Second World War (History) Research Papers (original) (raw)
The city of Rijeka/Fiume underwent an array of transitions in the long twentieth century, from the port of Hungary in the Dual Monarchy to a free city, to D´Annunzio´s Italian Regency of Carnaro, annexation by Italy, incorporation into... more
The city of Rijeka/Fiume underwent an array of transitions in the long twentieth
century, from the port of Hungary in the Dual Monarchy to a free
city, to D´Annunzio´s Italian Regency of Carnaro, annexation by Italy, incorporation
into Yugoslavia, and eventually the independence of Croatia. The
article examines the processes of urban reconstruction and architectural reconfigurations
in the city as “frontier urbanism”, building on Wendy Pullan’s
(2011) discussion of how various actors employ architectural and place-making
practices to secure the state in contested urban space. The article traces
Rijeka/Fiume´s urban development as a window of fixating state identities
in the built environment throughout the century, focusing on the aftermath
of the Second World War. It examines the urban transformations of the city
as the demographic landscape was reshaped after the departure of the local
Italian-speaking majority and the arrival of workers from various parts of
Yugoslavia, but also from Italy. By analysing decisions to rebuild or not
buildings damaged by war, as well as the demolition of the 1943-built votive
temple in Mlaka, the article inquires how reconstruction and urban planning
became avenues to secure the state at its new frontiers.
Mitteilungen Stadt- und Stiftsarchiv Aschaffenburg 15 (2022)
As historians are becoming more aware of the diversity of the Australian prisoner of war experience during the Second World War, increasing numbers of Indigenous Australians' stories are being identified. Through the combined hard work of... more
As historians are becoming more aware of the diversity of the Australian prisoner of war experience during the Second World War, increasing numbers of Indigenous Australians' stories are being identified. Through the combined hard work of researchers, families, and communities, a more complete picture of Aboriginal prisoner-of-war experiences is emerging.
"Still, something essentially sympathetic about Lucas persists, and his fate is heavy with pathos. Once he had been selected for a command he never should have held, he had no choice but to carry out his orders as he understood them, even... more
"Still, something essentially sympathetic about Lucas persists, and his fate is heavy with pathos. Once he had been selected for a command he never should have held, he had no choice but to carry out his orders as he understood them, even though he regarded them at the core as completely misguided and he was fully prepared to die doing his duty. The only other option would have been to ask to be relieved, thus ending a distinguished career under a real cloud, rather than the historical fog that has settled over his name. John Lucas, who had faced Pancho Villa's men, alone, barefoot, and in the dark, was not prepared to do that."
Claude Eatherly, pilota e metereologo, era un ragazzo texano di 27 anni quando ordinò lo sgancio della prima bomba atomica della storia, Little Boy, che colpì Hiroshima il 6 agosto 1945. Nonostante la giovane età, non era certo un... more
Claude Eatherly, pilota e metereologo,
era un ragazzo texano di
27 anni quando ordinò lo sgancio
della prima bomba atomica della
storia, Little Boy, che colpì Hiroshima
il 6 agosto 1945.
Nonostante la giovane età, non
era certo un dilettante: per quella
missione vennero scelti i migliori
piloti della US Army, e Eatherly
aveva già dato prova del suo valore
militare, abbattendo, nel corso
della sua fulminante carriera,
più di trenta aerei nemici. Dopo
lo sgancio della bomba, tuttavia,
lasciò l’esercito e rifi utò qualsiasi
riconoscimento al valore da parte
degli Stati Uniti. Compì anche
maldestre rapine e altri piccoli
crimini, con la speranza di trovare
sollievo nel biasimo collettivo. Ma
ciò non bastò a placare i suoi dilanianti
sensi di colpa e Eatherly
venne internato in un ospedale
psichiatrico. Fu in questo momento,
quattordici anni dopo Hiroshima,
che iniziò un carteggio con
Günther Anders, il fi losofo tedesco
autore del capolavoro L’uomo
è antiquato. Il risultato è questo
libro: un commovente scambio
epistolare tra Anders e un’anima
persa, in cerca di un’espiazione
tanto impossibile quanto necessaria.
Dopo anni di assenza dalle
librerie, torna disponibile una delle
testimonianze più toccanti sul
disastro che cambiò per sempre
la coscienza collettiva.
Introduction 15th April 1945 The Leader's Order. Order Of The Day. 15th April, 1945. Last Proclamation: Soldiers Of The German Eastern Front! For the last time our deadly enemies the Jewish Bolsheviks have launched their massive forces... more
Introduction
15th April 1945
The Leader's Order.
Order Of The Day. 15th April, 1945.
Last Proclamation: Soldiers Of The German Eastern Front!
For the last time our deadly enemies the Jewish Bolsheviks have launched their massive forces to the attack. Their aim is to reduce Germany to ruins and to exterminate our Folk. Many of you soldiers in the east already know the fate which threatens, above all, German women, girls, and children. While the old men and children will be murdered, the women and girls will be reduced to barrackroom whores. The remainder will be marched off to Siberia.
We have foreseen this thrust, and since last January have done everything possible to construct a strong Front. The enemy will be greeted by massive artillery fire. Gaps in our infantry have been made good by countless new units. Our Front is being strengthened by emergency units, newly raised units, and by the Germanic Folk Militia. This time the Bolshevik will meet the ancient fate of Asia -- he must and shall bleed to death before the capital of the German Reich. Whoever fails in his duty at this moment behaves as a traitor to our Folk. The Regiment or Division which abandons its position acts so disgracefully that it must be ashamed before the women and children who are withstanding the terror of bombing in our cities. Above all, be on your guard against the few treacherous Officers and soldiers who, in order to preserve their pitiful lives, fight against us in Russian pay, perhaps even wearing German uniform. Anyone ordering you to retreat will, unless you know him well personally, be immediately arrested and, if necessary, killed on the spot, no matter what rank he may hold. If every soldier on the Eastern Front does his duty in the days and weeks which lie ahead, the last assault of Asia will crumple, just as the invasion by our enemies in the west will finally fail, in spite of everything.
Berlin remains German, Vienna will be German again, and Europe will never be Russian.
Form yourselves into a sworn brotherhood, to defend, not the empty conception of a Fatherland, but your homes, your wives, your children, and, with them, our future. In these hours, the whole German Folk looks to you, my fighters in the east, and only hopes that, thanks to your resolution and fanaticism, thanks to your weapons, and under your leadership, the Bolshevik assault will be choked in a bath of blood. At this moment, when Fate has removed from the Earth the greatest war criminal of all time, the turning point of this war will be decided.
Adolf Hitler.
This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in... more
This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.
Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are the largest disasters suffered by South Africa in its military history. Yet, despite their enormity, Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are little understood and hardly remembered. South Africa declared war on Germany on... more
Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are the largest disasters suffered by South Africa in its military history. Yet, despite their enormity, Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are little understood and hardly remembered. South Africa declared war on Germany on the 6 September 1939, after a bitter internal debate, amounting to a conflict between Afrikaner nationalists and those who supported the British Empire. South Africa’s political ambivalence and disunity ran parallel to her unpreparedness for war in every important department from the lack of vital coastal defences to the miniscule size of her army and air force and complete lack of a navy. The first six months of 1941 saw the South Africans play a significant part in completely defeating the Italian colonial forces in East Africa. However, the campaign was poor preparation for what the South Africans were to encounter in the North African Desert months later. South African troops spent their time rebuilding fortifications in Egypt rather than in essential training to acclimatise this “bush war” army to harsh desert conditions. In a reluctant political decision, the unprepared South Africans were committed to Operation Crusader. The inexperienced South Africans met up with the battle hardened Afrika Korps at Sidi Rezegh on 23 November 1941 and were annihilated in the face of overwhelming odds. In revisiting this forgotten battle, it has been found, using primary and secondary sources, that the South Africans extracted an enormous price on the German armour in what may have been the true turning point of Operation Crusader. In May 1942, Rommel’s Afrika Korps sallied forth in a series of lightning moves that demonstrated the Axis grip on combined operations and managed to isolate the vital port of Tobruk commanded by an inexperienced South African, Major General H. B. Klopper. His surrender in one day is often compared to the previous siege endured under similar circumstances, where the Australians managed to hold Rommel at bay for 244 days until the siege was lifted. Klopper’s surrender of Tobruk resulted in a political crisis for Winston Churchill and for Jan Smuts, as the fiasco caused considerable tension within the Allied camp and within South Africa. On re-examination, interesting facts have emerged from the primary source material, as to the state of the Tobruk defences and of its unfortunate commander and how the United Kingdom, acting in concert with South Africa, sought to suppress the true facts. Immediate post-war memory has been shaped and distorted by sensitive political considerations that affected relations between South Africa and the United Kingdom. Thereafter, the memory of Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk was relegated first by a nationalistic Afrikaner government and then since by a democratically elected government, both of which have seen very little use in incorporating these two milestones into the national memory.
Herbert Butterfield (1900-1979) was one of the earliest and strongest critics of what he saw as the British government's attempts to control the past through the writing of so-called, 'official histories'. His famous diatribe against the... more
Herbert Butterfield (1900-1979) was one of the earliest and strongest critics of what he saw as the British government's attempts to control the past through the writing of so-called, 'official histories'. His famous diatribe against the 'pitfalls' of government-mandated history first appeared in 1949, at a time when the British government was engaged in publishing official histories and diplomatic documents on an unprecedented scale following the Second World War. But why was Butterfield so hostile to official history, and why do his views still matter today?
The story of the children of Pahiatua (Pahiatua Children), where was a temporary camp for Polish orphans after soldiers, including members those form the Anders’ Army, is well known in New Zealand. Polish citizens, mainly from the Eastern... more
The story of the children of Pahiatua (Pahiatua Children), where was a temporary camp for Polish orphans after soldiers, including members those form the Anders’ Army, is well known in New Zealand. Polish citizens, mainly from the Eastern Borderlands, not only found their second homeland in New Zealand, but also have significantly contributed to the erection of the newly established state of Aotearoa. Many of them, using their patriotic attitude, have funded to the basis for indeed friendly Polish-New Zealand diplomatic relations. This has been emphasized by politicians from both in Wellington, as well as the local public opinion. The former Honorary Consul of the Republic of Poland in Auckland, John Roy-Wojciechowski, who was born in the Borderlands, made a huge contribution to the establishment of positive image of Poland in the Antipodes, mainly through the Polish Museum and “The Kresy-Siberia Virtual Museum”. In 2014, there was the 70th anniversary of the arrival of Polish orphans to New Zealand, which was a perfect opportunity to popularize the importance of the relations between Poland and New Zealand, still not enough analysed in the Polish literature.
Lee Miller (1907–1977) stand nicht nur Modefotografen und Künstlern Modell, sondern arbeitete ab Anfang der 1930er Jahre auch selbst als Fotografin in unterschiedlichen Genres wie Mode-, Porträt- und freier Kunstfotografie. Während des... more
Lee Miller (1907–1977) stand nicht nur Modefotografen und Künstlern Modell, sondern arbeitete ab Anfang der 1930er Jahre auch selbst als Fotografin in unterschiedlichen Genres wie Mode-, Porträt- und freier Kunstfotografie. Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs war Miller für die Vogue tätig, für die sie ab 1944 ebenfalls Texte zu ihren eigenen Fotografien verfasste. Im Auftrag des Modemagazins begleitete Miller die Invasion der Alliierten auf dem europäischen Kontinent. Denn bedingt durch die forcierte Mobilisierung der Bevölkerung – d.h. auch der Frauen – wollte die Vogue kriegsrelevante Inhalte in ihr Format integrieren.
Für eine Reportage über Süddeutschland am Kriegsende erkundete Miller mit einem kritischen Blickwinkel für den Nationalsozialismus wichtige Orte, u.a. auch Hitlers Privatwohnung. Dort nahm sie Fotografien von sich selbst in Hitlers persönlichem Badezimmer auf. Diese Selbstinszenierung von Miller besticht durch ihre symbolische Vielschichtigkeit und ästhetische Qualität. Im Vortrag wird erörtert, wie in dieser komplexen fotografischen Allegorie der alliierte Sieg und die Befreiung vom Nationalsozialismus (insbesondere von dessen Führerkult, Geschlechterkonzept und Ästhetik) im Zusammenhang mit einer surrealistischen Freiheitsvision zum Ausdruck gebracht wird.
The importance of the Occupation within Japanese economic history is beyond doubt, however there still remain various partially explored regions within the scholarly landscape of the period. One subject which falls into this category is... more
The importance of the Occupation within Japanese economic history is beyond doubt, however there still remain various partially explored regions within the scholarly landscape of the period. One subject which falls into this category is the impact of small four-wheel-drive passenger vehicles, or jeeps, during the Occupation. This subject can be considered ‘partially explored’, as within the scholarship its cultural impact is clearly mapped out, and often linked in the process to the power of the Occupation itself, but within the economic sphere, the jeep remains all but invisible, somewhat akin to the censorship of the jeep (and all other visible symbols of the Occupation) from Japanese films produced at the time. The reasons for this curious partial absence of perhaps the most visible symbol of the Occupation vary, as detailed below. Indeed, the jeep could be said to be in some ways a mechanical embodiment of the Occupation; an alien, militarised, and undeniably American presence in postwar Japan. The jeep, being the omnipresent transportation of General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (GHQ) personnel, also traverses the entire landscape of Occupation. As well as being the ‘steed’ which bore everything the Occupation brought, the jeep itself also exerted other direct influences on Japan during the years 1945-1952. Some of these were cultural, influencing many Japanese people’s ideas about personal transportation and automobiles in general. Others were clearly economic, with the maintenance, refurbishment, and later, manufacture of jeeps, forming a major but rarely examined, element within the development of the postwar Japanese automotive industry. This highly symbolic (and literal) reconstruction an iconic piece of Americana in Japan was also one which laid some of the foundations of the subsequent success of several of Japan’s postwar automotive giants. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the jeep from both of these perspectives, reassessing the already well established cultural interpretations of the jeep’s impact, and detailing the hitherto neglected economic influences of the jeep during the era.
"There is an apocryphal story that German General Staff Chief von Moltke once said that it takes the loss of a full division to train a major general. As brutal and cynical as this sounds, if there is any truth at all in it and without in... more
"There is an apocryphal story that German General Staff Chief von Moltke once said that it takes the loss of a full division to train a major general. As brutal and cynical as this sounds, if there is any truth at all in it and without in any way diminishing respect for and gratitude to those who fell, then Kasserine Pass might be considered a "bargain." At a cost of just 6,000 casualties, one clearly incompetent general unworthy of further "training" was relieved, and the Supreme Allied Commander learned one of the most important lessons in war - the absolute requirement for ruthlessness in command. From that point on, Ike dealt severely with those who failed in leadership on or off the battlefield."
Edgerton has written what could prove to be one of the most influential books on the history of the Second World War. In a majestic study, Edgerton has successfully shown us that we still have a lot to learn about the conflict. He claims... more
Edgerton has written what could prove to be one of the most influential books on the history of the Second World War. In a majestic study, Edgerton has successfully shown us that we still have a lot to learn about the conflict. He claims that many of the well-established ideas about Britain's capability of waging war, and the perceptions we have of those in government during the conflict could now be open to reinterpretation and reassessment. He does this with painstaking accuracy and insightful enquiry, producing a truly gripping study of the conflict, the planning behind the military efforts, and how Britain sought to use the knowledge of the leading experts from all fields to secure victory.
The causes of the 1941 military catastrophe: from the recent studies Anton Korolenkov («Novaia i Noveishaia istoriia» journal, Moscow, Russia) Трудно найти в литературе по отечественной истории тему, которая привле-кала бы большее... more
The causes of the 1941 military catastrophe: from the recent studies Anton Korolenkov («Novaia i Noveishaia istoriia» journal, Moscow, Russia) Трудно найти в литературе по отечественной истории тему, которая привле-кала бы большее внимание, чем причины поражений Красной армии в первые месяцы войны. Об этом пишут и профессиональные историки, и публицисты, и просто любители. На их оценки сильнейшим образом влияют не только знание предмета, но и политические пристрастия авторов, которые нередко обвиняют оппонентов в фальсификации (чаще всего не утруждая себя доказательствами, что речь идёт именно о фальсификации, а не о добросовестном заблуждении, ошибке или незнании) – обычно это делают поклонники тогдашней системы и лично вождя 1. Однако дискуссии ведутся и на более серьёзном уровне, позво-ляя во многом изменить наш взгляд на случившееся в 1941 г. Во время войны и в первые годы после неё неудачи первого периода объ-ясняли внезапностью и вероломством нападения, численным перевесом не-приятеля, на которого работала «вся покорённая Европа», долгим отсутствием второго фронта и т.д. Позднее, особенно после XXII съезда КПСС, не отка-зываясь от этих тезисов, много внимания стали уделять отрицательной роли Сталина и созданного им режима личной власти («культа личности»), что выразилось в серьёзных ошибках при подготовке страны к войне, репрессиях среди командного состава, отсутствии реакции на предупреждения разведки, неудачных решениях в первые недели войны и др. Особенно много писалось об обезглавливании Красной армии и неприведении войск накануне войны в полную боевую готовность. Указывалось на то, что армия не готовилась к обороне. В послехрущёвские времена от этих тезисов отказываться не стали, однако о репрессиях говорили лишь одной строкой, не вдаваясь в детали и цифры, просчёты Сталина подавались лишь как его личные ошибки, т.е. о его системе власти речи уже не шло. Когда заходила речь о численности техники в приграничных округах, туманно говорилось лишь о «большом количестве самолётов и танков старых конструкций». С началом перестройки вновь стал активно обсуждаться вопрос об ответ-ственности Сталина за поражения первого периода войны, о порочности соз-данной им системы власти (хотя признавались и определённые её достоинства), подавлявшей инициативу и стоившей жизни многим тысячам специалистов, ко-торые могли бы немало сделать для отпора врагу. Были, наконец, обнародованы
After the Second World War thousands of books focusing on the identification of the victims (both soldiers and civilians) have been published. However, those written between 1945 and 1990 are quite unreliable since the authors did not... more
After the Second World War thousands of books focusing on the identification of the victims (both soldiers and civilians) have been published. However, those written between 1945 and 1990 are quite unreliable since the authors did not support their claims which provided lots of space for further manipulations. Some of them were published by SUBNOR and, therefore, we can only assume that the main source the authors used were SUBNOR's documents from 1950.
Ei av dei nasjonalt mest omtalte hendingane i Lesja under andre verdskrigen, truleg òg samla sett, var det som skjedde på Stuguflotten måndag 22. april i 1940. Da var storparten av den norske regjeringa samla der for første gang etter ein... more
Ei av dei nasjonalt mest omtalte hendingane i Lesja under andre verdskrigen, truleg òg samla sett, var det som skjedde på Stuguflotten måndag 22. april i 1940. Da var storparten av den norske regjeringa samla der for første gang etter ein nokså hasardiøs flukt frå Oslo, via Elverum, Gudbrandsdalen og Østerdalen i dagane etter 9. april. Bakgrunnen er nokså uoversiktleg, mellom anna fordi kjeldene ikkje er samstemte. Denne framstillinga bygger i hovudsak på minne skrivne av nokså mange som var involvert i hendingane, og minne kan som kjent svikte når det gjeld detaljar som namn og datoar. Vi kan først ta med arbeidarpartiregjeringa ved krigsutbrotet: statsminister Johan Nygaardsvold, justisminister Terje Wold, utanriksminister Halvdan Koht, forsvarsminister Birger Ljungberg, sosialminister Sverre Støstad, handel-, sjøfart-, industri-, handverk-og fiskeriminister Anders Frihagen, finansminister Oscar Torp, landbruksminister Hans Ystgaard, forsyningsminister Trygve Lie, kyrkje-og undervisningsminister Nils A. Hjelmtveit og arbeidsminister Olav Hindahl. Dei fleste av desse kom seg ut av Oslo 9. april og var samla på Elverum og Nybergsund dei to neste dagane. Der vart regjeringa av Stortinget omgjort til ei samlingsregjering og utvida med tre konsultative statsrådar, ein kvar frå Høgre, Venstre og Bondepartiet, men berre ein, Svein Nielsen (Høgre) slutta seg til regjeringa medan dei var i Sør-Norge. Etter bombinga av Nybergsund 11. april vart så regjeringa og kongefamilien ufriviljug splitta. Ein del, Støstad, Hindahl, Ystgaard og Ljungberg med statsministeren i spissen reiste over Hamar og Lillehammer gjennom Gudbrandsdalen. Kongen, kronprinsen og ein del andre regjeringsmedlemer reiste opp Østerdalen. Nokre av dei, Koht og Torp var òg innom Sverige før dei reiste vidare, medan Hjelmtveit, kronprinsessa og barna vart verande der (Hjelmtveit returnerte 27. mai). Kongen, kronprinsen og to andre, Wold og Lie, reiste over Hjerkinn og med toget til Otta, dit dei kom seint om kvelden laurdag 13. april. Nygaardsvolds del av regjeringa kom til Lesjaverk gard om lag samtidig. Frå der startar historia om hendingane på Stuguflotten. Men regjeringa reiste ikkje åleine. «Halehenget» Eit hovudproblem desse dramatiske dagane, til liks med i dag, var å få både ut og inn påliteleg informasjon om situasjonen til dei som skulle ta viktige avgjerder. Det var først og fremst regjeringa med kongen og kronprinsen. Systematisk informasjonsarbeid er noko som har utvikla seg svaert mykje dei siste tiåra. Frå gamalt var det presten i kyrkja og lensmannen på kyrkjebakken som var dei viktigaste kanalane for offentleg informasjon. Frå midten av 1800-talet og utover kom avisene og i mellomkrigstida radioen, men det var òg det som fanst av slike kanalar i 1940. Avisene og radioen var i 1940 i mykje større grad enn i dag sentralisert. Den viktigaste krumtappen i nyheitsformidlinga var Norsk Telegrambyrå (NTB), som telegraferte meldingar til avisredaksjonane rundt om i landet. Men den mest verknadsfulle kanalen var Norsk Rikskringkasting (NRK), og stort sett alle radiosendingar gjekk ut frå Oslo via dei andre kringkastingsstasjonane rundt om i landet (Hamar, Vigra, Bodø og fleire). Dei aller fleste nyheitene kom altså frå Oslo, som vart okkupert av tyskarane allereie om morgonen 9. april.
The exhibition Wir waren Freunde – We were friends. Encounters of Germans and Finns in Lapland 1940–1944 at the Provincial Museum of Lapland 2015–2016 presented the Finno-German Second World War brotherhood-in-arms from the everyday-life... more
The exhibition Wir waren Freunde – We were friends. Encounters of Germans and Finns in Lapland 1940–1944 at the Provincial Museum of Lapland 2015–2016 presented the Finno-German Second World War brotherhood-in-arms from the everyday-life perspective. The wartime presence of Nazi troops as Finnish co-belligerents in northern Finland is still a sensitive and complex issue, and the exhibition had a controversial reception both locally, nationally and internationally. We discuss the critical points of the exhibition process, based on a visitor survey and interviews of the museum staff and other stakeholders. We approach the exhibition as one example of “difficult heritage” from the recent past. There are considerable differences in the ways people from various backgrounds experienced the exhibition. For the most part, the visitor feedback was positive, but also critical voices were heard. The exhibition process reflects the various ways that “silences” can occur in museum work, e.g. as respectful and societal silences in avoiding interest of conflict. Museums have an important role as institutions that can challenge prevailing understandings of the past and identities, by deliberately grasping marginalized and difficult themes. However, subjects that might appear as interesting and important from a local perspective can receive critical interpretations in the eyes of foreign visitors. Still, addressing difficult heritage is important, as illustrated by Wir waren Freunde exhibition which gave the museum visitors as well as professionals a lot of food for thought.
- by Oula Seitsonen and +1
- •
- Museum Studies, German History, Cultural Heritage, Heritage Studies
Hitler’s invasion of the USSR has long been a source of historiographical controversy. In the West, the version of events pushed by former German commanders, which emphasised Hitler's mistakes, the weather, and brutal Soviet profligacy,... more
Hitler’s invasion of the USSR has long been a source of historiographical controversy. In the West, the version of events pushed by former German commanders, which emphasised Hitler's mistakes, the weather, and brutal Soviet profligacy, became the dominant Cold War explanation for Hitler’s failure to take Moscow. This explanation no longer finds many adherents amongst Western historians. The official Soviet explanation emphasised the treacherous German attack, heroic resistance by the Red Army, and the solidarity of the Soviet government and people. During glasnost, a ‘revisionist’ critique of the Soviet view fervently attacked once-sacred shibboleths surrounding the prosecution of the war. This article explores the evolving anti-revisionist ‘national-patriotic’ version of 1941 that has become the new dominant paradigm in Russia.
La storia dei rapporti tra Italia e Germania dopo la seconda guerra mondiale è una delle chiavi per capire le contraddizioni dell'Europa contemporanea. L'Italia fu tra i principali sostenitori della rinascita di uno Stato tedesco... more
La storia dei rapporti tra Italia e Germania dopo la seconda guerra mondiale è una delle chiavi per capire le contraddizioni dell'Europa contemporanea. L'Italia fu tra i principali sostenitori della rinascita di uno Stato tedesco affrancato dall'influenza sovietica: i due paesi dovevano far parte dello stesso sistema di relazioni economiche e politiche. Partendo dall'analisi del punto di vista italiano sulla «questione tedesca», il volume ricostruisce, anche attraverso le reciproche percezioni, le matrici politiche ed economiche alla base delle relazioni bilaterali dalla fine della seconda guerra mondiale alla metà degli anni Cinquanta. In questo decennio presero forma quelle peculiari condizioni geopolitiche su cui si sarebbero fondati i rapporti tra Italia e Repubblica Federale durante il periodo della guerra fredda.
Hoewel de belangstelling voor de Tweede Wereldoorlog omvangrijk is en er sprake lijkt van een aanhoudende behoefte aan – vooral persoonlijke – verhalen uit de bezettingstijd, zijn bepaalde verhalen en thema’s prominenter aanwezig dan... more
Hoewel de belangstelling voor de Tweede Wereldoorlog omvangrijk is en er sprake lijkt van een aanhoudende behoefte aan – vooral persoonlijke – verhalen uit de bezettingstijd, zijn bepaalde verhalen en thema’s prominenter aanwezig dan andere. Wat zijn nu eigenlijk die ‘vergeten’ verhalen en thema’s?
This book is the first of a kind in that it covers South Africa's war in East and North Africa in a single volume. However, it is by no means a complete history. Some events, especially those which involve the South Africans, are dealt... more
This book is the first of a kind in that it covers South Africa's war in East and North Africa in a single volume. However, it is by no means a complete history. Some events, especially those which involve the South Africans, are dealt with in detail, while other facets of the desert war receive less attention. The Union Defence Force in the Second World War made tremendous sacrifices, all but forgotten in South Africa and Britain. Britain owes a debt to the South Africans who voluntarily came to her aid during her darkest hours. Modern day South Africans, who enjoy the fruits of a democratic country, should not forget that black and white South Africans soldiers took up arms and fought side by side against fascist tyranny in the hope that a better and freer South Africa would emerge as a result of their sacrifices.
Mirosław Sikora, Die Waffenschmiede des »Dritten Reiches«. Die deutsche Rüstungsindustrie in Oberschlesien während des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Hrsg. von Helmut Maier, Essen: Klartext 2014, 591 S. (= Bochumer Studien zur Technik-und... more
Mirosław Sikora, Die Waffenschmiede des »Dritten Reiches«. Die deutsche Rüstungsindustrie in Oberschlesien während des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Hrsg. von Helmut Maier, Essen: Klartext 2014, 591 S. (= Bochumer Studien zur Technik-und Umweltgeschichte, 3), EUR 39,95 [ISBN 978-3-8375-1190-1] Besprochen von Roman Töppel: München, E-
A kormányzói utódlás kérdésének megoldására Horthy Miklós több mint öt évvel a kormányzóhelyettesi tisztség törvénybeiktatása előtt már bizonyosan gondolt. Az első támpontot ehhez Kozma Miklós feljegyzéseiben találhatjuk, aki 1936-ban,... more
A kormányzói utódlás kérdésének megoldására Horthy Miklós több mint öt évvel a kormányzóhelyettesi tisztség törvénybeiktatása előtt már bizonyosan gondolt. Az első támpontot ehhez Kozma Miklós feljegyzéseiben találhatjuk, aki 1936-ban, belügyminiszterként tett látogatást Hitlernél. A kancellár a kormányzó utódlással kapcsolatos terveiről érdeklődött tőle. Kozma azt a felvilágosítást adta, hogy Horthy személyesen kíván végrendeletében kijelölni két, vagy három embert, akik közül halála után a parlament választana 1 Semmilyen bizonyító tényező nincs arra nézve, hogy a harmincas évek derekán a kormányzó gondolt volna tisztségének átörökítésére. 2 A kormányzói jogkör újbóli bővítése 1937-ben került napirendre a titkos választójog törvénybe iktatásának tervével együtt. A választójogi törvény módosítására kormánypárti és ellenzéki körökből is mutatkozott igény, hiszen a korabeli európai országok joggyakorlatához képest e tekintetben Magyarország jelentős elmaradásban volt, a törvénymódosítás a külpolitikai presztízs érdekében is szükségszerűnek mutatkozott" 3 Gömbös Gyula bukásával és halálával, majd Darányi Kálmán kinevezésével radikális jobboldali körök úgy látták, veszélybe kerül a NEP radikálisan jobboldali tömegpárttá szervezése, illetőleg változás következhet be a gömbösi külpolitikában is. Erre a kormánypárt jobbszárnya, és a szélsőjobboldali ellenzék erősödő aktivitással válaszolt, ami 4 1937 márciusában a MOVE-puccsban érte el tetőpontját. Az akció a miniszterelnök megbuktatását tűzte ki céljául.
Visual and cultural analysis of Meiji shōnen kaiko 明治少年懐古 (Reminiscences of a Meiji youth, 1944), an illustrated book that nostalgically recalls Japan's late nineteenth and early twentieth century period of modernization. The book is in... more
Visual and cultural analysis of Meiji shōnen kaiko 明治少年懐古 (Reminiscences of a Meiji youth, 1944), an illustrated book that nostalgically recalls Japan's late nineteenth and early twentieth century period of modernization. The book is in the Pulverer Collection of Japanese illustrated books of the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC and is featured on The World of the Japanese Illustrated Book website. My commentary, along with a complete set of readable images of the book, may be found here: http://pulverer.si.edu/node/440/title/1.
Odmev na intervju v nedeljo 12.1.2020 na TV Slo1, kjer je novinar dr. Jože Možina gostil prof.dr. Ivana Čuka, pogovor pa je tekel zlasti o sokolski zgodovini, ki je kot telovadno gibanje pustilo močen pečat v slovenski narodni in... more
Odmev na intervju v nedeljo 12.1.2020 na TV Slo1, kjer je novinar dr. Jože Možina gostil prof.dr. Ivana Čuka, pogovor pa je tekel zlasti o sokolski zgodovini, ki je kot telovadno gibanje pustilo močen pečat v slovenski narodni in telesnokulturni/športni zgodovini. V pogovoru je bil med drugim poudarjen »taborski proces« in izključitev Franja Lubeja in Zorana Poliča iz ljubljanskega društva Sokol I. (na Taboru) s težnjo po dokazovanju, da sta bila komunista in da je Partija prek njiju in njunih sodelavcev vodila Sokolstvo v OF in »prevarala« sokolstvo.