Political Prisoners Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Northern Irish people still hide secrets behind doors because of the fear of potential resurfacing of conflicts. The changes brought about by “the Good Friday Agreement (GFA)” present a lack of equality in terms of housing, employment,... more
Northern Irish people still hide secrets behind doors because of the fear of potential resurfacing of conflicts. The changes brought about by “the Good Friday Agreement (GFA)” present a lack of equality in terms of housing, employment, healthcare, politics, and education. Nowadays, the North illustrates cracks everywhere as a backlash from the errors of the past.
The creation of modern Belfast will not change stories, because memories maintain people aware of the suffering that they had to pass through. Indeed, Eibhlin is going to talk about the reasons why the government should remember the struggles of its people, from the BallyMurphy Massacre to the Hunger Strikes.
Alors que c’est souvent à la Seconde Guerre mondiale et à ses suites que sont associées les expériences des déplacements forcés, des internements massifs de civils et de militaires, cet ouvrage propose de placer la focale sur un long XIXe... more
Alors que c’est souvent à la Seconde Guerre mondiale et à ses suites que sont associées les expériences des déplacements forcés, des internements massifs de civils et de militaires, cet ouvrage propose de placer la focale sur un long XIXe siècle, de la Révolution française aux lendemains de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce livre a pour ambition de proposer une analyse conjointe et comparée, à la fois diachronique et internationale, de trois grands types d’expériences a priori dissemblables, celles des réfugiés, des prisonniers de guerre et des déportés lors d’un siècle qui vit à la fois ces phénomènes se massifier et — lentement encore — se différencier. Ces trois formes de circulation transnationale contrainte — alors encore comparables à bien des égards — sont caractérisées par un moment d’arrachement qui se déroule dans un contexte de violence (guerre, révolution, crise), suivi d’une migration forcée et d’une implantation provisoire ou définitive. Ces déplacés subissent alors souvent une marginalisation lors de leur séjour dans le pays d’accueil. Ce volume collectif vise essentiellement à comparer des situations qui ont fait l’objet de recherches récemment renouvelées, mais qui continuent à se côtoyer plus qu’à se croiser. C’est donc à cette histoire croisée, à la fois juridique, sociale, culturelle et politique, particulièrement novatrice de l’expérience de l’arrachement et du déplacement forcé qu’invite ce livre.
- by Nicolas Beaupré and +1
- •
- Refugee Studies, French Revolution, Exile, Political Prisoners
The aim of this paper is to describe the impact of the re-emergence of former political prisoners on Indonesian literature during 1980-83. This period saw noticeable changes in the development and content of Indonesian literature. The... more
The aim of this paper is to describe the impact of the re-emergence of former political prisoners on Indonesian literature during 1980-83. This period saw noticeable changes in the development and content of Indonesian literature. The release in December 1979 of the last substantial contingent of untried leftist political prisoners held since 1966 altered the circumstances pertaining to Iiterature which had prevailed in Indonesia since General Suharto gained control. It seems likely that these newly emerging influences will grow in importance. The assessment was based primarily on the author's observations during research in Indonesia over two years from December 1980.
Inevitably many terrorists and violent extremists end up in prison where they can pose formidable challenges. Such prisoners are unusual and distinctive. As a consequence, their management can pose exceptionally difficult problems in... more
Inevitably many terrorists and violent extremists end up in prison where they can pose formidable challenges. Such prisoners are unusual and distinctive. As a consequence, their management can pose exceptionally difficult problems in prison and probation settings. However, our knowledge of managing and intervening with violent extremists in prison settings is very limited. On many issues we currently have almost no published research, and much of what does exist is of poor quality. This deficiency unquestionably represents one of the most serious obstacles to developing effective strategies for promoting and facilitating disengagement from terrorism. This chapter provides an introduction to the problems and issues raised by terrorist and extremist offenders in prison settings. Critical issues around management strategies, radicalisation and deradicalisation, reform, risk assessment, as well as post-release experiences, are all explored.
Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with... more
Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with an up-to-date, informed and accessible account of what is known about terrorists and extremists in prison, what are the genuine risks and dangers, and what are the critical issues and insights in terms of management and reform. In doing so, it strips away many of the myths and media panics which have so often dominated discussions of this vital issue.
De 1982 a 1984, o jornalista Juvêncio Mazzarollo foi preso sob a Lei de Segurança Nacional. Durante um período no qual o Brasil supostamente vivia um processo de democratização, a repressão injusta sobre Mazzarollo o transformou em... more
De 1982 a 1984, o jornalista Juvêncio Mazzarollo foi preso sob a Lei de Segurança Nacional. Durante um período no qual o Brasil supostamente vivia um processo de democratização, a repressão injusta sobre Mazzarollo o transformou em símbolo das contradições da abertura. Conhecido como “o último preso político”, Mazzarollo exemplifica as complexidades da transição e aprofunda o nosso entendimento de como as forças populares – tanto nacionais como locais – negociaram e contestaram o processo de abertura.
Alors que c’est souvent a la Seconde Guerre mondiale et a ses suites que sont associees les experiences des deplacements forces, des internements massifs de civils et de militaires, cet ouvrage propose de placer la focale sur un long XIXe... more
Alors que c’est souvent a la Seconde Guerre mondiale et a ses suites que sont associees les experiences des deplacements forces, des internements massifs de civils et de militaires, cet ouvrage propose de placer la focale sur un long XIXe siecle, de la Revolution francaise aux lendemains de la Premiere Guerre mondiale. Ce livre a pour ambition de proposer une analyse conjointe et comparee, a la fois diachronique et internationale, de trois grands types d’experiences a priori dissemblables, celles des refugies, des prisonniers de guerre et des deportes lors d’un siecle qui vit a la fois ces phenomenes se massifier et — lentement encore — se differencier. Ces trois formes de circulation transnationale contrainte — alors encore comparables a bien des egards — sont caracterisees par un moment d’arrachement qui se deroule dans un contexte de violence (guerre, revolution, crise), suivi d’une migration forcee et d’une implantation provisoire ou definitive. Ces deplaces subissent alors souv...
« Le 10 mai 2001, ils m’ont transféré en avion militaire à la nouvelle prison de Valledupar. On savait bien que là-bas c’était le régime yankee. Ils m’ont tout pris, ils m’ont donné un uniforme […] et ils m’ont rasé la tête. Les gardiens... more
« Le 10 mai 2001, ils m’ont transféré en avion militaire à la nouvelle prison de Valledupar. On savait bien que là-bas c’était le régime yankee. Ils m’ont tout pris, ils m’ont donné un uniforme […] et ils m’ont rasé la tête. Les gardiens étaient très jeunes, ils nous ont traités de façon totalement inhumaine. On n’avait jamais connu ça auparavant […]. Rapidement, les détenus ont lancé un mouvement de protestation, au sujet du droit de visite. La réponse a été brutale. Une répression à feu et à sang, à coups de matraque et de gaz lacrymogène. »
Le témoignage de ce prisonnier reflète le virage opéré au sein du système carcéral colombien suite à une réforme inspirée par le modèle de prison de sécurité maximale américain. Réalisées dans le cadre des accords du « Plan Colombie » – le vaste programme anti-drogue et antiguérilla de Washington dans ce pays – les
transformations du système carcéral colombien sont révélatrices de la manière dont le « tournant punitif » initié aux États-Unis s’exporte au niveau international.
Cet ouvrage repose sur un riche matériel ethnographique, recueilli au cours d’une enquête de terrain en Colombie et aux États-Unis. L’étude est basée sur des observations dans les prisons colombiennes et sur des interviews approfondies avec des prisonniers, des membres de leurs familles, des gardiens, des représentants des autorités carcérales, des activistes des droits humains, ainsi que des architectes et entrepreneurs de l’industrie carcérale américaine. Les nouvelles prisons colombiennes y sont décrites comme un espace de dépossession et de contrôle sans précédent, mais également comme un lieu de résistances multiformes de la part de la communauté des prisonniers.
Our understanding of the risk assessment of terrorist and extremist prisoners is in its infancy, yet this is clearly a critical issue. How can one tell if a prisoner is still dangerous or not? What are valid measures to assess risk and... more
Our understanding of the risk assessment of terrorist and extremist prisoners is in its infancy, yet this is clearly a critical issue. How can one tell if a prisoner is still dangerous or not? What are valid measures to assess risk and what type of evidence is worth examining? In considering risk assessment of terrorists and extremists in prison settings there are a range of essential issues to consider. Crucially, not all terrorist and extremist prisoners are the same and factors which apply clearly to one individual will not apply equally strongly to others. As a result, effective risk assessment processes need to be nuanced. This chapter highlights the range of issues which are likely to be of most use when considering risk assessment in the context of a terrorist prisoner, and also identifies what sources of information can provide the necessary insight to inform this assessment.
Back cover text: Real Social Science presents a new, hands-on approach to social inquiry. The theoretical and methodological ideas behind the book, inspired by Aristotelian phronesis, represent an original perspective within the social... more
Back cover text: Real Social Science presents a new, hands-on approach to social inquiry. The theoretical and methodological ideas behind the book, inspired by Aristotelian phronesis, represent an original perspective within the social sciences, and this volume gives readers for the first time a set of studies exemplifying what applied phronesis looks like in practice. The reflexive analysis of values and power gives new meaning to the impact of research on policy and practice. Real Social Science is a major step forward in a novel and thriving field of research. This book will benefit scholars, researchers, and students who want to make a difference in practice, not just in the academy. Its message will make it essential reading for students and academics across the social sciences.
- by Bent Flyvbjerg and +1
- •
- Screenwriting, Critical Theory, Critical Theory, Critical Theory
Two cities. Two people of color fatally shot by those charged with security and law enforcement. Two communities torn apart across racial lines. One city reacts conventionally with criminal charges and court proceedings. The other... more
Two cities. Two people of color fatally shot by those charged with security and law enforcement. Two communities torn apart across racial lines. One city reacts conventionally with criminal charges and court proceedings. The other similarly engages the legal system but additionally engages in a Restorative Circle, a restorative process designed to create conditions for mutual understanding and repair of harm. In this article, the case of Trayvon Martin is juxtaposed with a less well-known case in Seattle involving the death of Native American woodcarver, John T. Williams. The two cases are summarized and examined in terms of their racial dynamics and the subsequent differential impact of the restorative response on the Seattle community.
Modern iktidarın anlaşılması bağlamında, Bentham’ın “Panoptikon”u oldukça önemli bir metindir. Tarihsel olarak, tanrı ya da tanrı-kralların, “kutsal” iktidarların toplum üzerindeki denetiminin göstergesi olan “göz”, panoptikon ile... more
Modern iktidarın anlaşılması bağlamında, Bentham’ın “Panoptikon”u oldukça önemli bir metindir. Tarihsel olarak, tanrı ya da tanrı-kralların, “kutsal” iktidarların toplum üzerindeki denetiminin göstergesi olan “göz”, panoptikon ile birlikte dindışı, kutsal olmayan iktidarın yeni iktidar biçimiyle birlikte yeryüzüne inmiştir. Kapitalist iktidar toplumsal denetimin sağlanması sürecinde “göz”ü aşırı bir biçimde vurgulamıştır, görünmeden gören iktidar ile toplumun bilinçyapısını “göz”ün baskısıyla tahakküm altına alınır.
Michel Foucault’un “Hapishanenin Doğuşu” (Discipline and Punishment) adlı çalışması Bentham’ın “Panoptikon”u üzerine kuruludur. Bentham’ın metni, kapitalizm ile birlikte toplumsal iktidarın geçirdiği yapısal dönüşüme gönderme yapmaktadır. Kapitalist iktidar biçimlerinin anlaşılması bakımından panoptik yapı oldukça önemlidir. Gözetim iktidarın temel denetim biçimlerinden birisi haline gelirken, “göz” önemli bir iktidar organına dönüşmüştür. “İktidarın gözü” yaşamı bir hapishaneye dönüştürür. Özellikle, üretim süreçlerinde işçilerin denetim altına alınması ve sonrasında tüm yaşam alanlarının iktidarın gözü için görünür kılınır.
Küresel kapitalizm yeni teknolojilerin, özellikle de iletişim teknolojilerini kullanarak toplumsal denetimi sağlanmaktadır. “Gözün iktidarı” küreselleşmekte ve toplumsal özgürlükleri yokederek, baskıcı gözetim toplumunu yerel iktidarların yardımıyla yeniden-biçimlendirmektedir. Küresel panoptikon, yeni emperyal iktidarın “yeni dünya düzeni”dir. Toplumlar, küreselleşme süreci ile birlikte, “gözün iktidarı” tarafından teslim alınmıştır, başka bir deyişle herkes “gözaltına” alınmıştır. Küresel iktidarın teknolojik gözü toplumları tehdit olarak tanımlamakta ve tüm dünya yeni iletişim ve savaş teknolojilerinin kullanımıyla yüksek güvenlikli bir hapishaneye dönüştürülmektedir. Küresel panoptikon, iktidarın toplumları mahkum ettiği kara-ütopyadır. Toplumsal özgürlük ise halen bir ütopyadır, “göz” iktidardan arınıp özgürlük ve eşitlikçi bir toplumun düşünü görmedikçe, iktidarın organı olarak özgürlüğü tehdit etmeye devam edecektir.
Linje Manyozo begins by describing six schools of thought in the worldwide effort to improve lives in what used to be called the Third World—the Bretton Woods school, Latin American, Indian school, African, Los Baños, and communication... more
Linje Manyozo begins by describing six schools of thought in the worldwide effort to improve lives in what used to be called the Third World—the Bretton Woods school, Latin American, Indian school, African, Los Baños, and communication for development and social change schools—and their approaches: media for development, media development, and participatory/community engagement. As development communication pioneer Nora Cruz Quebral has pointed out, the first two approaches are more media-oriented, while the third relies more on interpersonal communication (Quebral in Manyozo, p.xv). This paper analyzes the nature of each approach.
Traditional conceptions of rhetorical ethos treat character exclusively as an instru- ment of persuasion, but the persona of the rhetor often functions as a means of con- stituting the self in relation to a complex network of social and... more
Traditional conceptions of rhetorical ethos treat character exclusively as an instru- ment of persuasion, but the persona of the rhetor often functions as a means of con- stituting the self in relation to a complex network of social and cultural relationships. This generative function of character becomes especially important in cases where suppressed groups attempt to find rhetorical means to alter their cir- cumstances. Using Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail” as a case study, we argue that the text develops a complex and nuanced construction of King’s character. This construct allows King to criticize his target audience without alienating himself from it and also allows the “eavesdropping” black audience to discover a model for reconstructing their own sense of agency. This constitutive dimension of character occurs simultaneously and in intimate connection with its use as an instrument of persuasion concerning specific issues. Based on this case, we argue that rigid distinctions between instrumental and constitutive functions of rhetoric are misleading and that rhetorical critics should regard the constitution of self and the instrumental uses of character as a fluid relationship.
Even though the legitimizing intents of both the modern penitentiary and the archive—the latter understood as the physical deposit of memory—are radically different, could the principles central to their founding discourses and eventual... more
Even though the legitimizing intents of both the modern penitentiary and the archive—the latter understood as the physical deposit of memory—are radically different, could the principles central to their founding discourses and eventual consequences be similar? Opened in 1900, Lecumberri Palace is, in the morphological sense, a modern penitentiary, the material result of an Occidentalization of dominant discourse. During its lifetime it has housed both types of institutions. It initially served as the Mexico City Penitentiary and is currently Mexico’s General National Archive (AGN, by its acronym in Spanish), both institutions perceived as attempts to Enlighten a Nation. Through the analysis of operations carried out in both facilities and with the help of Michel Foucault’s writings on discipline and domination, Jacques Derrida’s work on the concept of the archive, and existing historiography on Lecumberri Palace, this article proposes the possibility that both the archive and the penitentiary are doomed in as much as they both suffer the same ailment. Could Derrida’s Archive Fever also be rightfully called Penitentiary Fever?
Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with... more
Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with an up-to-date, informed and accessible account of what is known about terrorists and extremists in prison, what are the genuine risks and dangers, and what are the critical issues and insights in terms of management and reform. In doing so, it strips away many of the myths and media panics which have so often dominated discussions of this vital issue.
This article examines the conditions of detention of Belgian and French nationals deported in Germany following a conviction by German military courts in occupied countries. The case of the persons convicted in the Cavell case is used to... more
This article examines the conditions of detention of Belgian and French nationals deported in Germany following a conviction by German military courts in occupied countries. The case of the persons convicted in the Cavell case is used to analyze the fate of foreign political prisoners in the German prison system. The brutality of the prison regime in Rheinbach and Siegburg was worsened by hunger and disease, so that several prisoners died in captivity. From 1917, prisoners experienced relatively improved conditions of detention. In particular, they received food parcels, which also changed their relationships with the wardens. After the war, former prisoners formed associations or took part in legal action against the prison managers.
Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’.... more
Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’. Phronesis is the ability to think and act in relation to values, to deliberate about ‘things that are good or bad for humans’ in the words of Aristotle (1976:1140a24–b12). Phronetic organizational research effectively provides answers to the following four value-rational questions, for specific problematics in management and organization studies: 1. Where are we going with this specific management problematic? 2. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power? 3. Is this development desirable? 4. What, if anything, should we do about it?
The topic of this thesis is the prison Cejl nr. 71 in Brno in the period of 1948-1956, while the prison was officially closed. The prison was used by Regional Court in Brno and as a detention jail for persons interrogated by State court... more
The topic of this thesis is the prison Cejl nr. 71 in Brno in the period of 1948-1956, while the prison was officially closed. The prison was used by Regional Court in Brno and as a detention jail for persons interrogated by State court in Brno. This paper mainly presents view of everyday life in prison and of prisoners, who waited there for judgment , but also includes the topic of executions implemented in the prison and talks about prison officers, who watched overt the prisoners.
Георги Атанасов Заркин (1940-1977) е политически затворник от времето на социализма в България. Родом е от село Бели Искър, Самоковско, в затвора пише поезия, драми, приказки, разкази, дори и един роман. През 1977 година е убит в... more
Георги Атанасов Заркин (1940-1977) е политически затворник от времето на социализма в България. Родом е от село Бели Искър, Самоковско, в затвора пише поезия, драми, приказки, разкази, дори и един роман. През 1977 година е убит в затвора в Пазарджик.
This article examines the development of Constitution Hill on the site of the Old Fort prison in Johannesburg, South Africa. Constitution Hill is the location of the new Constitutional Court and has two main purposes. First, as a heritage... more
This article examines the development of Constitution Hill on the site of the Old Fort prison in Johannesburg, South Africa. Constitution Hill is the location of the new Constitutional Court and has two main purposes. First, as a heritage site it attempts to address the divisions that characterise contemporary South African society by acting as a physical manifestation of the human rights ethos around which much of post-apartheid South African public discourse revolves. Second, it was conceived as a developmental node to encourage urban regeneration in Johannesburg’s inner city. However, while the Court and related heritage areas have been established, tensions regarding the site’s different purposes have remained and resulted in its incomplete development.
This article features a connected history of punitive relocations in the Spanish Empire, from the independence of Spanish America to the " loss " of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines in 1898. Three levels of entanglement are... more
This article features a connected history of punitive relocations in the Spanish Empire, from the independence of Spanish America to the " loss " of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines in 1898. Three levels of entanglement are highlighted here: the article looks simultaneously at punitive flows stemming from the colonies and from the metropole; it brings together the study of penal transportation, administrative deportation, and military deportation; and it discusses the relationship between punitive relocations and imprisonment. As part of this special issue, fore-grounding " perspectives from the colonies " , I start with an analysis of the punitive flows that stemmed from the overseas provinces. I then address punishment in the metropole through the colonial lens, before highlighting the entanglements of penal transportation and deportation in the nineteenth-century Spanish Empire as a whole.
تمارس سلطات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة الاعتقال بحق الفلسطينيين بشكل يومي، ومنذ العام 1967، اعتقلت إسرائيل ما يصل إلى قرابة مليون فلسطيني، وذلك من خلال منظومة واسعة ومعقدة من الأوامر العسكرية الإسرائيلية التي يخضع... more
تمارس سلطات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة الاعتقال بحق الفلسطينيين بشكل يومي، ومنذ العام 1967، اعتقلت إسرائيل ما يصل إلى قرابة مليون فلسطيني، وذلك من خلال منظومة واسعة ومعقدة من الأوامر العسكرية الإسرائيلية التي يخضع لها الفلسطينيون في الأراضي المحتلة. وقد سعت هذه الدراسة للبحث في مجال غائب نسبيا عن التوثيق والتحليل، وهو تناول العشرات من هذه الأوامر العسكرية الإسرائيلية وتحليلها والبحث في مدى اتساقها أو تعارضها مع المحددات المنصوص عليها في القانون الدولي الإنساني وحقوق الإنسان، ولا سيما فيما يتعلق بالوضع القانوني الذي تسبغه إسرائيل على السجناء الفلسطينيين، كأسرى حرب أو معتقلين أو مقاتلين غير شرعيين، أو من حيث قواعد التجريم والعقاب. وقد بينت الدراسة أن منظومة الأوامر العسكرية الإسرائيلية مصممة بشكل يجعلها تسبغ على الفلسطينيين المسجونين لديه وصف "إرهابيين" أو "أمنيين" أو "مقاتلين غير شرعيين"، وبما يتيح لها تقييد السكان المدنيين بمئات الأوامر دون حاجة أمنية فعلية، إضافة إلى تجريم العمل السياسي الفلسطيني، وتشريع التعذيب، وانتهاك حقوق الدفاع للسجناء، في صورة تخالف قواعد القانون الدولي الملزمة للاحتلال بصورة صارخة.
El final de la guerra civil en 1939 trajo consigo una dictadura fundamentada en la represión donde, junto a la muerte y exterminio del contrario, se planteó la aniquilación cultural del “otro”. Frente a las aspiraciones de aculturación,... more
El final de la guerra civil en 1939 trajo consigo una dictadura fundamentada en la represión donde, junto a la muerte y exterminio del contrario, se planteó la aniquilación cultural del “otro”. Frente a las aspiraciones de aculturación, imposición y humillación
del contrario, la música jugó un papel fundamental como bálsamo moral en una situación de represión, detención y confinamiento forzado.
En el presente artículo se analizarán los patrones elegidos por los presos del franquismo para elaborar su resistencia musical y los empleos de ésta como subversión frente a lo establecido. Desde la metamorfosis de los textos hímnicos –recreación de poder y
superioridad del régimen– a la sátira del preso, pasando por los empleos del folklore en aquellas creadas exprofeso como alternativa de entretenimiento y denuncia de la nueva realidad a la que eran sometidos. La música como ofrenda a unos ideales, la música como elemento fundamental sobre el que mantener la identidad frente al arrebato de temperamentos y la música como causa de castigo serán algunos de los aspectos más relevantes que se traten a lo largo de este artículo
This paper is a study and few primary sources about the hardly known concentration camp near Rakhiv at Dumen hill, run by the Voloshyn-regime in 1938–1939. Beyond the general information and summary, it contains several original... more
This paper is a study and few primary sources about the hardly known concentration camp near Rakhiv at Dumen hill, run by the Voloshyn-regime in 1938–1939. Beyond the general information and summary, it contains several original documents, primary sources from the middle of December, 1938 written by the Czechoslovak gendarmerie about the camp (the concentration camp was run by them at this time). It was published in the Limes 2020 vol 2. pp. 39-48.
The Gdeim Izik case started in October 2010, when over 30 000 Saharawi men, women and children went to the desert in the outskirts of El Aaiun , in the occupied territories of Western Sahara and erected a peaceful protest camp. After one... more
The Gdeim Izik case started in October 2010, when over 30 000 Saharawi men, women and children went to the desert in the outskirts of El Aaiun , in the occupied territories of Western Sahara and erected a peaceful protest camp. After one month of siege by the Moroccan occupation forces the camp was brutally dismantled and hundreds of saharawi were incarcerated and tortured. A group of 24 was in abritrary detention until 2013 when they were brought to military court a sentenced from 20 year to life in prison. In 2017 they were trialed again in a civil court and 19 remain with the same sentences. These men have been victims of arbitrary detention and torture since 2010 and two trial that did not respect the basic principles of law nor brought forward any valid evidence of guilt.
Without going into in a in-depth analysis it is obvious that there is no independence of the judiciary in Western Sahara or in Morocco concerning the Saharawi population. Although the independence of the Judiciary is enshrined in the... more
Without going into in a in-depth analysis it is obvious that there is no independence of the judiciary in Western Sahara or in Morocco concerning the Saharawi population.
Although the independence of the Judiciary is enshrined in the Moroccan constitution and law, and in theory guaranteed by the state, Article 107 of the Moroccan constitution states that:
"The judicial power is independent of the legislative power and of the executive power.
The King is the guarantor of the independence of the judicial power. "
The "sovereignty and unity" of the Kingdom is one of the most, if not, the most, important base of Morocco, in view of course of the occupation of Western Sahara, and a taboo theme. To exhibit a flag of Western Sahara or even say Western Sahara instead of the terminology imposed by the State : "Moroccan Sahara" or "Provinces of the South" is considered an attempt against the integrity of the Kingdom.
For decades, prison films have held a special fascination, paradoxically drawing movie audiences in to an enclosed space that most people would prefer to avoid at all costs in " real " life, and from which escape is difficult if not... more
For decades, prison films have held a special fascination, paradoxically drawing movie audiences in to an enclosed space that most people would prefer to avoid at all costs in " real " life, and from which escape is difficult if not impossible. As a cultural category, the prison film is instantly recognizable thanks to the enduring nature of its iconography, which has remained remarkably consistent ever since the earliest " classics " of the genre — The Big House (1930) and I Am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang (1933) — were produced by major Hollywood studios at a time of economic uncertainty. In the years following the Great Depression, dozens of U.S. motion pictures have contributed to what film scholar Alison Griffiths calls the " carceral imaginary, " a culturally constructed set of assumptions about what corrections facilities might actually be like, visually represented as towering concrete walls, claustrophobic cells, barbed wire, iron bars, ominous guard towers and other oft-recycled imagery. In this course, we will shine a spotlight on this paradoxical type of cultural production, examining why it both compels and repels us through its mix of inspirational heroics and abject human suffering. After spending the first few weeks focusing on the U.S. context, in which a " prison-industrial complex " has emerged in recent decades (to the dismay of many rights activists), we will shift to a more broadly international sphere of cultural production, looking at films that expand the semantic and syntactical dimensions of the genre in different national contexts and historical eras. Extending beyond the prison film proper to explore motion pictures in which individuals' freedom of movement and other basic human rights are denied by authoritarian military governments, religious institutions, and other cruel oppressors, we will discuss concentration camp films (set during the Holocaust and other genocidal events) as well as the abusive treatment of prisoners of war (POWs) and prisoners of conscience, from Vietnam to Ireland. The final weeks of the semester will emphasize women's ability to overcome the structural obstacles of patriarchal societies, both inside and outside prison settings. This course adheres to the Academic Integrity Policy of the Colorado State University General Catalog (p. 7) and the Student Conduct Code.
In the winter of 1859, a group of 66 southern Italian political prisoners hijacked the ship hired to deport them to New York, and directed it to Ireland. Their escape made headline news throughout Europe and the United States, and... more
In the winter of 1859, a group of 66 southern Italian political prisoners hijacked the ship hired to deport them to New York, and directed it to Ireland. Their escape made headline news throughout Europe and the United States, and prompted a series of large public celebrations in England. In London, the prisoners were met by Britain’s leading politicians, and they were asked by the novelist Charles Dickens to consider publishing a memoir of their experiences in his new periodical, All The Year Round. Over the next half century, memoirs by no fewer than six of the prisoners appeared in print, making them one of the most extensively documented groups of prisoners in Italian history. While the first published memoirs reflected the international public’s thirst for gothic tales of dungeon-like prisons and daring escape, later memoirs demonstrated a more complex picture of southern Italian prison conditions, and a more critical view of the international campaign, taking place throughout the 1850s, to shame the Kingdom of Naples and free the prisoners. Historians looking for another “first” in the history of human rights – in this case, the first sustained international effort to stop the mistreatment of political prisoners – must confront the purported victims’ own ambivalence about the rhetoric used by their would-be civilized, liberal rescuers.
- by Michal Louč and +1
- •
- Oral history, Political Prisoners, Czechoslovak comunism
This paper unearths the relation between French philosopher Michel Foucault and the US Black Panther Party (BPP). I argue that Foucault’s shift from archaeological inquiry to genealogical critique is fundamentally motivated by his... more
This paper unearths the relation between French philosopher Michel Foucault and the US Black Panther Party (BPP). I argue that Foucault’s shift from archaeological inquiry to genealogical critique is fundamentally motivated by his encounter with American-style racism and class struggle, and by his engagement with the political philosophies and documented struggles of the BPP. The paper proceeds in four steps. First, I assess Foucault’s biographies and interviews from the transitional period of 1970–72 that indicate the fact and nature of this formative encounter. Second, I turn to some of the writings of BPP leaders and to the theme of politics and war as they articulated it. Third, I address this same theme of politics as war as it gets taken up and rearticulated by Foucault between 1971 and 1976, with an eye to the degree to which the philosophies and struggles of the Black Panthers silently, yet profoundly, inform Foucault’s genealogical work. I conclude by raising some ethical and political questions pertaining to the criteria of truthful speech in scholarly discourse.
«اينجانب در تجربه ملموس پنج ساله اخير خود در رويارويی با آن بخش از نظام که با آن سر و کار داشتم نه خدا را ديدم و نه قانون.» – هدی صابر در خطاب به رئیس قوه قضایی. از زمانی که نامه هدی صابر منتشر شد این موضوع در ذهن من از مساله زندان در... more
«اينجانب در تجربه ملموس پنج ساله اخير خود در رويارويی با آن بخش از نظام که با آن سر و کار داشتم نه خدا را ديدم و نه قانون.» – هدی صابر در خطاب به رئیس قوه قضایی. از زمانی که نامه هدی صابر منتشر شد این موضوع در ذهن من از مساله زندان در ایران جدا نشد که او زندان جمهوری اسلامی را جایی معرفی کرده بود که در آن نه خدا هست نه قانون. همان زمان یادداشتی هم منتشر کردم با همین عنوان. نامههای صابر و دو همبند دیگرش رضا علیجانی و تقی رحمانی نامههای تکاندهندهای بودند – شاید مهمترین نامههایی که پیش از جنبش سبز منتشر شدند. آمادهسازی نامههای زندانیان برای انتشار یکبار دیگر به من امکان داد که زندان را چنانکه هست از زبان دهها زندانی سیاسی ایران بشناسم و در کنار این شناخت، درک تازه ای از قدرت در ایران پیدا کنم. در این درک تازه استمرار شیوه زندانبانی در ایران برای من تکاندهنده بود.
http://raahak.com/?p=11781
تازه ترین شواهد از جمله نامه ها و دفاعیه نیلوفر بیانی از محکومان بناحق در پرونده سازی برای کنشگران محیط زیستی هم مجموعه نامه های گردآمده در کتاب حاضر را تایید می کند:
https://www.bbc.com/persian/iran-features-51549394
This article examines Pramoedya Ananta Toer's book related to the comfort women on Timor from the perspective of a historian studying World War II and the comfort women--this may be our only source of information about comfort women in... more
This article examines Pramoedya Ananta Toer's book related to the comfort women on Timor from the perspective of a historian studying World War II and the comfort women--this may be our only source of information about comfort women in this region making it particularly important. This is not an easy task, as the book was put into published form sometime in the 1990s based on a manuscript assembled by Pramoedya in the 1970s on Buru based on interviews conducted by other political prisoners on Buru. Not surprisingly, the text itself shows signs of "split-personality," as if very different people with very different purposes were writing it.
Under the Nigerian criminal justice system, Bail has been admitted to be free , yet one queries whether Bail is really free indeed? In this article, the Nigerian courts have on a good number of cases highlighted their views on bail... more
Under the Nigerian criminal justice system, Bail has been admitted to be free , yet one queries whether Bail is really free indeed? In this article, the Nigerian courts have on a good number of cases highlighted their views on bail application in Nigeria, and as such made notable pronunciations on bail application which will be beneficial to any applicant. Please for further inquiry or clarification on bail application in Nigeria, do not hesitate to contact the writer.
This paper is a study of the blanket and no-wash protests in the Maze/Long Kesh and Armagh prisons, undertaken by Irish republican prisoners from the 1st March 1976 until the end of the hunger strike in October 1981. Using Michel... more
This paper is a study of the blanket and no-wash protests in the Maze/Long Kesh and Armagh prisons, undertaken by Irish republican prisoners from the 1st March 1976 until the end of the hunger strike in October 1981. Using Michel Foucault’s work on liberal governmentality and biopolitics, it frames the protests in terms of the power relationship between the British government and the republican prisoners, engaging with the debate over who was responsible for the protests and their escalation. In doing so it covers three key areas: the criminalisation policy, how the protests were deeply linked to this policy but also resisted it, and the use of language and imagery by both sides in framing the protests. This contributes towards the argument that the prison protests represent a microcosm of the conflict in Northern Ireland, and became the battleground through which the British government and republican movement invested their ideological positions. The use of oral history and governmental records assists this aim of understanding the ideological and pragmatic standpoints, the state’s motivations of the criminalisation policy and the prisoners’ motivations in resisting. It contends that the complexity of the power relationships which endowed the prisoners with participation in their criminalisation meant that their resistance was not simply against the criminalisation policy but against the control to categorise and limit action by the British government. As such the struggle in the prisons was over more than special category or political status: it was a metaconflict over the framing of the conflict and a resistance to British involvement in Ireland.