Gender And Violence Research Papers (original) (raw)

This was a research paper for a course entitled Feminist and Multicultural Theologies. I unpack what gender complementarianism is, examine its history, and compare it to how Scripture and earlier Christian Tradition understood gender.... more

This was a research paper for a course entitled Feminist and Multicultural Theologies. I unpack what gender complementarianism is, examine its history, and compare it to how Scripture and earlier Christian Tradition understood gender. This allows me to establish that gender complementarianism is a recent innovation in secular and Christian thinking about gender, and that it can be described as a "trajectory" from Scripture and Tradition on gender, influenced by social, ideological, and intellectual developments in secular societies. I then pursue a critique of gender complementarianism, arguing that it is an "unsatisfactory trajectory" because it has troubling implications for orthodox theology, is not borne out by empirical experience and observation, and has harmful effects on human beings and societies and on ethical development.

"Perché sedurla se puoi sedarla?", oppure "perché sedurla se puoi saldarla?": solo due esempi del livello di violenza e brutalità quotidianamente veicolate dai social in pagine che mescolano misoginia, omo/transfobia, razzismo,... more

"Perché sedurla se puoi sedarla?", oppure "perché sedurla se puoi saldarla?": solo due esempi del livello di violenza e brutalità quotidianamente veicolate dai social in pagine che mescolano misoginia, omo/transfobia, razzismo, incitamenti alla pedofilia. Al centro di questa indagine, la violenza contro le donne, ma anche la violenza che dalle donne è agita, due fenomeni speculari benché di natura e portata assai diverse, che sono analizzati nella loro copertura mediale. Dalle serie tv a circolazione globale alle cronache nazionali, dalla musica alla pubblicità, muovendosi tra "factual" e "fictional", ciascuna delle due forme di violenza è esplorata attraverso molteplici raffronti tra il piano della realtà e il piano della rappresentazione, illustrando modelli, attori, dinamiche, radici, così come retoriche, estetiche, politiche.

The hijab is seen as a tool of Gender oppression. Is it really a sign of women"s enslavement? Or "degrading prison"? Or is it a sign of women"s modesty and liberation? Why doesn"t anyone ask the women who choose to wear it"? Or is it... more

The hijab is seen as a tool of Gender oppression. Is it really a sign of women"s enslavement? Or "degrading prison"? Or is it a sign of women"s modesty and liberation? Why doesn"t anyone ask the women who choose to wear it"? Or is it simply cultural difference (ethnocentrism or xenophobia) that it is regarded as oppressive. Many people argue Islam oppresses and discriminates women by wearing veils or hijab, while few people view it as a sign of women"s protection or liberation. These two views are held by West and Europe, and Islam respectively. The tight, transparent or half nude dress which Islam prohibits is admired in western culture and flaunted by western women. Thus it would be quite improper and unfair to say that Islam oppresses women" unless we study it, research it or understand it in the light of Islamic perspective. In this paper, an effort has been made to throw light on hijab and its relevance with gender oppression or liberation in the light of Islamic and western perspective. This paper is primarily based on secondary data content analysis research methodology. The main objective of the paper is to make us understand what hijab is.? and to stimulate our brains regarding its relation with gender liberation or oppression.

En las sociedades contemporáneas el consumo de servicios de prostitución, mayoritariamente entre la población masculina, es uno de los indicadores más significativos de una forma de entender, vivir y sentir la sexualidad. España es el... more

En las sociedades contemporáneas el consumo de servicios de prostitución, mayoritariamente entre la población masculina, es uno de los indicadores más significativos de una forma de entender, vivir y sentir la sexualidad. España es el primer país europeo en consumo de prostitución, pero la actividad no está regulada, su consumo no está penado, así como tampoco su oferta. Se aborda la construcción de las identidades masculinas en España en relación a la prostitución. Se ha recurrido al análisis de 18 entrevistas a clientes de servicios de prostitución, dos a trabajadores de prostíbulos y un grupo de discusión con clientes y no clientes. Se han descubierto cuatro <em>ethos</em> de consumidores de prostitución (misógino, mercantilista, amigo crítico). A pesar de las masculinidades emergentes (amigo-acompañante) frente al modelo tradicional de masculinidad (padre-protector) ambas posibilitan una lógica en la que el consumo de servicios de prostitución tiene plena vigencia y ...

En España, desde 1999, más de un millar de mujeres han sido asesinadas por sus parejas o exparejas. Casi la mitad de los asesinatos de mujeres en el mundo son feminicidios –asesinatos por razón de género–, con una cifra estimada de unos... more

En España, desde 1999, más de un millar de mujeres han sido asesinadas por sus parejas o exparejas. Casi la mitad de los asesinatos de mujeres en el mundo son feminicidios –asesinatos por razón de género–, con una cifra estimada de unos 65.000 anuales según la ONU. Y ante esta realidad, ¿qué papel juega el cine? ¿Representa este verdaderamente la realidad o también la crea?

In the current study, we propose an integrative approach, which will incorporate elements from the social learning and self-control theories of delinquency and crime to examine violence in an understudied, marginalized, and often... more

In the current study, we propose an integrative approach, which will incorporate elements from the social learning and self-control theories of delinquency and crime to examine violence in an understudied, marginalized, and often discriminated subpopulation group—American Indian youth. The analysis is based on survey data collected between 2009 and 2013 from a sample of American Indian adolescents ( N = 3,380) enrolled in 27 school districts located in five regions of the United States (Northern Plains, Southwest, Upper Great Lakes, Southeast/Texas, and the Northeast). The main objective of the analysis is to identify the factors more likely to predict violent offending among American Indian adolescents, a vulnerable group that has an elevated risk of violent victimization. Results of the Tobit regression analysis indicate that in both gender groups a low level of self-control, association with delinquent friends, poor school performance, and underage alcohol consumption significant...

The presentation examines different manifestations of violence in contemporary Latin America.

En las sociedades contemporáneas la figura de la víctima ya opera como sinónimo de ciudadanía. En el caso español, la víctima violencia de género ha venido a ocupar una posición central en esta generalización victimal en un proceso... more

En las sociedades contemporáneas la figura de la víctima ya opera como sinónimo de ciudadanía. En el caso español, la víctima violencia de género ha venido a ocupar una posición central en esta generalización victimal en un proceso acentuado por la Ley Integral contra la violencia de género. Esta ha supuesto un alto grado de institucionalización en su tratamiento. Partiendo del análisis de entrevistas a mujeres objeto de malos tratos, principalmente, se plantea que la especificidad de la víctima de violencia de género no radica ni en el origen o la causa ni en su grado de sufrimiento, sino en la respuesta institucional a esa situación, en la forma en la que se activan los dispositivos institucionales y que configuran su identidad. Se identifican tres hitos en el itinerario que sigue una víctima institucionalizada de violencia de género: la revelación, la agencia y la vida simulada. Los diferentes dispositivos que se ponen en marcha dan lugar a un proceso de tutorización basado en un...

Family violence is a serious social problem across various communities in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This feminist ethnography centres the stories of diasporic South Asian young women living in Aotearoa, their experiences of migration,... more

Family violence is a serious social problem across various communities in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This feminist ethnography centres the stories of diasporic South Asian young women living in Aotearoa, their experiences of migration, violence, Shakti refuge life and moving on. Shakti is a feminist organisation that advocates for Asian, Middle Eastern and African women survivors of family violence. I argue that age and immigration status significantly informs relations of power and discrimination, from survivors’ experiences of family violence to their lives after crisis. I assert that feminist intersectionality, the dominant theory for explaining immigrant women’s experiences of domestic violence, is limited and requires theoretical supplementation. I advocate for more analyses of relationships to counter the overemphasis on identities in intersectional understandings of inequality and violence, specifically more attention to generational relationships. Survivors’ agency, mobility and age are foregrounded in this thesis to consider the instability of power relations and possibilities of change. Shakti intervention services provided a transitional space and a key source of support for youth survivors. A sense of communitas was built with other survivors in the refuge like other kinds of rites of passage. Shakti youth survivors continued to struggle with immigration; employment issues; mental health and reflected on feelings of both hope and despair in their lives post-crisis. Their strategies often involve mobility as part of a process of moving on, seeking social connections and places of belonging. They invested in cultural and economic capital to rebuild their lives. Structural violence is deeply intertwined with family violence in survivor’s stories. Feminist politics for liberation and social change need to challenge the entanglement of social hierarchies with political economy.

Political violence is unfolding in our pockets-on our phones and devices and across the social media we consume-and it is targeting women in politics. This paper analyzes trends emerging from IFES' global qualitative and quantitative... more

Political violence is unfolding in our pockets-on our phones and devices and across the social media we consume-and it is targeting women in politics. This paper analyzes trends emerging from IFES' global qualitative and quantitative social media research in 7 countries (Zimbabwe, Haiti, Afghanistan, Nepal, Papua New Guinea, Sri Lanka and Ukraine). Gender-based online violence is a global phenomenon; in each country IFES has researched, we find salient examples of online aggression linked to women's political participation and expression of free speech. Our research takes a nuanced look at the contours of violence against women in politics online (VAWP-Online). These interim findings of IFES' ongoing research reveal an intensifying spiral of online incivility, information disorders, hate speech and overt violence directed at women in public leadership roles.

Final commentary on the exciting papers in the new volume on Gender and Violence in Archaeology.

En 1994, le Rwanda devient tristement célèbre à cause d’un génocide d’une intensité inouïe qui fauche près d’un million de vies en cent jours, sur une population estimée à 7 ou 8 millions. Le groupe minoritaire identifié comme Tutsi est... more

En 1994, le Rwanda devient tristement célèbre à cause d’un génocide d’une intensité inouïe qui fauche près d’un million de vies en cent jours, sur une population estimée à 7 ou 8 millions. Le groupe minoritaire identifié comme Tutsi est la principale cible des massacres et des tortures. Cette tragédie s’associe à des violences dont l’amplitude et la cruauté laissent les survivants et les survivantes aux prises avec de gravissimes séquelles physiques et morales. Dans la masse des productions intellectuelles sur ces événements, peu s’intéressent à l’expérience spécifique des femmes, peu adoptent une analyse des rapports sociaux de sexe pour les comprendre. Les plus jeunes rescapées avaient 8 et 11 ans en 1994. Certaines sont ainsi restées plusieurs mois les esclaves sexuelles de soldats, de miliciens, de politiciens ou de simples quidams. Toutes ont perdu des proches, enfant, époux, père, mère, frère, sœur…
Le viol représente l’un des actes de violence qui reçoit le plus d’attention de la part des médias et de l’opinion publique, en même temps qu’il souffre de la désinformation chronique opérée par des discours souvent empreints de clichés et de sensationnalisme.
La perspective féministe de l'auteure l’amène à prendre la mesure des soubassements culturels, sociaux et politiques sur lesquels repose la systématisation du viol en temps de guerre. Pour comprendre comment ces hommes et ces femmes du Rwanda, minuscule territoire culturellement et linguistiquement homogène, ont pu en arriver à commettre des actes si monstrueux, ne faut-il pas, en effet, cette figure de l’Autre, tutsi, colonisateur, femme, imputables d’un problème politique ? Au Rwanda, l’endoctrinement des foules a encouragé la stigmatisation des Tutsi. Les médias de la haine ont propagé la représentation des femmes tutsi comme des êtres dotés d’un charme maléfique et d’une sexualité dévorante au service de leur « race ». L’ennemi « femme » apparaît toujours différent de l’ennemi-tout-court.

Spurred by the advent of the Internet and the camera phone, in the early 21st century street fighting met the information superhighway. Today, one of the key vehicles accelerating this turn are Facebook fight pages: user-generated content... more

Spurred by the advent of the Internet and the camera phone, in the early 21st century street fighting met the information superhighway. Today, one of the key vehicles accelerating this turn are Facebook fight pages: user-generated content aggregation pages that publicly host footage of street fights, and other forms of bare-knuckle violence on the popular social networking site. Drawing on observational data collected from five popular fight pages, and survey data from 205 fight page users, this article explores the different forms of bareknuckle violence hosted on these online domains and their users' motivations for viewing it. Through doing so, it examines eleven distinct modes of spectating bareknuckle violence on fight pages: entertainment, consumptive deviance, righteous justice, amusement, self-affirmation, nostalgia, boredom alleviation, intrigue, self-defence training, and risk awareness. Additionally, I argue that to understand these modes of spectating bareknuckle violence, we have to address the codes of masculinity that underlie not only much of the violence hosted on fight pages, but also spectators' readings of these events.

Studies in legal pluralism have contributed to the framing and understanding of legal systems in the developing world. This article utilises the conceptual framework of legal pluralism as an all embracing field in which the... more

Studies in legal pluralism have contributed to the framing and understanding of legal systems in the developing world. This article utilises the conceptual framework of legal pluralism as an all embracing field in which the inter-connectedness of state and non-state laws can be more deeply explored, and through which grassroots realities including local actors' internalisation of international human rights laws can be analysed. In terms of 'pluralism' this article examines some of the numerous units of non-state law or regulation operating on the ground in addition to or instead of formal state law. In this way, the role and contribution of studies in legal pluralism within the global north/global south debate becomes one that elucidates the resilience of non-state laws and norms in the face of contemporary global changes and state legal reforms. Working from a grounded theory paradigm, and drawing on the discourse of women victims of violence, accused and their families in eight states of India, the data presented here highlight various aspects of the limits of law's capabilities, the power of informal laws operating on the ground and the relationship of formal law with family and community non-state laws and norms. 1 They further highlight how through the lens

This chapter explores how feminist historical analyses are understood in a post-truth framework, with a particular focus on gender violence. Given that gender violence – and gender inequality more generally – is rooted in pervasively... more

This chapter explores how feminist historical analyses are understood in a post-truth framework, with a particular focus on gender violence. Given that gender violence – and gender inequality more generally – is rooted in pervasively accepted societal myths, feminists and feminist historians have long been confronted with the challenge of how to overcome ideas that are underpinned by emotional rather than evidence-based understandings. Furthermore, the tendency to dismiss feminist knowledge production about gender violence as mere myth has long preceded the post-truth age. Current modes of history, such as quantitative and digital approaches, can reinforce feminist interpretations of the past yet themselves remain open to challenges. How, then, do the politics of believing women relate to gendered approaches to truth and post-truth for historians?

Drawing on an affective framework, this qualitative content analysis of the immediate public responses on Twitter in the hours following Jian Ghomeshi’s not guilty verdict (n = 3943 tweets) reveals two key discourses of public opinion.... more

Drawing on an affective framework, this qualitative content analysis of the immediate public responses on Twitter in the hours following Jian Ghomeshi’s not guilty verdict (n = 3943 tweets) reveals two key discourses of public opinion. Twitter users depicted the criminal justice system (CJS) as having worked and/or failed, and these intensifying divisions were highly gendered. Members of the public pitted notions of the “rational male” against the “emotional female”, and these debates heavily supported or opposed a patriarchal legal rationality. This study sheds light on the ways in which adversarial justice systems reproduce adversarial discourses on crime, and overlook the problems entangled in misleading applications of rationality to sexual consent. The wide circulation of blame to all parties involved in this case leads us to the conclusion that the CJS, in its current punitive form, does not instil a sense of confidence in the public. With a shifted focus on the healing and dignity of everyone involved in sexual assault cases, we recommend Restorative and Transformative approaches to justice as alternative measures to respond to sexual assault.

The Ifugaos seem to be the only people in the world who have developed peacemaking ideology in a typically aggressive genre of oral literature. The rich literature on epic traditions worldwide portrays a highly male-centered genre of song... more

The Ifugaos seem to be the only people in the world who have developed peacemaking ideology in a typically aggressive genre of oral literature. The rich literature on epic traditions worldwide portrays a highly male-centered genre of song glorifying heroic values and warlike acts. Ifugao male epics represents aggressive ideology, which it shares with all the corresponding genres from India to Iceland. But what is specific of the Ifugao epic lore is that it contains two trends. The /hudhud/, female epic tradition of the Ifugaos, is a unique specimen of peacemaking, even pacifist ideology in epic form. This ideology has developed in the peak of headhunting period, i.e. it is genuine, not imposed by the influence of other cultures as, for instance, the motives of regret that appeared in Kalinga Ullalim under the influence of Christianization and American "order".

O presente artigo argumenta que o reconhecimento do caráter estrutural da violência de gênero exige uma reconfiguração do campo político- criminal e das categorias dogmáticas tradicionais do direito penal, para refletirem adequadamente as... more

O presente artigo argumenta que o reconhecimento do caráter estrutural da violência de gênero exige uma reconfiguração do campo político- criminal e das categorias dogmáticas tradicionais do direito penal, para refletirem adequadamente as experiências de violências de mulheres diversas e a nova diretriz político- jurídica de equidade de gênero. O trabalho não pretende realizar uma revisão aprofundada dos fundamentos das estruturas dogmáticas, apenas sinalizar, por meio de uma metodologia indutiva derivada da visão panorâmica da coleção de casos de recalibragem das estruturas dogmáticas do direito penal brasileiro, a possível emergência de um campo jurídico-hermenêutico próprio da dogmática penal com perspectiva de gênero.
Sumário: Introdução; I. A introdução da perspectiva de gênero no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro; II. A violência psicológica na VDFCM como coerção imanente e como lesão à saúde; III. A violência sexual e a exigência de resistência; IV. A criminalidade feminina; 1. Legítima defesa da mulher em contexto de violência doméstica crônica; 2. Mulheres e o tráfico de drogas; 3. Outras áreas: crimes omissivos impróprios e o aborto; Conclusão.

El presente volumen se concibe como una especie de secuela a Narrativas de la violencia. Guerra, sociedad y familia, publicado por esta misma editorial. Los trabajos en él recopilados responden al mismo designio que la primera entrega:... more

El presente volumen se concibe como una especie de secuela a Narrativas de la violencia. Guerra, sociedad y familia, publicado por esta misma editorial. Los trabajos en él recopilados responden al mismo designio que la primera entrega: preguntarse acerca de las múltiples formas de la violencia en la sociedad occidental, tal y como se aborda en la creación de diferentes autores de habla hispana. El foco se dirige, en esta ocasión, hacia las dinámicas entre sexos e identidades sexuales, la vida cotidiana y las relaciones de poder. El denominador común en todos estos ámbitos es el desequilibrio, las tensiones entre sujetos que, bien buscan imponer su criterio a la fuerza, bien son víctimas de una opresión individual o institucionalizada. Sin juzgar a unos ni compadecer a otros –pero sentando las bases para un diagnóstico objetivo e implacable–, proponen los investigadores aquí reunidos sus visiones del problema, fundadas en el rigor científico y el compromiso ético.

This paper will address Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’s The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum (1975) together with Walter Benjamin’s “Critique of Violence” – and its interpretation by Slavoj Žižek in Violence – in order to... more

This paper will address Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’s The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum (1975) together with Walter Benjamin’s “Critique of Violence” – and its interpretation by Slavoj Žižek in Violence – in order to explore the concepts of mythic and divine violence within the film. First, I will explore the “law-preserving” and “law-making” powers of the state exerted by both the police and, more importantly, the press in the film as forms of mythic violence, which suggest a rapport between Benjamin’s text and Althusser’s well-known concepts of repressive and ideological state apparatus. I will furthermore attempt to approach this question at the level of genre: in the melodramatic excesses of Schlöndorff and Trotta’s film, I will suggest – via Thomas Elsaesser’s genealogy of melodrama in “Tales of Sound and Fury” – that it is possible to discern the functioning of mythic violence as the sudden reversals of fortune and egregious suffering that are fundamental to the genre. I will then ask whether, through Katharina’s acts of resistance and final, murderous outburst, the film could open up a potential space for divine violence. If – as Benjamin and Žižek suggest – it cannot be objectively defined, then can Katharina Blum at least point to the possibility for divine violence as, in Žižek’s terms, the counter violence to the excess of state power? By offering us, as spectators, a moment where we sympathise with – if not actively urge – the murder of Katharina’s tormentor, the tabloid hack and agent of institutional oppression, Werner Tötges, might the film place us in a position (as we could speculate did Katharina) to “wrestle with [the commandment “Thou shalt not kill”] in solitude and (…) to take upon [ourselves] the responsibility of ignoring it”?

This study examines attitudes towards honour killing among 856 ninth grade students in 14 schools in Amman, Jordan. Findings suggest that attitudes in support of honor killings are more likely amongst adolescents who have collectivist and... more

This study examines attitudes towards honour killing among 856 ninth grade students in 14 schools in Amman, Jordan. Findings suggest that attitudes in support of honor killings are more likely amongst adolescents who have collectivist and patriarchal world views, believe in the importance of female chastity amongst adolescents, and morally neutralize aggressive behavior in general. Support for honor killing is stronger amongst male adolescents and adolescents for low education backgrounds

Kitap 2016 yılında Türkiye'de yaşanan kadına yönelik ölümcül şiddet vakaları ile ilgili sayısal verileri, resmi kayıtlardan hareketle analiz etmektedir. Olaylarla ilgili nicel verilerin yanı sıra, olay tutanaklarının da (kişisel... more

Kitap 2016 yılında Türkiye'de yaşanan kadına yönelik ölümcül şiddet vakaları ile ilgili sayısal verileri, resmi kayıtlardan hareketle analiz etmektedir. Olaylarla ilgili nicel verilerin yanı sıra, olay tutanaklarının da (kişisel verilerden arındırılarak) ayrıntılı olarak analiz edilmesiyle hazırlanan kitap (2017 ve 2018 yıllarına ait verilerin de yer aldığı raporla birlikte), 6 Mart 2019 tarihinde İçişleri Bakanı tarafından basına tanıtılmıştır (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cYyIMk30wq8&feature=youtu.be). Yine Küçüker Yıldız ile birlikte hazırladığımız, 2016-2017-2018 yıllarına ait kadın cinayeti verilerini analiz eden bir başka çalışmamızın künyesi şöyledir: Taştan, C. ve Küçüker Yıldız, A. (2018). Dünyada ve Türkiye'de kadın cinayetleri: 2016-2017-2018 verileri ve analizler. Ankara: Polis Akademisi Yayınları.

Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität sind traditionell stark umkämpfte politische Gegenstände. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, dass sich die binäre heterosexuelle Geschlechterordnung mit dem Schein des Natürlichen zu umgeben vermag: Nur zu... more

Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität sind traditionell stark umkämpfte politische Gegenstände. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, dass sich die binäre heterosexuelle Geschlechterordnung mit dem Schein des Natürlichen zu umgeben vermag: Nur zu gerne wird die Fiktion eines Urzustandes herangezogen, um zu argumentieren, dass das heterosexuelle Begehren eben deshalb naturgemäß ist, weil es der Reproduktion der Gattung diene und sich die natürlichen Geschlechterrollen wiederum ganz selbstverständlich aus diesen reproduktiven Bedingungen ableiten lassen. Im Zuge der politischen Kämpfe von Gleichheits-, Differenz-und Queerfeminismus um eine emanzipative Geschlechterordnung hat diese Fiktion und die mit ihr einhergehende Formel ‚Biologie ist Schicksal' heute vielerorts ihre Überzeugungskraft eingebüßt. Gleichwohl sind wir derzeit mit einer breiten politischen Bewegung konfrontiert, in der von konservativer, nationalistischer und religiöser Seite unter dem Label des ‚Anti-Genderismus' auf breiter Front Stellung gegen die theoretischen und politischen Errungenschaften des Feminismus und weiterer emanzipatorischer Bewegungen bezogen wird. Der Streitpunkt lässt sich dabei provisorisch auf folgende vereinfachte Formel zuspitzen: Während das politische Projekt des " Anti-Genderismus " auf eine Begrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität zielt, setzen sich viele Akteur_innen aus den Gender Studies für die Entgrenzung von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität ein. Auffällig ist nun, dass die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Anti-Genderismus und Gender Studies nicht mithilfe des zwanglosen Zwangs des besseren Arguments geführt wird. Ganz im Gegenteil: Statt mit kommunikativem Handeln wird die Auseinandersetzung vor allem von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus mit den Mitteln sprachlicher Gewalt betrieben. Es sind dabei vor allem die Mittel der Demütigung, der Kränkung und der Diffamierung, die dazu dienen, die politischen Opponent_innen zum Schweigen zu bringen und aus der politischen Arena auszuschließen. Bevor ich es mir im Folgenden zur Aufgabe mache, diese drei Formen der sprachlichen Gewalt genauer zu analysieren, möchte ich zeigen, dass der Einsatz sprachlicher Gewalt von Seiten des Anti-Genderismus nicht einfach auf einen allgemeinen Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur zurückzuführen ist, sondern vielmehr symptomatischen Charakter hat. Die Position des Anti-Genderismus, so möchte ich nämlich zeigen, ist der Sache nach gar nicht dazu in der Lage, sich mit den Gender Studies in einen politischen Wettstreit zu begeben, da die Pluralität von Geschlecht, Begehren und Sexualität das nicht anerkennbare Andere des eigenen politischen Diskurses bildet. Die Diffamierung der Gender Studies mit den Mitteln der sprachlichen Gewalt, so meine These, ist daher nicht dem Verfall der öffentlichen Debattenkultur geschuldet, sondern vielmehr eine inhärente Konsequenz der Positionen des Anti-Genderismus selbst.

Maria Tatar states that the fairy-tale Beauty and the Beast depicts, “The transformative power of empathy, that encodes messages about […] romance, marriage, and ‘The Other’” (9). Because of these coded messages, the story and its many... more

Maria Tatar states that the fairy-tale Beauty and the Beast depicts, “The transformative power of empathy, that encodes messages about […] romance, marriage, and ‘The Other’” (9). Because of these coded messages, the story and its many retellings have provided fertile ground for discussions on empathy and gender. The tale, from its very inception, has managed to resonate with how different eras view empathy and its interactions with gender relations, which can be seen through the multiple adaptations and variations of the tale. Through four chapters, my dissertation explores four iterations of Beauty and the Beast, along with other culturally mainstream “beastly” media, through the lens of gender and empathy. The first chapter explores Jeanne-Marie Leprince de Beaumont’s 1756 fairy-tale, and how it reflects conflicting ideas of sympathy and arranged marriage. The second chapter discusses how Jean Cocteau’s 1946 avant-garde film subverts the 1940s culture of gender conformism along with its forcing of female domesticity, and does so by reflecting Simone de Beauvoir’s ideas of gendered reciprocity. The third chapter considers the manifestation of the New Sincerity in Disney’s 1991 animated film, and how it prioritises male transformation over female self-definition. The fourth chapter, which covers the Disney 2017 remake, looks at how feminist critique targets the fairy-tale, and how it is counteracted by the trend of nostalgia within media. I conclude that the multiple iterations of Beauty and the Beast show that despite being a “Tale as old as time,” the story is still being told in accordance with western society’s view of gender relations and empathy, and it is very likely that the tale will continue to be told.

A deeply touching and painfully thoughtful expose on the plight of women in Afghanistan, analyzed through the creative lens of Maryam Mahboob's writing. While any political analysis that utilizes literature as its chief source has to be... more

A deeply touching and painfully thoughtful expose on the plight of women in Afghanistan, analyzed through the creative lens of Maryam Mahboob's writing. While any political analysis that utilizes literature as its chief source has to be by default analysis through microcosm-anecdotal and intensively minute in everyday life detail-this book is also organized across very important macro-themes, like politics, women's issues, war, radicalization, exile, and identity. Utilizing this structure allows the words at the micro-level to easily connect to the macro-level of international affairs, conflict, and peacebuilding. There is no doubt the true purpose of the work is to bring the reader deep into the psychological conflict and personal turmoil suffered by women throughout the horrific tumult that describes Afghani life and politics for nearly four decades that is seen in Mahboob's works. But it also serves as a powerful launching point for readers who want to pursue the bigger issues that the work takes on, including diaspora dilemmas, gender studies, and religious radicalization's impact on civil society. The chapters could be better organized to maximize that impact but this is a minor quibble. Since its founding as a monthly collection of recommended titles more than 50 years ago, Choice has become the go-to source for librarians seeking worthwhile new titles for their collection. Our publication offers approximately 600 reviews every month, identifying the best new books and digital content in academia. With more than 2,400 institutions served worldwide, Choice is the premier review journal of new academic titles. Choice is the publishing branch of the Association of College & Research Libraries, a division of the American Library Association. Together, Choice and the ACRL provide professional development tools for librarianship. Our webinars, bibliographic essays, and digital publications help librarians strengthen their skills, and further their careers.