives that counter harm. We argue that stories that counter jihadi narratives are crucial to understand the narrative struggles of Muslim communities, whose outcomes can help determine why some individuals end up becoming religious extremists – while others do not. By distinguishing between factual, emotional and humorous counter-narratives and describing silence as a form of resistance, we show resistance to extremism that is often concealed from the public and the state.

Nella sintesi dialettica tra la violenza politica e la sua percezione pubblica, il decennio ottantino rappresenta il termina ad quem che s'incarica di risolvere la tensione post-sessantottina. Il sintomo maggiore si ritrova nella debole... more

Nella sintesi dialettica tra la violenza politica e la sua percezione pubblica, il decennio ottantino rappresenta il termina ad quem che s'incarica di risolvere la tensione post-sessantottina. Il sintomo maggiore si ritrova nella debole reazione popolare di fronte ali "ultimi fuochi brigatisti": in questo senso, il degradarsi velocissimo della "notizia terroristica" - banalizzata a delitto comune di "nera" - rivela quanto la sparizione di un "teatro nazionale della paura" lungo gli anni Ottanta abbia pesato nella soluzione complessiva degli "anni di piombo" in Italia

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal... more

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal of Muslims and Islam. The goal is to offer a more-inclusive insight into the media coverage of jihad which led to the hijacking of the notion of jihad by Western mainstream media as well as a seemingly unfair representation of an entire nation. I will attempt to offer a rather detailed account on the terms “Islamist” and “jihad” as per their usage by the mainstream media. Furthermore, it will scrutinise the role of the media as a platform for neo-jihadis. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: Firstly, has the concept of Jihad and the religion of Islam been overtaken by the Western media? Secondly, is the representation of Muslims in the mainstream Western media within an Islamophobic context? And finally, to what extent have the media policies and issues of censorship impacted the portrayal of Muslims and Islam in the media? Along with attempting to present a contextually informed answer to this question, this research will further touch upon the Impact of Orientalism on Islam and shed light on the guidelines and policies followed by media corporations with regards to conveying acts of terrorism.

Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog trachtten zowel de Duits-Osmaanse zijde, alsook Britten en Fransen moslimbevolkingen voor zich te winnen met behulp van propaganda. In de Duitse campagne werd de oorlog tegen de geallieerden als jihad, een... more

Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog trachtten zowel de Duits-Osmaanse zijde, alsook Britten en Fransen moslimbevolkingen voor zich te winnen met behulp van propaganda. In de Duitse campagne werd de oorlog tegen de geallieerden als jihad, een oorlog tegen de vijanden van de islam, afgeschilderd. De strategie was niet zonder succes maar het effect was uiteindelijk beperkt.

This paper aims to identify the effect that the terrorist organization has had on the Nigerian government, focusing mainly on Nigeria's declaration of a state of emergency in 2011 and its establishment of the Joint Task Force shortly... more

This paper aims to identify the effect that the terrorist organization has had on the Nigerian government, focusing mainly on Nigeria's declaration of a state of emergency in 2011 and its establishment of the Joint Task Force shortly after. This paper takes into account the constitutional rights of Nigerian citizens, and how these rights have been largely derogated since 2011.

This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institutions, the public and states with a reliable definition that can be applied anywhere. There are particular issues associated with defining... more

This essay looks at why terrorism is a contested concept and its disability in providing institutions, the public and states with a reliable definition that can be applied anywhere. There are particular issues associated with defining terrorism, it relates to multiple models such as communication and religion, particular terms associated with ‘terrorism’ may be misconstrued, the lack of historical validity terrorism does not possess, how state terrorism is ignored in larger terrorism studies and formations of terrorism may appear unreliable. In practice, this essay will look at how terrorism as a contested concept has lead to innocent civilian deaths, the ‘acceptable’ of state terrorism and brushed under the rug topics such as terrorist groups turned political parties.

Ethnologiquement et historiquement, l’Afro-Américain et l’Arabo-Européen ont beaucoup en commun. Plusieurs générations après avoir été “importés” dans une terre promise, ils ne sont toujours pas considérés comme des citoyens à part... more

Ethnologiquement et historiquement, l’Afro-Américain et l’Arabo-Européen ont beaucoup en commun. Plusieurs générations après avoir été “importés” dans une terre promise, ils ne sont toujours pas considérés comme des citoyens à part entière. Dans “Malcolm X, Discours aux Cités de la République”, l’islamophobie française est comparée au racisme américain à travers les discours de Malcolm X qui retourne à l’époque de l’esclavage américain du XVIIIe siècle pour résoudre les problèmes de la communauté noire aux Etats-Unis. Bien que cette recherche fut écrite (en anglais) il y a huit ans, elle semble aujourd'hui être d’actualité plus qu’elle ne l’était à l’époque…

This paper discussed the evolution of the movement of Jiahd launched by Syed Ahmad Shaheed into different forms till it culminated into the movement of the Taliban.

Masterscriptie - januari 2012