People Power Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Cet article est consacré à la « multitude », un terme clé aujourd’hui dans les interprétations opéraïste et populiste de Machiavel. À travers l’étude du lexique des auteurs appartenant à la tradition aristotélicienne et thomiste, cet article met en évidence l’ambiguïté substantielle de ce terme et de ce sujet collectif. L’analyse que Machiavel consacre en particulier à la multitude en tant que composante « désordonnée » du corps politique, révèle des analogies avec la réflexion contemporaine de Pietro Pomponazzi (De incantationibus). Du point de vue de l’histoire des
sciences sociales, l’hypothèse développée est que la découverte de la dimension psychique de la multitude au début du XVIe siècle constitue un tournant épistémique qui permet de repenser la chronologie de la foule comme objet d’étude et de gouvernement.

- by Sandro Landi
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- Intellectual History, Populism, History of Political Thought, Machiavelli

As an outcome of the re-democratization movement in South Korea, the recent success of the 2016-2017 Candlelight Revolution provides an illuminating perspective on the ongoing crisis of democracy in the U.S. and elsewhere. Tracing an unexpected material link to the 1986 People Power Revolution in the Philippines, this article also offers an analysis of the role of collective memory in galvanizing widespread popular dissent in 21st-century South Korea. In particular, it seeks to trace the relationship between the 2014 Sewol Ferry Disaster and the Candlelight Movement, a connection readily taken for granted among most South Koreans but often perplexing to those outside of Korea.

- by Nan Kim
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- Asian Studies, Social and Cultural Anthropology, Contemporary History, Korean Studies
- by Filomeno Aguilar
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- Philippine Studies, Philippine History, People Power

This year marks the 35th anniversary of the momentous 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. The four-day uprising, which took place from February 22 to 25, will be remembered as the "bloodless" revolution, which brought an end to a government denoted by human rights atrocities, thievery, and tyranny. The People Power Revolution, through the eyes of millions of Filipinos, was a social upheaval that sought to overthrow an authoritarian regime through the collective effort of a democratic nation. This historic event should be remembered by every Filipino citizen, regardless of their gender or age, and should serve as our weapon to eliminate any possibility of another dictatorial, and inhumane ruling of an oppressive government.

- by Julian Richmon Villanueva
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- English Literature, Public Opinion, Literature, English language

This glossary, by no means exhaustive, presents potted histories of keywords and phenomena that are evocative of the Marcos era (1965-1986) in the Philippines. Terms in bold font have their own entries.
Forthcoming in Iyra Buenrostro-Cabbab, Mary Grace Concepcion, JPaul S. Manzanilla, and Ruel V. Pagunsan, eds., "Remembering Martial Law"

- by Caroline Hau
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- Philippine Studies, Philippine History, Authoritarianism, Authoritarian regimes

The changed political milieu in the Philippines after the downfall of the Marcos regime in 1986 generated greater interest among academics and movement participants to scrutinize the concepts of state and civil society; the dynamics of state and civil society relations and of intra-civil society relations; and more recently, globalization as a process that shapes these relationships. The nature of battles and rebellions in Philippine history ranged from personal, religious, economic, and civic to political motives. The major threat to democracy and economic development in the Philippines continues to be the inability to bridge the gap between formal political rights and social equity. The political and socioeconomic costs of poverty and inequality are the main corrosive elements to freedom and liberty in the country.

- by Gerry de Cadiz
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- History, Social Movements, Philippines, Revolution

Leaders today, consciously, or unconsciously, lead with a perspective, their own perspective; a
perspective that they have adopted overtime through their own life experiences, values and
beliefs that have accumulated overtime. These values and beliefs, though ingrained in our hearts
and minds, are not immutable; they can be changed intentionally if so desired. Having an
objective self-awareness of about a perspective implies that one compares them to a standard.
Joshua had a standard in which God was the central figure and His commands were Joshua’s
goals. The following chapter exposes the leadership of Joshua that was based on his Biblical
perspective along with his understanding of divine power. These two areas are compared and
applied to contemporary leadership. The intention of this writing is that the reader can have a
modern day appreciation of the leadership lessons encountered by Joshua, their outcome and
resolution to those lessons, and potentially how they can be practiced today by the reader.

- by Thomas Tonkin
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- Religion, Christianity, Leadership, People Power

In this world there are lots of countries; there are lots of different kind of peoples, different cultures etc. It is only natural that different people would have different opinions and different views. Some people have negative thoughts about Bangladesh, Bangladeshi people and Bangladeshi culture. Day by day people of other countries are getting to know about the real scenario in Bangladesh. Tourists and people visiting Bangladesh for various purposes are coming in touch with Bangladeshi culture. They visit different places, eat Bangladeshi food, experience our culture and share their feelings and reactions in the social media. Peoples have given countless positive reviews about Bangladesh after their experiences in this green delta. After their observation their thinking was so different from their previous conceptions.

- by Juairia Farzana
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- History, Culture, Bangladesh, Bangladesh Studies

Paalala kay PD
Mahal na Pangulo, sana po ay huwag ninyong kalimutan na ang ugat at batis ng Tunay na Kapangyarihan ay nasa kamay ng mga Mamamayan.
Huwag po sana kayong masilaw ng masabing kapangyarihan, sapagkat iyan po ay hindi totoo at panandalian lamang.
Sana po ay maapuhap at magabayan kayo ng Liwanag ng sa gayon ay mapag-isipan ninyo na mali o padalos-dalos ang inyong naging pasya.
Ang kahinahuman po ang numero unong birtud at karakter ng isang tunay na mahusay at magaling na punong ehekutibo.
Sana po ay bawiin na ninyo ang inyong ipinataw na ML. Sa halip po na ito ay makatulong ay maaari pa poi tong lumikha ng takot, pangamba, agam-agam sa ating mga mamamayan at bagkus po na tayo ay magkaisa ay baka po maging hugyat pa ito ng panibago nating paghihiwalay at tuluyang pagkakahati-hati bilang isang bansa.
Sa wika po ng Punong Mahistrado ng ating Korte Suprema:
“The fears stoked by the terms “Martial Law” and “suspension of the writ of habeas corpus,” are therefore not surprising. But we must remember that these apprehensions were created by former President Marcos and the martial law that followed his 1972 declaration. If President Duterte and the aforementioned government authorities avoid the gross historical sins of Mister Marcos and his agents, then our country might reap the benefits of the legitimate use of the provisions on Martial Law in the 1987 Constitution.”
Sana po ay matuto kayo sa aral ng Kasaysayan; sapagkat kung hindi po ay itatakwil kayo nito, kasama ng kolektibong ngitngit at galit ng Buong Bayan…

- by Jose Mario De Vega
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- Political Violence and Terrorism, Rebellion, Revolution, People Power
- by Clarinda Calma and +2
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- Social Movements, Democratization, Resistance (Social), Philippines

Modern constitutionalism lives a moment of revival and reconsideration of constituent power not only on only related to its task to ‘create’ a constitution but also to ‘amend’ it. On the one side, the constituent power mirrors an extraordinary power to form a constitution entrenched in the people, on the other, “we, the people” are called to propose and/or approve any constitutional change. The paper aims at analyzing the role of the people in the constitution-making or constitution-amendment process in Italy, proposing an analysis of the constituent power in its capacity of primary and secondary power. In this sense, the paper scrutinizes the founding of the state under a three-layered perspective and of the modification of its constitutional design by means of the people as a constitutional authority able to create and amend a constitution.

This is a counterfactual (What if?) discussion of one possible outcome during the fateful days of the Philippine People Power Revolution of February 1986. The article argues in favor of a reverse counterfactual: Corazon Aquino still heads the new Philippine government but without the goodwill established by People Power. The article was serialized in two parts (with a modified title) in the Filipino-Australian Bayanihan News issue of March and April 2014.

The study will investigate a non-violent strategy for social political change in Uganda surveying People Power Pressure Group measuring Transitional Constitution from a Consociational Perspective, Transitional Constitution from a Centripetal Perspective, Uganda’s Politics from a Consociational Perspective and Uganda’s Politics from a Centripetal Perspective

Democratization in the Philippines is often considered as an example of a democratic transition that was brought about by civil society activism. In February 1986, popular demonstrations commonly referred as People Power were followed by the crumbling of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos. President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972 when there was little space for civil society and almost no tolerance for advocacy nongovernment organizations (NGOs) during his rule. His corrupted and brutal regime had awaken the public awareness that what all they wanted was a democracy country. The pressure of the church and other civil society groups at the time of the fall of Marcos is a form of civil society contribution in this democratization. This paper tries to explain how the civil society had influenced to the democratization in the Philippines in terms of contributing to Marcos' fall.

Ang munting akdang ito ay komentaryo ko at pagsasaad/paglalahad ng ilang mga pananaw sa napakagandang artikulo ni Propesor/Ka Walden Bello na may pamagat na " March, but mourn not the demise of EDSA Republic " , na lumabas sa Rappler nitong ika-25 ng Pebrero. Ayon kay Ka Walden sa unang bahagi ng kanyang pahayag: " The EDSA uprising was a memorable step in the Philippines' struggle for democracy, and for this reason alone, it would be important to pencil it in as a red letter day for the country. " Remembering the EDSA uprising, however, should not mean celebrating the EDSA Republic to which it gave birth, as has been the practice institutionalized by the Yellow Establishment over the last 30 years. EDSA was a flawed victory, and its flaws eventually led to its replacement by President Rodrigo Duterte's barely disguised fascist rule. Indeed, the EDSA Republic's failure to live up to its promises spawned Dutertismo. " Kalabisan mang sabihin, ngunit ibig kong malaman ng lahat at ng buong balana na ako ay labis na sumasang-ayon sa pananaw na ito. Tama sa isang banda na kilalanin ang Edsa bilang isa sa mga importanteng kolektibong hakbang ng Sambayanan sa kanilang patuloy na pakikibaka at pagpupunyagi para sa nagpapatuloy na proyektong pagbubuo at pagpapatatag ng Bansa. Ngunit, isang malaking kamalian na ipagdiwang ito para lamang ibandila ang ilang mga personahe o mga indibidwal na nagmula sa gitnang uri at mga kauri nila na akala mob a ay sila ang puno't-dulo kung bakit naganap at nagtagumpay ang pagkilos na ito ng Bayan. Sa loob ng mahigit na Talumpung Taon ay etsa-pwera at " outsider " ang mga karaniwang tao, ang mga karaniwang mga mamayan at yaong mga nasa laylayan na kakatwa ay siya namang dapat na kilalanin at ibantayog sapagkat sila ang tunay na nagbigay buhay, kulay, bilang, depensa at pag-asa sa nasabing " pag-aalsa " .

A medida que en el territorio de la empresa capitalista se profundizan los mecanismos que impiden a los trabajadores organizarse libremente, es plausible postular que el sindicalismo puede fortalecerse mediante un repliegue generalizado... more

- by Plataforma Poder Popular and +1
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- Social Sciences, Marxism, Chile, Socialism

En esta ocasión buscamos presentar la estructura colonial que construyen los virreyes en Piura y examinar la situación social que vive el pueblo y la comunidad indígena de Catacaos en el último tercio del siglo XVI. La descripción y análisis del ataque y la destrucción de la ciudad y puerto de Payta en 1587 nos sirve como un acontecimiento político que permitirá observar el funcionamiento no solo del sistema virreinal sino también de los patrones y sistemas que adoptaron los indígenas de Catacaos para ajustarse a un sistema político en proceso de construcción. En suma, nos introducimos a conocer el papel de las estructuras coloniales que introduce Felipe II en el corregimiento de Piura y el proceso social que vive Catacaos y otros pueblos indígenas para asegurar el comercio marítimo.

- by César Espinoza
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- Corsairs, Land Use, Historia de los pueblos indígenas, People Power
- by Ying Hooi Khoo
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- Human Rights, Revolutions, Southeast Asia, Philippines
- by Kaan Ağartan
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- Non Violent Demonstration, People Power, Civil Resistance
- by Ian Browne
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- Multiculturalism, Climate Change, Biodiversity, Australian History

"The Chilean Spring. History of the transition to democracy in Chile" offers an academic glimpse into the constituent discussion taking place in Chile. This text collects the causes that led to the "Social Blast" of 18 October 2019 and explains the consequences in the next fundamental charter that will have to be submitted to a plebiscite in 2022. Based on studies and publications by various experts who interpret this epochal passage in the history of the Chilean people, "The Chilean Spring. History of the transition to democracy in Chile" becomes an obligatory reference for those who want to know more about this revolution that was born among students and that then spread to the rest of society, in a momentum that aims to achieve the political, social, and economic changes that have been blocked by the return of democracy in 1990.
This new work by the journalist and Master's Degree in International and European Relations of the University of Parma, Francisco Fantini, wants to contribute to the democratic debate with a perspective that was born in the academy and that is able to identify and analyze the elements of novelty of the Chilean constitutional process, such as the gender equality of conventionals, the significant representation of indigenous peoples in the assemblies, the participation of the independents, the configuration of new power relations and the effective guarantee of fundamental rights as a response to the needs of the twenty-first century.

- by Francisco Fantini
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- Latin American Studies, International Relations, Gender Equality, Democracy

S'il peut sembler étrange voire déplacé d'évoquer la corruption du peuple chez un auteur inscrit dans le courant républicain, cette thématique apparaît tout à fait fondamentale pour l'oeuvre de Machiavel, attentive à scruter ce qui, dans l'expérience des Anciens, permettrait de fortifier les républiques des Modernes et aurait permis de sauver celle dite du Grand Conseil, le régime qu'il a servi durant quatorze ans. La notion de corruption du peuple s'avère toutefois complexe et difficile à qualifier compte tenu des particularités de la version machiavélienne du républicanisme.

- by Thierry Menissier
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- Republicanism, Political Corruption, Republican Rome, Niccolò Machiavelli

1. By way of introduction: people as constitutional authority – a never-ending saga. – 2. The founding of the Bel Paese and the Italian People – 2.1. Tridimensional legitimacy of the Italian republic – 2.1.1. Legal perspective – 2.1.2. Republican perspective – 2.1.3. – Democratic perspective – 2.2. The People in the Formal Constitutional Amendment Process – 2.2.1. Rules of change and their interpretation in the italian legal system – 2.2.2. People’s amending power: theory and practice – 2.2.3. (Un)Constitutionality and the role of the Constitutional court – 3. Endeavors of popular constitutional review – 4. By way of conclusion: constituent power within (un)constitutional conundrum.

- by José L Ames
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- Machiavelli, People Power, Maquiavel

The Filipino nation is in a self-devised paradox: the only Christian country in Asia but one of the most corrupt in the world; our People Power Revolution became a democratic paradigm but the people continue to suffer from government neglect and oppression; we are rich in natural resources but millions of Filipinos live in poverty; we have a very high literacy rate but a lot in the populace are ignorant, naïve and could easily be exploited.

- by Gerry de Cadiz
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- Christianity, Philippines, Filipino, Poor Countries' External Debt (HIPC)

This essay re-explores the tie between ethics and politics in the thought of French phenomenologist Emmanuel Levinas and is specifically concerned with the political consequences that might be drawn from his unique account of ethics. In response to Victoria Tahmasebi-Birgani's recent reading of Levinasian politics as ethicoliberatory praxis, this essay attempts to exemplify such politics in relation to the silent standing protest that occurred throughout Occupy Gezi. As will be illustrated, this particular form of protest was symbolic of a struggle that was not tied to a classical notion of autonomous agency, but partially arose from ‘radical passivity’. It will be suggested that the protester's tacit participation in a shared endeavour to create responsive idioms for the Other can exemplify Levinasian ‘response-ability’ as a concrete praxis. Relying on Levinasian terminology, I suggest that Occupy Gezi's forms of silent protest created an ‘un-said Saying’ that disturbed the realm of politics from an ethical stance. Alongside a Levinasian reading, the protester's performed standstill will be explored in relation to what Butler and Athanasiou term ‘two senses of dispossession’ together with the concept implied by the Greek στα´σις [stasis]. As I contend, stasis manages to escape from the principle of non-contradiction in Being through integrating Being's Other in implicating both movement and stillness, activity and passivity. Hereby, stasis potentially points to an-other peace before politics, thereby offering a prolific alternative to the classic Hobbesian account of a dichotomy between war and peace.

- by Serafin Talisayon
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- Political Science, Revolutions, Democratization, Post-Soviet Politics
- by Jason Maguiza
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- People Power

The relevance of the subject matter is conditioned by the fact that the paper investigates the issues of Kazakhstani patriotic consciousness, which have not yet been studied in socio-political science. The paper is aimed at a detailed study of the nature and structure of the patriotic consciousness of the Kazakh population as a new type of patriotic consciousness. The leading methods to study this problem are modelling and analysis, which allow to comprehensively study and describe the components of the Kazakhstani patriotic consciousness as an object of study. Based on the research, it was concluded that the Kazakhstani patriotic consciousness is a complex managed system of ideas and views, traditions, and principles of behaviour, feelings and moods of the multinational multiconfessional people of Kazakhstan. The Kazakhstan patriotic consciousness is the result of the reflection in the consciousness of the population of a new type of Kazakhstan's national homeland, which is aimed at uniting and rallying all the peoples of Kazakhstan, the progress of a democratic society in Kazakhstan. At the same time, the paper focuses on discussion issues that relate to the problems of optimising the formation and education of the patriotic consciousness of the population of Kazakhstan, including the problems of constructing their theoretical framework-the theory of Kazakhstani patriotic consciousness. The practical significance of the results is reflected in the fact that this study can serve as the basis for further in-depth study of the dynamics of the Kazakhstani patriotic consciousness and national policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

- by Lifescience Global Canada
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- National pride, Patriotism, People Power