Postcolonial and Anticolonial Studies Research Papers (original) (raw)

The dispossession at the core of the fur trade is barely perceptible, especially when recounted as part of the genesis narrative of British North American capitalism and state-formation. By focusing on the exploitation of Indigenous peoples' labour by company traders, I make this dispossession more conspicuous, revealing it as neither a direct nor a uniform process, but rather fragmented and driven by a host of legal, economic, and geopolitical factors. To achieve this, dialectical materialism is the preferred mode of analysis. Such a perspective brings into relief the uneven and combined nature of legal and economic transformation, disclosing the inner dimensions of dispossession that are the principal legacy of the fur trade and British North American settler-colonialism alike. At stake in this study is not only a comprehensive account of the processes of dispossession, but also a commentary on the insidiousness of these processesthat is, an inside look at how customary reciprocity was distorted through exploitative practices that served of dispossession.

- by
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- Political Economy, Indigenous Studies, Political Theory, Canadian History

La collecte d’objets fut une pratique fréquente dans les territoires occupés par les États européens colonisateurs. À partir de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, les pouvoirs coloniaux encourageaient leurs citoyens implantés dans les... more

- by Lotte Arndt and +2
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- Entomology, Art History, Museum Studies, Ethnography

El sistema económico de base liberal trae consigo importantes consecuencias a nivel social, que tanto en poblaciones urbanas como rurales tiene impactos de gran magnitud. En Chile, es el pueblo mapuche el más afectado con el avance de la sociedad hacia una transformación social que se desdibuja entre la búsqueda del progreso y la explotación desenfrenada. Producto de este modelo, los pueblos originarios ven cómo sus derechos humanos son violentados frente a un Estado incapaz de proteger la cultura y la tierra en la que se funda la identidad del país. En definitiva, la explotación de la tierra fundamentada en la idea de progreso, trasciende la vida humana y las consecuencias sociales y medioambientales, traspasando incluso las normas morales y éticas en las que se sostienen las relaciones sociales y la justicia.

In this chapter, we argue that there are three important micro cohorts--different social movement threads--of antiauthoritarian activists engaged in self-organization at the grassroots level in Quebec today: (1) radical feminists, (2) radical queers, and (3) feminists and profeminists organizing in antiracist and anticolonial groups and networks. Furthermore, these micro cohorts have played a role in developing radical analysis, strategy, and organizational modes in a variety of spaces inside, overlapping with, and external to the broader antiauthoritarian movement they/we are part of

- by Sandra Jeppesen and +2
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- Sociology, Social Movements, Queer Studies, Organizational Theory

The ongoing colonial dispossession of Indigenous peoples is predicated on the idea of a hierarchy of civilizations wherein western culture is positioned at the ontogenetic apex of civilizational maturity - as 'modern' - and non-western societies are positioned in contradistinction as dependent infants or children. Colonial modernity is exemplified in politics organized around adult capacities for speech and reason and, therefore, governed according to liberal democratic norms within a sovereign state. In this paper, I examine Indian intellectual Ashis Nandy's unique and potent critical explorations of the ontogenetic model of colonial modernity. I argue that Nandy's work on the infantilization of cultures and the " ideology of adulthood, " which he derives in part from Gandhian practices of resistance, stands alone in postcolonial and subaltern studies in allowing us to clearly identify three modes of anti-colonial resistance, two of which are problematic in their endorsement of the ontogenetic model. The first, epitomized by the Marxist anti-colonial struggles of the 1950s and 60s, asserts that Indigenous societies are capable of pursuing and achieving western thresholds of civilizational maturity. The second, embodied in the post-Marxian notion of alternative or multiple modernities, asserts that Indigenous peoples are developing their own hybridized measures of maturity. The third, developed primarily by Nandy, rejects both the colonial premise of cultural development as well as the hierarchical distinction between child and adult that fundamentally grounds coloniality. Although post-Marxian modes of resistance are currently the most prevalent they tend to recapitulate the logic of development and, I argue, we can therefore look to Nandy's non-developmental mode of resistance for a more thorough and effective understanding of the contemporary colonial condition. I conclude with some suggested amendments to Nandy's work, specifically with respect to his observations on the colonial feminization of non-western cultures, which I suggest is best understood as internal to the ontogenetic model.

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This chapter addresses the life and works of Italian transnational anarchist and anti-fascist Camillo Berneri (1897-1937) drawing upon Berneri’s archives and original papers, never translated into English with only few exceptions. For the first time, I analyse Berneri’s work through spatial lenses, investigating the contributions that this can bring to the contemporary fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. My argument is twofold. First, I argue that the analysis of spaces of exile and transnational solidarity networks are paramount for understanding the trajectories of anarchist anti-fascism between the two world wars. Berneri is an outstanding representative of an entire generation of Italian anarchists and antifascists. He was eventually defined ‘the most expelled anarchist of Europe’ due to his innumerable travels and tribulations across the borders of Italy, France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg and Spain. Second, I argue that Berneri’s writings on the geopolitical problems that the Spanish revolution had to face from 1936, such as the question of the armed defence from Franco’s troops and the Italian imperialism in the Balearic Islands, can nourish present-day perspectives in radical internationalism and stateless geopolitics. The prickliness of Berneri’s analyses, published in the journals of Italian anarchists fighting in Spain with the CNT-FAI, can also explain why he was murdered by Stalinist agents during the Bloody Week of Barcelona in May 1937, just few days after delivering a radio speech where Berneri pronounced a moved tribute to another Italian anti-fascist, Antonio Gramsci, just died in a fascist prison in Italy.

The article illustrates rebellions in Turkestan in 1916, its reasons and consequences.

Neste artigo ensaiamos uma reflexão teórica sobre as dimensões atlânticas e de história comparada. Partindo dos estudos sobre quilombos e os movimentos contemporâneos de luta pela terra como os remanescentes quilombolas propomos uma avaliação metodológica sobre o uso de algumas categorias no campo da sociologia e da Ciência Política.
Palavras chaves: quilombo, revolução social, movimentos antirracistas

- by Wallace Moraes
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- Critical Race Theory, Quilombos, História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira, Anti-racismo
- by Quỳnh N. Phạm
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- Afro-Asian Connections, Third World, Solidarity, Decolonization

This paper seeks to explore Tagore’s idea of education and its role in the context of the turbulent period of India’s struggle for freedom during the first few years of the last century. During the period of 1890 to1910, Tagore was producing all those overtly political writings, delivering public lectures replete with distinct nationalist themes, and was advocating for self-empowerment by growing indigenous economic enterprises, went on to establish swadeshi bhandars (nationalist shops). It is in this context, it is highly significant to locate Tagore’s invention of a new pedagogy whereby a completely new way of imparting education to the Indians would be envisioned. The principal precept of this education system is the use of Bengali or Indian language as an alternative to the colonial mode of education. Needless to reiterate that Tagore’s school in Santiniketan founded formally in 1901 became the fundamental rallying point of his idea of decolonizing Indian educational system.

Chaque année, le Comptoir suisse invite des pays comme "hôte d'honneur". Pour l'édition de 1973, le Portugal - une dictature depuis le milieu des années 1920 et engagé dans une guerre coloniale - est convié à installer son pavillon dans l'enceinte de la foire commerciale. Depuis le milieu des années 1960, le Comptoir voit défiler un million de visiteurs dans ses halles; il est également devenu une institution dans le paysage helvétique, un lieu de "mise en scène" du made in Switzerland et de la "suissitude". Alors que les invitations de pays étrangers est devenu une routine, le Portugal est la cible d'une contestation importante (tandis que la présence d'autres pays - comme l'Espagne en 1967 ou la Tchécoslovaquie en 1969 - n'engendre aucune mobilisation). Une coalition de forces rassemblant la gauche radicale et des groupes chrétiens progressistes parvient à faire de la présence un problème. Mobilisant une vaste gamme d'instruments (pétition, manifestations, théâtre de rue, contre-expositions, lettres de lecteurs, brochures, tracts, projections de films, etc.), ces groupes rencontrent un certain succès au point qu'un évêque et la moitié de la députation socialiste boycottent les journées officielles. Moment fort des "années 1968" en Suisse, ce travail revient sur cette mobilisation en faisant appel à une approche théorique lié à l'étude des scandales.

- by Sébastien Abbet
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- Portugal, 1968, Anti-imperialism, Suisse

Accretion, articulation, exploration, transformation, naming, sentiment, private and public property these are just a few of Juliana Spahr's interests. In this, her third collection of poetry, we find her performing her characteristic... more

- by juliana spahr
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- Poetry, Poetics, Ecopolitics, Contemporary Poetry

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the colonies controlled by the British, the Dutch, and other European countries witnessed a number of devastating famines. These famines did not solely arise for the ‘natural’ reasons of the shortage of rainfall or food availability problems, but were aggravated by the systemic imperialist exploitation of the world by these major European powers. Taking as its case study the two great famines in Ireland and India – the 1845–52 Irish Famine and the 1943–44 Bengal Famine – the essay offers a reading of Liam O'Flaherty's Famine (1937) and Bhabani Bhattacharya's So Many Hungers! (1947). It shows that these works – apart from registering the devastating impact of the famines on the colonial population – have pointed through their powerful uses of content, form, and style to the world-historical reasons of long-term agrarian crisis, political instability, tyranny of the landlord classes, inefficiency of the British Empire, and others as responsible for the famines.

There is a rich intellectual history to the development of anti-colonial
thought and practice. In discussing the politics of knowledge
production, this collection borrows from and builds upon this
intellectual traditional to offer understandings of the macro-political
processes and structures of education delivery (e. g., social organization
of knowledge, culture, pedagogy and resistant politics). The
contributors raise key issues regarding the contestation of knowledge,
as well as the role of cultural and social values in understanding the
way power shapes everyday relations of politics and subjectivity. In
reframing anti-colonial thought and practice, this book reclaims the
power of critical, oppositional discourse and theory for educational
transformation. Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of
Resistance, includes some the most current theorizing around anticolonial practice, written specifically for this collection. Each of the
essays extends the terrain of the discussion, of what constitutes anticolonialism. Among the many discursive highlights is the interrogation
of the politics of embodied knowing, the theoretical distinctions and
connections between anti-colonial thought and post-colonial theory,
and the identification of the particular lessons of anti-colonial theory
for critical educational practice. Essays explore such key issues as the
challenge of articulating anti-colonial thought as an epistemology of
the colonized, anchored in the indigenous sense of collective and
common colonial consciousness; the conceptualization of power
configurations embedded in ideas, cultures and histories of
marginalized communities; the understanding of indigeneity as
pedagogical practice; and the pursuit of agency, resistance and
subjective politics through anti-colonial learning.

The 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia was a seminal event of the twentieth century. Meanings of Bandung: Postcolonial Orders and Decolonial Visions revisits the conference not only as a political and institutional platform, but also as a cultural and spiritual moment. At Bandung, formerly colonized peoples came together as global subjects to co-imagine and deliberate on a more just world order. Our book attends to what remains seriously under-studied: Bandung as the enunciation of a different globalism long in the making, and as an-other archive of desires and sensibilities.

- by Quỳnh N. Phạm
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- Afro-Asian Connections, Third World, Solidarity, Decolonization

This essay surveys some recent attempts to decolonize political theory and engage with non-western political thinkers and traditions, especially anticolonialism. Our concern is that these engagements remain too centered on western political thought as the object of critique and analysis. Through the example of Gandhi and Fanon, we argue that anticolonialism, while engaged in a critique of the west, also had a positive or reconstructive theoretical agenda, one that has been taken up in creative ways in postcolonial political thought. Taking cues from the work of Sudipta Kaviraj, Partha Chatterjee, and Mahmood Mamdani, the essay proposes an alternative mode of decolonizing political theory that takes as its central aim the generation of theory from a study of postcolonial politics. It argues for a historically attuned and comparative approach to postcolonial politics that aims to innovate new concepts and reanimate inherited ones. From this perspective, decolonizing political theory is less a recurring critique of Eurocentrism than an effort to shift the terrain of theorizing and thereby reinvigorate the practice of political theory as such.

- by Karuna Mantena
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- Frantz Fanon, Decolonization, Eurocentrism, Gandhi

Our purpose in creating the TWAIL Review is to provide a space for critical scholars, mainly from the global South and their allies oriented to the South, to participate in the project of international law, to produce knowledge creatively through interdisciplinarity, and to push our discipline towards becoming more just, more radical, and more responsive to the collective challenges we face.

- by John Reynolds and +3
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- Political Economy, Indigenous Studies, International Law, Global Governance

This paper explores the foundational role of race in humanitarianism, its historical geographies, genealogy, and contemporary practice. I pay particular attention to the work of Sylvia Wynter on the overrepresentation of (white bourgeois) Man in modernist understandings of the human that form the basis of humanitarianism in the present. Building on Wynter I offer an alter-historical geography of humanitarianism, locating its genus in the voyages of 1441 and 1492 that unsettles other critical work on the colonial origins of humanitarianism as both a normative and instrumental form of governance and their geographies. In following what Wynter terms a “human view”, I explore the racist orderings of Rational Man and his irrational, racialised ‘others’ that work to structure humanitarianism’s subjects. Alongside this I consider the parasitic relations of humanitarianism to the negation of life enacted through the genocide of Black and Indigenous peoples, arguing humanitarianism’s claims to save lives and relieve suffering cannot be divorced from conquistador violence. I argue that grappling with what Wynter calls “category problems” is necessary as humanitarianism — or huManitarianism — faces the contemporary challenges raised by Black Lives Matter that undermine and question its universalist legitimacy.

In the 1980s, freedom fighters and hackers from South Africa built an autonomous encrypted communication network that allowed activists infiltrated on the ground to communicate with the senior leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) based in Lusaka, Zambia via London. The encrypted communication network was set up as part of Operation Vula to attempt to launch a people's war and ultimately liberate a people's from apartheid. This article speaks to the history of technology in its attempts to further document and elucidate the encrypted communication network. To accomplish this, it draws both on previously available sources and also personal accounts obtained through interviews with some of the core individuals involved in the network's functioning. It also aims at expanding our understanding of highly intentional, politically-motivated practices of hacking, and the socio-technical infrastructures needed for such practices to exist.

Exploring how the themes of liminality and hybridity resonate within two key post-colonial texts.

- by M James Mortlock
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- Psychoanalysis, Social Psychology, Anthropology, English Literature

This article offers a reappraisal of Monsieur Toussaint, a
play about the final days of the Haitian revolutionary Toussaint
L’Ouverture by the Martinican writer and theorist Édouard Glissant.
Written between 1959 and 1961, when Glissant was forced to remain
in France due to his political activities, Monsieur Toussaint was
not performed until 1977 and, by the author’s own account, “was not
crafted according to the economy of theatrical representation.” Rather
than taking the later version scénique [scenic version] as the definitive
version (as critics and translators invariably do), I consider the
non-performance of the original play as integral to its commentary
on the Haitian Revolution and to what Glissant calls the Antilles’s
“non-history.” Ultimately, I show how, when faced with an impasse in
the movement for decolonization, Glissant circumvents the here and
now of “live” performance in order to create what he calls a “prophetic
vision of the past” – a spectral stage.

- by Sarah J. Townsend
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- Theatre Studies, Performance Studies, Haitian Revolution, Closet drama

Primera traducción al castellano de Le Système colonial dévoilé de Jean Louis Vastey (1814). Edición y Estudio preliminar a cargo de Juan Francisco Martinez Peria

Chapter 6 of Filipinos and their Revolution: Event, Discourse, and Historiography

This is a paper I gave to the New Polis conference at the University of Denver by Zoom on 16th April 2021.... more

This is a paper I gave to the New Polis conference at the University of Denver by Zoom on 16th April 2021. https://thenewpolis.com/2021/03/22/decoloniality-and-disintegration-of-western-cognitive-empire-rethinking-sovereignty-and-territoriality-in-the-21st-century-international-conference-program/ Here is the video with powerpoint slides https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkeL60bk-g8
In this paper I identify two problems:
1. The way the language and history of colonialism make the question of the colonial status of Scotland contentious. In histories of empire (including postcolonial histories) the role of incorporating Union of 1707 tends to be treated as a Scottish problem rather than part of a global analysis. By contrast, in histories of Scotland the geopolitical context can be overwhelmed by the detail and the who, what and when, which can obscure the why and the colonial context.
2. The problem of collusion and its implications for colonial/decolonial/postcolonial studies. I show how approaches to competitive oppression, based on anachronistic readings of history, perpetuate the tactic of divide and rule - so effectively applied by colonial powers.
I re-read the 'incorporating Union' of 1707 as one of the many instances of the rhetoric of imperialism. I propose this can assist in a consideration of the status of Scotland in the contemporary debate. - it's a kind of ‘no but yes argument’ - which addresses the continuing dynamics of colonial strategies being played by London to obstruct Scottish Independence in 2021. This is not a paper about the past, it is a paper about the present.

- by Richard Saville-Smith
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- Postcolonial Studies, Scottish Studies, Scottish History, Colonialism

Une version portugaise de cet article existe également:
– « Moçambique, o "fim da história"… única. Trajectórias dos anticolonialismos em Moçambique », Africana Studia (Porto, Centro de estudos africanos da Universidade de Letras), 15, 2e semestre 2011 : 195-240 (traduction du français en portugais par Salvador Cadete Forquilha) (<https://www.academia.edu/4374064/Mocambique_o_fim_da_historia_..._unica._Trajectorias_dos_anticolonialismos_em_Mocambique>)
Longue étude historique et politique sur le livre de Barnabé Lucas Ncomo, Uria Simango, um homem, um causa, Maputo, NovAfrica, 2004, le premier livre écrit par un Mozambicain remettant en cause l’histoire officielle de la trajectoire nationaliste. Mais l’histoire est-elle le contraire mécanique de l’histoire officielle ? La critique, parfois sévère, de cet ouvrage, permet de passer en revue la plupart des grandes questions historiographiques relatives aux anticolonialismes dans le Mozambique contemporain.

- by Michel Cahen
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- Mozambique, Frelimo, History of Mozambique, Anticolonialism
- by Sergius L. Kuzmin
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- Diplomatic History, Russian Studies, International Relations, Chinese Studies

Moving transversally across feminist, ecofeminist, anticolonial and posthuman positions, this paper gathers up various insights on the problem of representation. This gleaning not only highlights how these positions might collectively refigure technologies of representation, but also emphasises the important continuities, overlaps and shared concerns in these theoretical engagements. What emerges is the possibility of posthuman representation of non-human natures—in other words, a representation without representationalism, where the notion of a pre-representational reality as ontologically distinct from and hierarchically ordered in relation to its representation is rejected. The kind of representation I seek would remain concerned with the urgent need to advocate for the interests of others (non-humans, in this case), but also with the risk of capture and appropriation that runs alongside the impetus to ‘speak for others’ highlighted by feminist and anticolonial debates. Drawing on but extending these discussions, I link the problem of representationalism specifically to a tenacious nature/culture dualism. Here, posthuman feminist theories, and the work of Vicki Kirby in particular, prove helpful for navigating a path through the ontological quagmire of representationalism as intimately bound to the nature/culture split. Following an elaboration of Kirby’s flattened ontological schema where all matter is ‘nature writing itself’ differently—that is, as a difference differing— I return finally to the fraught ethics of representing others (human and more-than-human). Accepting that representation is necessary, but that it should not entail mastery, I advocate paying closer attention to the lessons of anticolonial feminism, where the stakes of such representations are particularly high. Here, posthuman representation becomes a question of planetarity (Spivak 2003) as well.

- by Astrida Neimanis
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- Cultural Studies, Feminist Theory, Posthumanism, Feminist Philosophy

This chapter frames the OSPAAAL within the longer historical arc of the inter-war League Against Imperialism (LAI). It argues that the OSPAAAL recovered five major ideological tendencies of the LAI’s understudied Americas-based section, the Anti-Imperialist League of the Americas (La liga anti-imperialista de las Américas) (LADLA), created in Mexico City in 1925. Despite the similarities of the political projects of these organizations, they exhibited a major difference in that the LADLA, in its early years, demonstrated less commitment to Black struggles in the Americas and was more focused on organizing with Indigenous communities. Through fashioning itself as a non-race-based global movement that prioritized Black struggles, the OSPAAAL aimed to correct for this limitation of its predecessor. However, although the OSPAAAL focused on Black struggles from its inception, it did so largely with respect to African Americans in the United States and South Africa, repeating the tendency of its predecessor to elide the problems of anti-Black racism in Latin America.

This article analyses Aravind Adiga’s Booker prize-winning novel The White Tiger (2008) through the lens of justice: philosophical, legal, and literary. What is justice when its agent is subaltern—disprivileged by both caste and class—and delivers justice to himself? I argue that the fictional representation of class, caste, poverty, and violence can be similar to the structuring and translations of justice. By writing his novel from the perspective of a subaltern character, Adiga joins the call by Dalit critics to reconfigure modernity from the interests of the oppressed and the marginalized. In the process, there can be a rethinking of postcolonial literary criticism from within the postcolonial nation, rather than the established perspective of the postcolonial nation understanding its own colonial oppression. My essay provokes wider insights into the implications for justice and human rights as they are informed and represented by literary fiction, subaltern theory, and deconstructive theory. How can a writer conceive of and represent justice—literary justice—by working within and against philosophical and legal conceptions of justice? The philosophers and theorists I invoke include Drucilla Cornell, Jacques Derrida, Wai Chee Dimock, Emmanuel Levinas, Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak, and Robert Young.

- by Manav Ratti
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- Poverty, Postcolonial Studies, Social Justice, Global Justice

During the protests that occurred in Bristol in June 2020, in the name of Black Lives Matter, the statue of the slave-owner Edward Colston was pulled down by protestors and thrown into the river Avon. A week later, in Milan, the statue of the journalist Indro Montanelli was spray-painted with the words "racist" and "rapist" due to his sexual relationship with an Eritrean child-bride he bought in the 1930s while fighting as a camicia nera (black shirt) for Mussolini. These two acts caused heated debates on both mainstream/traditional media and social media, producing that hybridisation of culture theorised by Henry Jenkins. As feminist scholars, we were directly involved in these debates as we publicly shared some critical reflections on the use of monuments in connection with race, gender and colonialism in Italy. Using collaborative autoethnographic approaches and thematic analysis, we discuss our own experiences within a wider investigation, concerning Italy and the UK, on the use of social media (Twitter and Facebook) as tools that shape specific forms of public memory at the expense of others. Yet, drawing from Linda Alcoff's "epistemologies of ignorance" and Charles Mills' "white ignorance," we also highlight the importance of counter-memories and practices of decolonisation of public spaces in order to challenge hegemonic forms of white amnesia.

- by Carla Panico and +1
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- Epistemology, Postcolonial Studies, Feminist Epistemology, Commemoration and Memory

As Willi Braun suggests in Introducing Religion, "A common frustration for scholars of religion concerns the restrictions, often self-restrictions explicitly invoked or tacitly obeyed by students at all career stages, that are placed on curiosity: the "better not ask" or "better not go there" affective stances that are put down as obstacles to the pursuit of a disciplined drive toward a cogent intelligibility of human practices we have come to call, in virtue of some stipulated markers, "religion" or "religious". The Pandora of myth is still censured in the academy, it seems, as the arch-or original sinner, the anti-model of intellection, that evil woman (it would be a woman, of course) whose curiosity released a can of toxic worms that kills cats, rather than as the mythic hero of curiosity as the giver of everything -which is what Pandora means." 1 These restrictions as to the limits of where 'Religious Studies' should end and popular/fringe culture in the derogatory sense many scholars view it should begin, are exactly what this essay intends to explore. If I have learned one thing above any other in this 1

Anti-colonialism is a scam today. It is the ideological abode of new forms of capital accumulation, symbolised by the Capitalist International of the Postcolonial Immigrant and Silicon Valley. Anti-colonialism propels the... more

Anti-colonialism is a scam today.
It is the ideological abode of new forms of capital accumulation, symbolised by the Capitalist International of the Postcolonial Immigrant and Silicon Valley.
Anti-colonialism propels the intensification of the 'social death' of black people.

- by Saroj Giri
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- Refugee Studies, Postcolonial Studies, Immigration, Salman Rushdie

Case studies in postcolonial contextualization mark a forty-year-old missiolog-ical trend in evangelical scholarship. The largely unqualified support of indigenous theological expression by mission theorists represents an epistemological shift from a conservative bibliology toward felt-needs evangelization and religious roundtable dialogue methods. Evangelical contextualization theory today echoes German Ro-manticism's early assessments of indigenous language and local religion, especially as seen in the works of pluralistic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). No study of postcolonial contextualization is complete without considering the enduring influence of Herder's " vernacular consciousness " on the current missiological mindset.