Youth activism Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
Our scholarship on aids must be located at the crossroads of art and politics, life and art, and life and death.-Alberto Sandoval-Sánchez, "Response to the Repre sen ta tion of aids" Activism is an engagement with the hauntings of... more
Our scholarship on aids must be located at the crossroads of art and politics, life and art, and life and death.-Alberto Sandoval-Sánchez, "Response to the Repre sen ta tion of aids" Activism is an engagement with the hauntings of history, a dialogue between the memories of the past and the imaginings of the future manifested through the acts of our own pre sent yearnings. aids has surrounded us with the living memory of familiar ghosts, faces that haunt our intimate realities of being infected/not yet infected, sick/not yet sick, alive but not yet dead. As we wait for passage to the other side, we plan our revenge and chart strategies of re sis tance to head off the silence. Identity politics, as an organ izing tool and po liti cal ideology, has historically had specific investments for marginal-ized groups in this country. Po liti cal groupings based on identity categories, however, have become highly contested sites, splintering ever further into more specialized and discrete social and po liti cal units, based on more precise yet still problematic categories of identification and concomitant modes of definition. As a lived practice, strategic essentialism (and the policing of identity) that often defines it has become a messy and contentious organizing strategy that ultimately reveals the limits and problematic assumptions of identity politics. Identity politics formed in re sis tance to state power thus remains implicated in the perpetuation of the narratives upon which it is founded, specifically the conflation of identity, ideology, and po liti cal practices and the lived ramifications of the constructed and problematic duality of insider/outsider. Yet for many, it becomes impossible to conceive of po-liti cal organ izing without explicative narratives or definitive social positions.
This article aims to share findings from a youth-informed study with interracial anti-racist youth activist groups in two urban high schools. The study used mostly critical ethnographic methods.The findings showed that the agency of youth... more
This article aims to share findings from a youth-informed study with interracial anti-racist youth activist groups in two urban high schools. The study used mostly critical ethnographic methods.The findings showed that the agency of youth activists amplified their literacies of love and resistance, organizing, critical teaching, and knowledge. More research is needed in English education related to youth organizing activities across contexts as youth organizing work is largely unknown or underused by educators and schools. Overall, this research supports humanizing collectives that amplify the literacies of youth and position youth-centered education for liberation.
In this essay I want to figure out in which ways the Squat Group Kinderen van Mokum fit into what we know about contemporary problems in Amsterdam, especially concerning the youth. In analysing literature and comparing that to the... more
In this essay I want to figure out in which ways the Squat Group Kinderen van Mokum fit into what we know about contemporary problems in Amsterdam, especially concerning the youth. In analysing literature and comparing that to the characteristics of the activist group, I want to know in what way the activism of Kinderen van Mokum is a response to the problems that young people face in Amsterdam.
Por meio da compreensão do ativismo de fãs como uma forma de resistência cotidiana cultural, econômica e criativa, o objetivo deste capítulo busca problematizar as relações entre participação, resistência e consumo de fãs do jogo on-line... more
Por meio da compreensão do ativismo de fãs como uma forma de resistência cotidiana cultural, econômica e criativa, o objetivo deste capítulo busca problematizar as relações entre participação, resistência e consumo de fãs do jogo on-line League of Legends (LoL). Enquanto suporte empírico, apresenta-se um mapeamento sobre algumas práticas do ativismo de fãs-jogadores no antigo fórum oficial de LoL no Brasil, a partir de uma triangulação metodológica com destaque para o uso de inspirações etnográficas. Após as reflexões teóricas e as análises, propõe-se uma tipologia das práticas de resistência cotidiana na comunidade de LoL baseada em quatro modos. Os resultados desta abordagem indicam que a diversidade do universo das produções digitais e práticas de parte dos fãs de LoL ressignificam as compreensões sobre resistência e participação, questionando a dualidade existente entre a cidadania e o consumo da cultura pop, agindo como catalizadores que reinterpretam e excedem os limites do fandom.
The FridaysForFuture movement (FFF), launched by Greta Thumberg's school strikes in 2018, has led a new wave of climate activism worldwide. Young people are at the forefront, with social media serving both as mobilizing tools and... more
The FridaysForFuture movement (FFF), launched by Greta Thumberg's school strikes in 2018, has led a new wave of climate activism worldwide. Young people are at the forefront, with social media serving both as mobilizing tools and expressive spaces. Drawing upon literature on youth and digital activism with a generational, situated approach, we account for how both the climate struggle and social media are appropriated by FFF-activists as part of their own youth grassroots politics. Moreover, we explore the activities they mix and the strategies they adopt when moving across online and offline environments. From July 2020 to January 2021, we carried out 6 months of ethnographic work with(in) the FFF-Rome group by blending participant observation of assemblies and protests with digital ethnography on the homonym WhatsApp group. Results’ thematic analysis shows that FFF-activists believe climate activism to be their own fight and social media their own battlefield. A generational u...
When a group of undocumented migrants blocked a road in San Bernardino, California, in the summer of 2011, it was at first sight one out of many events organized by the protest movement of undocumented youth. While they marched down the... more
When a group of undocumented migrants blocked a road in San Bernardino, California, in the
summer of 2011, it was at first sight one out of many events organized by the protest movement
of undocumented youth. While they marched down the road and started their action of civil
disobedience, they were chanting “education not deportation” and wore academic caps and tshirts
with the campaign slogan “The DREAM is coming” as a reference to higher education
and the federal DREAM Act . On the one hand, they were thus continuing the activism of the
undocumented youth movement, which became nationally known because of its struggle for the
rights of students without legal status in the US since its inception in the early 2000s (cf. Nicholls
2013; Corrunker 2012; Anguiano 2011; Unzueta/Seif 2014; Seif 2014; Costanza-Chock 2014;
Eisema/Fiorito/Montero-Sieburth 2014; Negron-Gonzales 2014, 2015). On the other hand, this
direct action was symbolic of a shift in the movement that heavily impacted the political practice
of groups, coalitions and alliances of undocumented youth in California over the last years.
The study aims to understand the role of Social Media in the current chain of events of various activist protests that have happened in the 21 st Century or are going around the world. It specifically focuses on the student led protest in... more
The study aims to understand the role of Social Media in the current chain of events of various activist protests that have happened in the 21 st Century or are going around the world. It specifically focuses on the student led protest in India against the Citizenship Amendment Act (bill) which was floored in the Lower House of the Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) meeting on December 09, 2019 and passed on December 11, 2019. Starting from NorthEast to rest of the cities in India, the protestors took over the street in numbers to protest the Citizenship Amendment Act (bill) or commonly to be called as the CAA protest. Role of Social Media thus was recognized as one of the major influences in organizing and facilitating these protests across the country. In this study we unfold the active role of Social Media Apps such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram into creating awareness about the issue, advocating for one's rights and organizing protests. Thus, looking at a new narrative of activism through online means or to say emergence of "Online Activism" and its impact on on-ground protests.
Reviews, interviews and quotes of the book Utopías artísticas de revuelta.
The mass school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (MSD) in Parkland, Florida, which resulted in the deaths and injury of seventeen students and staff members, sparked national outrage over increasingly partisan Abstract:... more
The mass school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (MSD) in Parkland, Florida, which resulted in the deaths and injury of seventeen students and staff members, sparked national outrage over increasingly partisan Abstract: When young people took to the streets on 24 March 2018 as part of March for Our Lives (MFOL), they leveraged narratives of age and generation to inspire others to take action on preventing gun violence incidences across the United States. Despite the political precarity associated with their ages, student-activists claimed public space and voice as more than the victims of the so-called "mass shooting generation." This article explores how narratives of age and generation shape their political legibility and authority in the MFOL movement. Based on analyses of Parkland student speeches and reflections and MFOL protest signs, I consider the paradoxical manner in which youth-activists play with notions of age in order to mark themselves as essential political actors and vulnerable not-yet subjects in need of protection. It is my contention that MFOL illustrates the liminal borders of youth political (in)visibility and the transformative possibilities of age-based politics for youth-activists.
As young members of the Canadian community, we are surrounded by an extraordinary amount of socio-politically engaged and informed youth that would make remarkably knowledgeable voters. 16 year-olds are denied their voice in deciding who... more
As young members of the Canadian community, we are surrounded by an extraordinary amount of socio-politically engaged and informed youth that would make remarkably knowledgeable voters. 16 year-olds are denied their voice in deciding who regulates and creates policies for the society in which they have so many responsibilities and functions. Allowing them to vote would have a substantial number of positive impacts. Given that so many of them would make qualified voters, we are overlooking a vast amount of astute intellects. We would be further honouring the rights of citizens, giving an essential gift to our country’s democracy, and allowing more educated voters into election booths.
The authors (Albano Fernandes, Kennedy Saldanha, Ian Doulton, Lionel Braganza, Nelson Carvalho & Peter Gonsalves), as members of an international educational society called Salesians of Don Bosco, are proficient in youth work and have at... more
The authors (Albano Fernandes, Kennedy Saldanha, Ian Doulton, Lionel Braganza, Nelson Carvalho & Peter Gonsalves), as members of an international educational society called Salesians of Don Bosco, are proficient in youth work and have at various times lived and worked with young people of different age-groups, socio-economic backgrounds, creeds and cultures. This book is a compendium of practical methodologies for youth leadership culled from the storehouse of their vast and varied experiences.
Publisher: Tej-prasarini, Don Bosco Communications, Matunga, Mumbai, India.
Year: 1996, Pages: 207
Email: <tej_dbc@vsnl.net>
Any dominant, mainstream model undoes the very idea of multiple modes of living and diversity which excludes the real demands of the minority groups and contributes to their social exclusion. Whereas everyone is entitled to equal and... more
Any dominant, mainstream model undoes the very idea of multiple modes of living and diversity which excludes the real demands of the minority groups and contributes to their social exclusion. Whereas everyone is entitled to equal and inalienable rights and opportunities set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India without distinction of any kind, such commitments are yet to be translated into action. Although Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees ‘Right to life and personal liberty’ to all, of which the Right to Healthcare forms an integral part, a large section of the society is still insensitive to the healthcare needs of the transgender community.
In October 2020, the Nigerian youth championed what is arguably the most organic and decentralized protest ever experienced in Nigeria through the ENDSARS protest movement. This research examines the protest motives, planning and... more
In October 2020, the Nigerian youth championed what is arguably the most organic and decentralized protest ever experienced in Nigeria through the ENDSARS protest movement. This research examines the protest motives, planning and structure of the protest. The research conducts a primary qualitative research: semi-structured interview with high-level organizers and influential participants of the protest, and secondary qualitative research: media reports, social media data and grey literatures. It finds that organic protests are redefining strategy as a preplanned activity in social movement. Hence, it concludes that the ENDSARS protest had a strategy that evolved each protest day, where patterns of actions responded to (un)expected opportunities and challenges, as they emerged. Thus, ENDSARS protest can be said to have had an emergent strategy.
Drawing from the author’s 5-year, multi-method qualitative study, this article argues that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer students in Canadian Catholic schools are not inherently mentally ill, passive victims in need of... more
Drawing from the author’s 5-year, multi-method qualitative study,
this article argues that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
queer students in Canadian Catholic schools are not inherently
mentally ill, passive victims in need of special Catholic pastoral
care; instead, they are activists who strongly resist homophobic
oppression in school. This article concentrates on three youth
activists, whose stories are analyzed through narrative inquiry
and are contextualized in the larger study’s methodology. The
article concludes that anti-homophobia education efforts should
not overlook potential student leaders in Catholic schools.
The increased visibility of undocumented youth in the past decade has chal- lenged public conceptions of who undocumented immigrants are, what they look like, and what role they play in US society. Undocumented Latino migrant youth have... more
The increased visibility of undocumented youth in the past decade has chal- lenged public conceptions of who undocumented immigrants are, what they look like, and what role they play in US society. Undocumented Latino migrant youth have complicated the immigration debate not just through their presence, but also through the development of a vibrant social movement born of their experience, making clear that the country’s outdated immigration policy does not reflect the complex reality of immigrants, migration, and the nation. Drawing on Nicholas De Genova’s work on border spectacle, I argue that activism among undocumented Latino youth serves as a “counter-spectacle” that challenges dominant conceptions of (il)legality and undocumented workers, disrupting the link between “criminality” and “illegality.” Using ethnographic data collected from undocumented youth activists in California since 2007, I examine the ways in which their civil disobedience and testimonio act as counter-spectacle and shift conceptions of citizenship in a country entrenched in a debate around who has the right to belong.
This resource, edited by Ian Davies, Mark Evans, Márta Fülöp, Dina Kiwan, Andrew Peterson, Jasmine B. Y. Sim, explores key ideas and issues about the ways in which young people participate in society and what implications that has for... more
In April 2020, a Twitter war erupted under the hashtag #MilkTeaAlliance. It united users from Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in a fight against Chinese techno-nationalists’ attempts to shame public figures into supporting the Chinese... more
In April 2020, a Twitter war erupted under the hashtag #MilkTeaAlliance. It united users from Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in a fight against Chinese techno-nationalists’ attempts to shame public figures into supporting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s framing of geopolitics. In the months that followed, Thai, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong activists continued to lend support to each other through their use of this and other hashtags. Why does the #MilkTeaAlliance hashtag resonate with so many? What political contexts preceded the consolidation of the #MilkTeaAlliance, and how may this alliance reshape geopolitical landscapes offline? We approach these questions from our perspective as activists embedded in these movements. We argue that the formation of the #MilkTeaAlliance unites voices that are marginalized diplomatically, discursively, and affectively by the CCP, and—more crucially—generates valuable affective and physical forms of intra-Asian solidarity against authoritarianism in the region.
"Alter-Globalization / The Global Justice Movement From Bangalore to Seattle, Porto Alegre, Copenhagen and Dakar, citizens, indigenous, farmers, intellectuals and dalits have contested globalization in its neoliberal form, proposed... more
This paper sets out to examine Sri Lankan Tamil diasporic mobilization in Canada in its various organisational forms, from the late 1970s to the present. Even as there is much talk about the Canadian Tamil diaspora, the largest population... more
This paper sets out to examine Sri Lankan Tamil diasporic mobilization in Canada in its various organisational forms, from the late 1970s to the present. Even as there is much talk about the Canadian Tamil diaspora, the largest population of Sri Lankan Tamils outside of Sri Lanka itself, there is, maybe quite surprisingly, very little actually written about organisational dynamics in the community. In attempting to fill this gap in the research, this paper makes several inter-related arguments: first, far from being monolithic or homogenous, Tamil diaspora politics in Canada is constantly in flux. Second, with respect to issues of reconciliation among ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, as well as economic and social development, the diaspora’s role is ambiguous at best. What is clear, however, is that in the post-war period, the “organisational field” has become quite diverse, and the diaspora’s role in reconciliation and economic development is being openly and actively debated and criticized. I begin by providing a brief overview of scholarly debates surrounding the definition of “diaspora” as well as a snapshot of the Canadian Tamil community, before examining the pre and post 2009 organisational dynamics.
This paper examines the ways in which girls and women are using digital media platforms to challenge the rape culture they experience in their everyday lives; including street harassment, sexual assault, and the policing of the body and... more
This paper examines the ways in which girls and women are using digital media platforms to challenge the rape culture they experience in their everyday lives; including street harassment, sexual assault, and the policing of the body and clothing in school settings. Focusing on three international cases, including the anti-street harassment site Hollaback!, the hashtag #BeenRapedNeverReported, and interviews with teenage Twitter activists, the paper asks: What experiences of harassment, misogyny and rape culture are girls and women responding to? How are girls and women using digital media technologies to document experiences of sexual violence, harassment, and sexism? And, why are girls and women choosing to mobilize digital media technologies in such a way? Employing an approach that includes ethnographic methods such as semi-structured interviews, content analysis, discursive textual analysis, and affect theories, we detail a range of ways that women and girls are using social media platforms to speak about, and thus make visible, experiences of rape culture. We argue that this digital mediation enables new connections previously unavailable to girls and women, allowing them to redraw the boundaries between themselves and others.
- by Jessalynn Keller and +2
- •
- Sociology, Media Studies, Sociology of Education, Feminist Theory
On June 20th, 1973, around three million people gathered near Ezeiza airport to welcome Juan Perón who was returning to Argentina after 18 years of exile. The event turned into a massacre due to the attack by the Peronist right wing in... more
On June 20th, 1973, around three million people gathered near Ezeiza airport to welcome Juan Perón who was returning to Argentina after 18 years of exile. The event turned into a massacre due to the attack by the Peronist right wing in charge of the organization.
This article seeks to call into question the hegemonic interpretation which maintains that the right wing group who fired into the crowd was the same that traditionally used the slogan “Patria Peronista” against the left wing, identified with the Tendencia Revolucionaria, who chanted “la Patria Socialista”.
The analysis of written and oral primary sources contradicts the hegemonic version. There had arisen new actors who had no relation with the slogan dispute, and who benefited from the confusion. Thus, these new actors seemed to be supported by a mass mobilization that in reality did not support them.
This article is based on testimonies of ex militants of the Juventud Peronista Trasvasamiento Generacional, the majority of whom chanted “Patria Peronista” in political events. To provide a non hegemonic, silenced, or “forgotten” memory to the historical analysis, seeks to contribute to deep understanding of the youth militancy on the early seventies in Argentina.
In this chapter, we explore how young people use social media to challenge what they position as rape culture in schools and online. In the first part of the chapter we draw on our research with a feminist group in a London secondary... more
In this chapter, we explore how young people use social media to challenge what they position as rape culture in schools and online. In the first part of the chapter we draw on our research with a feminist group in a London secondary school to explore how young people navigate sexual harassment, victim blaming, slut-shaming, rape jokes, cyberflashing, and other forms masculine sexual entitlement online and in school. Next we outline through discussion of research in two further schools how we have used these research findings to build pedagogical interventions in the form of school guidance and lesson plans on digital defence and feminist activism with the charity School of Sexuality Education.
This book analyses the aesthetic and utopian dimensions of various activist social movements in Western Europe since 1989. Through a series of case studies, it demonstrates how dreams of a better society have manifested themselves in... more
This book analyses the aesthetic and utopian dimensions of various activist social movements in Western Europe since 1989. Through a series of case studies, it demonstrates how dreams of a better society have manifested themselves in contexts of political confrontation, and how artistic forms have provided a language to express the collective desire for social change.
The study begins with the 1993 occupation of Claremont Road in east London, an attempt to prevent the demolition of homes to make room for a new motorway. In a squatted row of houses, all available space was transformed and filled with elements that were both aesthetic and defensive – so when the authorities arrived to evict the protestors, sculptures were turned into barricades. At the end of the decade, this kind of performative celebration merged with the practices of the antiglobalisation movement, where activists staged spectacular parallel events alongside the global elite’s international meetings. As this book shows, social movements try to erase the distance that separates reality and political desire, turning ordinary people into creators of utopias. Squatted houses, carnivalesque street parties, counter-summits, and camps in central squares, all create a physical place of these utopian visions
1960’ların sonlarına doğru gençlik mücadelesi içinde yer alan figürlerden bazılarının işçi sınıfıyla buluşma ve işçi sınıfı öncülüğünde bir devrim gerçekleştirme çabaları daha sistematik ve kararlı bir hale gelmeye başlayacak, 15-16... more
1960’ların sonlarına doğru gençlik mücadelesi içinde yer alan figürlerden bazılarının işçi sınıfıyla buluşma ve işçi sınıfı öncülüğünde bir devrim gerçekleştirme çabaları daha sistematik ve kararlı bir hale gelmeye başlayacak, 15-16 Haziran 1970 bu kesim için umut verici bir işaret olacaktır. Tüm bu arayışlar, 1960’larda yükselen dalgayı kıran 12 Mart Darbesi ile kesintiye uğrasa ya da yer altına inse de darbenin etkilerinin aşılmasının ardından yeniden yükselen sol harekete değerli bir birikim kazandırmıştır.
This thesis examines the forces that strengthen and weaken young people’s involvement in Brazil’s Landless Rural Workers’ Movement, the MST, during the twilight of the PT years, 2012-2014. The MST responds to displacement, environmental... more
This thesis examines the forces that strengthen and weaken young people’s involvement in Brazil’s Landless Rural Workers’ Movement, the MST, during the twilight of the PT years, 2012-2014. The MST responds to displacement, environmental devastation, and capital-intensive development by fighting for land reform and socialist transformation. Although the MST’s politics of redistribution have attracted significant attention from activists and academics worldwide, little ethnographic attention had yet been paid to the experiences and subjectivities of rural youth affiliated with the movement. By attending to structural
conditions, dynamics of family, sexuality, and gender, and political socialization in three regions of Brazil, this study deepens understandings of youth and agrarian change, as well as the challenges and promises of sustaining intergenerational activism. Bringing scholarly attention to such
innovative examples is important, as the future of food and farming depends on the willingness of youth to engage in agriculture as a cultural way of life. Moreover, given the increasingly regressive, authoritarian, and exclusionary national politics that are deepening inequalities and unraveling social protections in Brazil; ethnographic analysis of how political alternatives are generated and sustained by youth, is crucial to understanding emerging inclusionary political projects in Latin America.
At a time when the government failed to provide sufficient social services and many marginalized groups needed to rely on NGOs and various local initiatives to fill the gap, this paper interrogated the potential and limitations of youth... more
At a time when the government failed to provide sufficient social services and many marginalized groups needed to rely on NGOs and various local initiatives to fill the gap, this paper interrogated the potential and limitations of youth activism involved in self-initiated street outreach for homeless people. Grounded in a historical analysis of the housing policies and social welfare system in Hong Kong, this paper used an auto-ethnography framework to re-contextualize the relationship between ‘helpers’ and the people being ‘helped’.
The research was conducted in two field-sites: a student social service group and a homeless people gathering spot in the Eastern district. Through qualitative methods such as participant obser- vation and individual interviews, as well as the researcher’s own experience as part of the group, the paper identified the strategies students used to overcome the boundary between the homeless people and themselves, and analyzed the subject-making of students as activists under the influence of neoliberalism. During the process, the researcher together with her informants discovered new perspectives related to engagement with homeless people and questioned the possibility of perpetuating symbolic violence on marginalized groups under the cover of kindness. Ultimately, the paper aimed to provide a constructive critique on ‘the ethics of helping others’ and problematize the notion that good deeds are inherently good. It also hoped to offer insights on alternative ways of living in cities and recognized the agency of seemingly powerless groups.