Discourse-Historical Approach Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

- by Achim Landwehr
- •
- Discourse Theory, Discourse-Historical Approach

Der Blick auf die aktuelle weltpolitische Lage verdeutlicht, von welch hoher Relevanz das Thema Frieden und insbesondere Friedensfindung ist. Dass dies kein Phänomen der Moderne ist, zeigt gerade die Frühe Neuzeit, zu deren Charakteristika eine ausgeprägte Friedlosigkeit, aber auch das stete Bemühen um Konfliktbeilegung gehörten. Am historischen Fallbeispiel des Westfälischen Friedenskongresses (WFK) untersucht die Tagung politische, ökonomische, soziale und diskursive Rahmenbedingungen, die Friedensschließen ermöglichen und behindern, um so zu einer höheren Sensibilität und einem tieferen Verständnis für die Komplexität von friedensstiftenden Aushandlungsprozessen auch in der Gegenwart beizutragen. Die zeitliche Distanz ermöglicht einen unvoreingenommenen und kritischen Blick.
Der WFK als erster multilateraler Gesandtenkongress der Neuzeit eignet sich besonders gut als Kontrastfolie, da er vor der Herausforderung stand, hochkomplexe religiös-konfessionelle Konfliktlagen zu entschärfen sowie Auseinandersetzungen um Staatsbildungsprozesse nach Innen und Außen beizulegen – alles Themen und Problemfelder gegenwärtiger Auseinandersetzungen in Afrika, dem Nahen Osten und Südosteuropa. Die Konzentration auf ein historisches Fallbeispiel ist notwendig, um eine ganzheitliche Betrachtung von Friedensprozessen zu gewährleisten. Diese Fokussierung auf ein Untersuchungsobjekt verhindert, unterschiedliche Ausgangssituationen zu vermischen, und sichert analytische Schärfe. Der Tagung geht es nicht darum, den WFK als Ort der Erinnerungskultur zu betonen oder ihn als Schablone auf die heutigen Konflikte zu legen.
Der Westfälische Frieden und die ihm vorausgehenden Verhandlungen gehören unstreitig zu den am dichtesten beschriebenen historischen Ereignissen der modernen Historiographie. Insgesamt löst sich die Forschung bis heute erst allmählich von der traditionellen politikgeschichtlichen Perspektive. Für das Verständnis von Frieden als Prozess ist es jedoch notwendig, einen kulturgeschichtlichen Blickwinkel einzunehmen, der soziale, ökonomische, politische und kulturelle Faktoren integriert. Deshalb wählt die Tagung einen interdisziplinären und personell wie auch thematisch internationalen Ansatz, der sich bewusst von der traditionellen historischen Forschung zum WFK abgrenzt. Vielmehr sollen bestehende Perspektiven aufgebrochen werden, um zu einer umfassenden Sicht auf Friedenschließen zu gelangen.
Dafür werden zunächst die bestehenden, zum Teil stark national geprägten Narrative zum Frieden hinterfragt sowie die ihnen zu Grunde liegenden Quellen und der Umgang mit diesen. In einem zweiten Schritt werden die Rahmenbedingungen, die Friedenschließen ermöglichen bzw. behindern, untersucht, mit anderen Worten es werden prägende Diskurse und diplomatische Praktiken in den Blick genommen. Schließlich geht es um die Funktions- und Wirkungsweise populärwissenschaftlicher Zugänge zum WFK und wie diese helfen, die Öffentlichkeit für die Schwierigkeiten des Friedenschließens zu sensibilisieren. Entsprechend schließt die Tagung mit einer Podiumsdiskussion mit dem Titel „Friedenschließen und kein Ende? Von der Aktualität frühneuzeitlicher Friedensprozesse“, die sich gezielt nicht nur an die Fachwissenschaft, sondern ebenso an eine breitere Öffentlichkeit richtet.
Mittels einer solch umfassenden Betrachtungsweise eines einzigen sehr prägenden historischen Fallbeispiels wird die Prozesshaftigkeit und Komplexität des Friedenschließens herausgestrichen. Ein Aspekt, der bislang in der historischen Friedensforschung und Diplomatiegeschichte nicht ausreichend Beachtung gefunden hat.

- by Lena Oetzel and +1
- •
- Diplomatic History, International Relations, Museum Studies, Public History

The paper focuses on the commodification and politicisation of cultural heritage using as a case study the ongoing debate on the return of the Parthenon Marbles from the U.K. to Greece, recently reignited by the press release for the movie The Monuments Men in 2014. Greece has been in the throes of a severe financial crisis for over six years with the ever imminent threat of Grexit constantly disputed. In parallel with this ongoing turmoil, discourses of Greek antiquity have been persistently prominent in the media. In this context, we problematise the complex nexus of relationships between the financial crisis, national identity and cultural heritage. We combine the Discourse-Historical Approach and Interactional Sociolinguistics drawing data from an online forum, and investigate how the users negotiate pro-/anti-return positions and make the financial crisis relevant in the argumentation process. The analysis shows that history, identity, value, and debt are recontextualised in relation to the Parthenon sculptures. The analysis identifies an underlying process of value trade off and brings the current political and economic environment to the fore. We close the paper by foregrounding the implications of our study and provide directions for further research.

- by Shaimaa El Naggar
- •
- Persuasion, Televangelism, Discourse-Historical Approach

What does the backlash against Critical Race Theory, the Capitol insurrection, Trumpism, Twitter, and neo-Nazis have in common? From Twitter to Capitol Hill: Far-right Authoritarian Populist Discourses, Social Media, and Critical Pedagogy delves deep into conservative social media and far-right extremist platforms to understand the revival and proliferation of far-right authoritarian populist discourses after Trump’s ascent to power. After the January 6th Capitol insurrection and the role social media have played in normalizing and promoting far-right populist authoritarianism, there is a renewed interest to study digital discursive aggression. Inspired by Critical Theory, Panayota Gounari masterfully uses Critical Discourse Studies to analyze social media data and articulate a discursive, pedagogical and historical project.

- by Panayota Gounari
- •
- Critical Theory, Critical Discourse Studies, Critical Pedagogy, Herbert Marcuse
- by Achim Landwehr
- •
- Discourse Analysis, Discourse-Historical Approach

Ausgehend von der methodischen Frage, auf welche Weise kognitive Ansätze der Diskursforschung auf historische Texte Anwendung finden können, rekonstruiert der Vortrag grammatische Muster zur Etablierung von Textwelten im Mittelhochdeutschen. Auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Text-Welt-Theorie (Werth 1999) und der théorie des espaces mentaux (Fauconnier 1984) wird das exemplarisch für den Bereich der Tempora durchgeführt.

- by Sonja Zeman
- •
- Discourse Analysis, Historical Linguistics, Narrative, Germanic linguistics

This edited volume examines how metaphors and related phenomena (metonymies, symbols, cultural models, stereotypes) lead to the discursive construal of a common element that brings the nation together. The central idea is that metaphor use must be questioned to lay bare the processes and the discursive power behind them. The chapters examine a range of contemporary and historical, monomodal and multimodal discourses, including politicians’ discourse, presidential speeches, newspapers, TV series, Catholic homilies, colonialist discourse, and various online sources. The approaches taken include political science, international relations, cultural studies, and linguistics. All contributions feature discursive constructivist views of metaphor, with clear sociocultural grounding, and the notion of metaphor as a framing device in constructing various aspects of nations and national identity. The volume will appeal to scholars in discourse analysis, metaphor studies, media studies, nationalism studies, and political science.

- by Ljiljana Saric and +4
- •
- Cultural Studies, International Relations, Languages and Linguistics, Political Science

Zusammenfassung Dieser Beitrag diskutiert den offensichtlichen Rechtsruck der (österreichischen) Parteienlandschaft, der in den Nationalratswahlen am 15. Okto-ber 2017 verdeutlicht wurde. Ein Prozess der Normalisierung, so die Annahme, bedingt eine Anpassung an die, teilweise rechtsextremen, Agenden rechtspopulisti-scher Parteien und führt zu einer ausschließlichen Fokussierung von Migrations-und Flüchtlingspolitik. Nach dem Versuch, das Phänomen " Rechtspopulismus " klar zu definieren, wird die schamlose Enttabuisierung vormals tabuisierter rechtsextremer Inhalte und Äußerungen am Beispiel der Annäherung der neuen Österreichischen Volkspartei (ÖVP) an die Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) im Detail illustriert. Abstract In this paper, I discuss the swing to the (far-)right in (Austrian) party politics during the election campaign and national election on October 15, 2017. This transformation is caused, I claim, by a process of normalisation, an accommodation to the, sometimes also extreme-right, agenda of formerly right-wing populist parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The election campaign of both the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) and the FPÖ focussed primarily on migration and refugee politics, based on a politics of fear and resentment. After first attempting define the phenomenon of right-wing populism, I trace how tabooed and extreme right contents slowly became acceptable, as soon as the ÖVP shamelessly integrated
some (not all) aspects of the FPÖ’s election program.

Europe as an idea as well as a political and cultural project has been a vast subject in the British public debate, The relationship between Britain and Europe was mostly regarded as extremely cautious and parochially nationalist; however, whereas in the 1960s and 1970s opposition to the European Economic Community (ECC) was predominantly led by intelligentsias and maverick politicians, the present-day debate seems less intellectually-driven and academic in his language. This article draws attention to the role of traditional and online media in re-narrating the European question. Within this process, the re-semioticization of the role of Great Britain in the international scenario vis-à-vis the historical and cultural discourses of borders between the UK and the Continent play a pivotal function. Starting from here, the article considers, on the one hand, how the current re-narration of the European question is reproducing and reinterpreting historical arguments vis-à-vis old clichés. On the other, it deals primarily with the response to the profound transition taking place in the political landscape.

- by Marzia Maccaferri
- •
- Populism, Euroscepticism, Discourse-Historical Approach, Anglosphere

In this chapter, I provide suggestions as to how communication practices of executive government institutions could be conceptualised and operationalised for a discourse analytic study. I delineate several competing ways in which scholars have written about government communication, flesh out three example analyses of government officeholders' strategic language use, and point at some conflictual aspects of government communication that would merit further linguistic study.

Die sogenannte „Flüchtlingskrise“ ist seit 2015 Bezugspunkt zahlreicher diskursiver
Konflikte im Bereich der Politik. In Österreich war die mediatisierte
Politik in den Jahren 2015 und 2016 geprägt von metadiskursiven Begriffsaushandlungen
im Zusammenhang mit der Errichtung eines Grenzzauns und der
Festlegung einer Obergrenze für Geflüchtete. Beide Themenbereiche brachten
ernsthafte ideologische und rechtliche Bedenken auf und wurden daher
weitgehend euphemisiert bzw. beschönigt. Als Reaktion auf den wachsenden
Druck der politischen Rechten waren die Äußerungen zu beiden Themen aber
auch als Signale an die Wähler gedacht. Dieser Artikel präsentiert eine diskurshistorische
Studie zur Normalisierung restriktiver Politik im theoretischen
Rahmen von Grenz- und Körperpolitik, der Darstellung des „Anderen“ und
der Mediatisierung politischer Prozesse.

- by Ruth Wodak and +1
- •
- Media Studies, Border Studies, Refugee Studies, Migration Studies
- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Critical Discourse Studies, Climate Change, Natural Resources, Leadership
- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Rhetoric, Austria (European History), Nationalism, Argumentation

In diesem Kapitel werden zunächst wichtige theoretische und methodische Ansätze der linguistischen Diskursforschung vorgestellt. In einem zweiten Schritt fokussiere ich relevante Dimensionen der Kritischen Diskursforschung (KDF), da dieses Forschungsprogramm am ehesten sowohl Theorie wie Empirie in einer problemorientierten Untersuchung komplexer sozialer Phänomene vereint. Anhand der Anwendung des Diskurshistorischen Ansatzes (DHA) werden bei- spielhaft die wichtigsten Schritte einer problem-orientierten interdisziplinären KDF bei der qualitativen und quantitativen Analyse des hegemonialen öster- reichischen Migrationsdiskurses seit 2015 illustriert.

Nationalism, once declared an obsolete force, especially after World War II and the
establishment of the European Union, has obviously returned with renewed vigour. We
encounter passionate nationalist movements everywhere, in Africa, South‐America, the
Middle East, Southern Europe, and in the successor states of the former Soviet Union.
Frequently, new nationalisms emerge, tied to religious beliefs such as Islamic nationalism.
Indeed, it seems that – in spite of an ever more connected and globalised world – more
borders and walls are being constructed to define nation states and protect them from
dangers, both alleged and real.
In the following, I will first discuss salient concepts such as nationalism and, inasmuch as they
relate to it, also transnationalism, post‐nationalism and cosmopolitanism. This necessarily
brief summary leads to an integrated critical framework for (national) identity politics
embedded in a discourse‐historical approach, currently imagined as ‘body‐politics’ in many
national publics (Musolff 2010; Norocel 2013; Wodak 2015). Thus, we are confronted with,
on the one hand, globalized tendencies to transcend the nation state frequently promoted as
post‐nationalism; and, on the other hand, with strong and virulent tendencies proposing a return to the nation‐state, defined via cultural and ethnic (as well as racist and racialised) criteria. Finally, some texts representing re‐nationalizing identity politics and politics of the past drawn from Hungarian and Austrian right‐wing populist parties’ campaigns serve to illustrate ever new border and body politics.

- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Critical Discourse Studies, Antisemitism (Prejudice), Identity politics, Nationalism
- by Begoña Bellés-Fortuño
- •
- Discourse Analysis, Rhetoric, Shakespeare, Language and Power

Das Augenmerk der Masterarbeit wurde auf die ukrainische und russische Berichterstattung über das Krim-Referendum in ausgewählten Online-Zeitungen gerichtet. Diskursive Dekonstruktion von sozialen Akteurinnen und Akteuren, welche Russland und die Ukraine repräsentieren, Ereignisse, Objekte und Handlungen, die mit der Krim-Annexion in Verbindung gebracht werden, wurden anhand des Diskurs-Historischen Ansatzes der Kritischen Diskursanalyse und der quantitativen Methoden der Korpuslinguistik durchgeführt.
Zwei Diskurse über das Krim-Referendum kreieren zwei antagonistische Realitäten, die nicht miteinander vereinbar sind. Die untersuchten Artikel werden einerseits durch Diffamierungen des „bösen Anderen“ und andererseits durch die Viktimisierungen des „guten Selbst“ geprägt. Sowohl dem russischen als auch dem ukrainischen Diskurs über das Referendum auf der Krim liegen eine argumentativ schwache, undifferenzierte und einseitige Berichterstattung zugrunde. Dies begünstigt die Festigung der Feindbilder und vertieft die Gräben zwischen den Staaten.
Eine solche Medienberichterstattung trägt zur Verschärfung des Konfliktes bei. Mit dem Ausschluss und der Unterdrückung einer kritischen Berichterstattung und der gleichzeitigen Begünstigung eines nationalistischen Diskurses wird die Aufmerksamkeit der Bürger_innen von grundlegenden wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Problemen im Staat abgelenkt. Die Änderung des Fokus dient dem Schutz der jeweiligen Regierung und der Diskreditierung des Gegners, womit jede Verantwortung abgeschoben werden kann.

In ihrem Buch zeichnet Ruth Wodak den Weg rechtspopulistischer Parteien
von den Rändern der politischen Landschaft in den Mainstream
nach. Sie beschreibt, wie die politischen Akteure mit ebenso einfachen wie
wirkungsvollen Mitteln ihren Parteien zu politischem Einfluss verhelfen
und auch den Medien die Themen vorgeben. Ein grundlegendes Werk zu
einer sich abzeichnenden Zeitenwende.
Meist fängt es mit einer kleinen Lüge an, einer Halbwahrheit, einer
Aussage, gepaart mit ihrem Gegenteil. Scheinbar versehentlich wird
Menschen anderer Hautfarbe oder anderen Glaubens die Menschlichkeit
abgesprochen, wird der Holocaust geleugnet und diese Leugnung dann
gleich wieder zurückgenommen. Angeblich in bester Absicht wird die
eigene Nation als Körper betrachtet, den es vor Infektionen zu schützen
gilt. Dahinter steht immer dasselbe Ziel: Durch das Schüren von Hass und
Angst die eigene Karriere zu befördern, koste es, was es wolle.
Im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit bleibt die allgegenwärtige diskursive
Konstruktion von Angst. Aber es geht um viel mehr. Die Analyse des
Rechtspopulismus verdeutlicht, wie die Errungenschaften der Aufklärung in Gefahr geraten, wie rationales Denken in die Defensive gedrängt wird und Gefühle mehr und mehr die Politik bestimmen. Wer das Buch liest, ahnt: Hier zeichnet sich der Beginn eines populistischen Zeitalters ab.

- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Race and Racism, Antisemitism (Prejudice), Nationalism, Critical Discourse Analysis
- by Ruth Wodak and +1
- •
- Austria (European History), Identity politics, Nationalism, National Identity

This chapter considers the question of whether anti-antisemitism today should be regarded as a genuine structural feature of contemporary society or rather as a relic of an old but now overcome European ideology. It begins by providing some working definitions of the most prominent forms of current expressions of antisemitism antisemitism. It then describes some relevant antisemitic stereotypes as well as related strategies of denial. It summarizes the few existing opinion polls oriented toward right-wing populism that correlate with antisemitism. Finally, it presents two typical manifestations of antisemitism from right-wing populist parties, analyzed in a qualitative discourse-analytical way, to illustrate explicit as well as coded manifestations recurring across Europe (and beyond).

This thesis examines the construction of ‘European identity’ in the discourses of members of European Alternatives (EA), an association of citizens which characterizes itself as committed to the grassroots construction of a better society ‘beyond the nation-state’.
By taking bottom-up and transnational perspectives, this study intends to fill a gap in the field of Critical Discourse Studies that seems to have largely underestimated the value of social action and the need to move away from ‘methodological nationalism’ in conceiving of how Europeanness is transformed and enacted.
The study applies the Discourse Historical Approach (Wodak 2001) to a corpus of data comprising of four focus groups and nine individual interviews with EA members from 10 different branches across Europe.
The results suggest a complex and very dynamic picture of how European identities are constructed, challenged and transformed by members who, typically, adopted strategies of dismantling of nationhood, and strategies of ‘imagining’ new communities, spaces and social orders.
Two key linguistic features conspicuously drive the members’ discourses of ‘belonging to Europe/being European’. One is the metaphorical scenario of spatial dynamics that, by and large, makes sense of the ‘European space’ as unbounded and interconnected with the world and whereby the European society is seen as progression and expansion of an ‘imagined’ community towards certain cosmopolitan ideals. The second element is the indexicality of transnationalism and Europe, two terms that members invested with a range of meanings including ideals of democracy, diversity, and equality but that were also constructed through the recontextualisation of historical discourses of nationhood.
This thesis thus suggests that, for EA members, the transformation of Europeanness is not a linear process (as for example some theories of the
4
‘Europeanisation’ of society would have it) but, rather a dialectic one which relates to one’s situatedness within temporal, spatial, and social dimensions and which is achieved via multiple and dynamic identification processes with different communities of relevance.

1995 trat Österreich der Europäischen Union bei, nachdem zuvor am 12. Juni 1994 eine Volksabstimmung in Österreich dazu stattgefunden hatte. 66,6 % der Abstimmenden befürworteten den geplanten EU-Beitritt. Die Wahlbeteiligung betrug 82,3 %, ein Zeichen großer Zustimmung und großer Begeisterung. Seit 1995 verfolgen wir die sehr widersprüchlichen, teils kontinuierlichen, teils brüchigen Entwicklungen österreichischer Identitätskonstruktionen, ausgehend von diesem signifikanten und folgenreichen Einschnitt in der Geschichte der 2. Republik, dem Beitritt zur EU. Und wir stellen nun 2019 fest, dass – trotz der damaligen großen Zustimmung zum EU-Beitritt – heutzutage immer mehr Renationalisierungstendenzen zu beobachten sind.

- by Ruth Wodak and +1
- •
- Gender Studies, Media Studies, Border Studies, Popular Culture

The extreme right wing is on the rise. And there are signs that part of the political mainstream in Europe, the US, and beyond is considering going along with far-right populist parties and their divisive, ethno-nationalist programmes.
Europe at the Crossroads is an urgent scholarly response to the sociopolitical challenges that far-right programmes pose to the idea of a more egalitarian world. It offers an interdisciplinary explanation and critique of the dynamics of the far right in Europe – from Poland to the UK, from Sweden to Greece. The authors present immediate alter- natives when tackling the exclusionary rhetoric and the politics of resentment.
In formulating alternatives for a ‘social Europe’, each contributor critically assesses the current advance of far- right populism and the threat to liberal democracy since the global financial crisis of 2008 and the European refu- gee movement of 2015. Each chapter addresses the histori- cal roots and normalization of the extreme right, whether Orbanism in Central and Eastern Europe since 2014, the Brexit campaign and referendum in the UK in 2016. As the slogan ‘Fortress Europe’ – once a pejorative term – now appeals to large numbers of voters, the authors also analyse the flash points in the run-up to the European Parliament elections in May 2019.

- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Gender Studies, Comparative Politics, Media Studies, Democratic Theory

The extreme right wing is on the rise. And there are signs that part of the political mainstream in Europe, the US, and beyond is considering going along with far-right populist parties and their divisive, ethno-nationalist programmes.
Europe at the Crossroads is an urgent scholarly response to the sociopolitical challenges that far-right programmes pose to the idea of a more egalitarian world. It offers an interdisciplinary explanation and critique of the dynamics of the far right in Europe – from Poland to the UK, from Sweden to Greece. The authors present immediate alternatives when tackling the exclusionary rhetoric and the politics of resentment.
In formulating alternatives for a ‘social Europe’, each contributor critically assesses the current advance of far-right populism and the threat to liberal democracy since the global financial crisis of 2008 and the European refugee movement of 2015. Each chapter addresses the historical roots and normalization of the extreme right, whether Orbanism in Central and Eastern Europe since 2014, the Brexit campaign and referendum in the UK in 2016. As the slogan ‘Fortress Europe’ – once a pejorative term – now appeals to large numbers of voters, the authors also analyse the flash points in the run-up to the European Parliament elections in May 2019.

The term ‘illiberal democracy’, coined by Fareed Zakaria in 1997, has gained much traction, specifically since its use by Hungarian Prime Minster Victor Orbán in 2014. Ever since, Orbán and his governing party Fidesz have been implementing this vision resulting in major cutdowns on free speech, freedom of press, of various NGOs which support human rights, and so forth. Moreover, Fidesz won the 2018 national election with a strong focus on anti- immigration policies. Although Orbán’s restrictive migration policies were widely criticised during the so-called refugee crisis 2015, many EU member states have started to follow the Hungarian policy of closing borders and protecting the EU from asylum-seekers and an alleged invasion by Muslims. Hence, I claim that formerly taboo subjects and expressions in mainstream discourse are being accepted more and more (‘normalisation’). Such normalisation goes hand in hand with a certain ‘shamelessness’: the limits of the sayable are shifting regarding both the frequency of lies and the violating of discourse conventions – as well as regarding repeated attacks on central democratic institutions. Normalising the assessment of migrants as a threat to inner security and a burden on the welfare state and education system must be perceived as an international development – generally instrumentalising a ‘politics of fear’.

- by Peter Schöttler
- •
- History of concepts, Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Reinhart Koselleck
- by Pascal Eitler
- •
- Discourse Analysis, History, Cultural History, German History

When following the dominant political and media debates across Europe and the EU (and beyond), one is struck by a quite consistent hierarchy of values, which is presented as the hegemonic value system of the West. Apart from the central role of the national language which needs to be acquired (Wodak 2015, 90ff), specific areas are highlighted and perceived as salient for ‘us,’ for democratic secular European states which have signed the Human Rights Conventions and other international treaties (such as the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention) and which have also – it is assumed – implemented gender equality, anti-discrimination laws, high standards of justice and education, and so forth. Subsequently, a huge Manichean contrast emerges between (an educated, liberal and progressive) West and (a retarded, undemocratic and uneducated) East, two imagined and imaginary solidified and homogenous blocs with nothing in between. Accordingly, we observe a culturalization of discourse (Yilmaz 2016, 17) through which a right such as freedom of speech is transformed into a cultural value. Indeed, as Soysal (2009, 5) argues, culture has become the dominant frame for political issues and policies such as citizenship, security, the economy and so forth. It seems that culture can be defined as a floating/empty signifier onto which politicians, media and lay persons are able to project whatever problems or categories they choose (Yilmaz 2016, 18ff.).

This project explores the multiple forms of nationalism which are employed in Philippine online print media from 1 May to 14 June 2014 in relation to the Philippines’ alleged ‘identity crisis’. This project also examines the employment of historical motifs. This period includes the Philippine celebrations of Flag Day and Independence Day. Articles were analysed according to a newly developed form of critical discourse analysis which incorporates the discourse historical approach and mediated discourse analysis.
The project concludes that there are three dominant and distinct forms of nation-building strategies adopted within the print media – state-led nationalism, anti-colonial nationalism and postnationalism. Each strategy conceptualises Filipino nationalism and negotiates the ‘identity crisis’ in significantly different ways, and each are adopted by different groups within Philippine society.
Key Terms
Nationalism, the Philippines, Identity Crisis, state-led nationalism, anti-colonial nationalism, postnationalism.

Many scholars in the area of right-wing populism believe that antisemitism has practically vanished from the political arena and become a ‘dead prejudice’, or that anti-Muslim beliefs and Islamophobia have more or less completely replaced it. However, when following political debates in the East and West, we continue to be confronted with massive prejudices directed against Jews as a homogenous group, in many forms and realisations. Thus should antisemitism today be regarded as a genuine structural feature of contemporary society or rather as a relic of an old, but now overcome, European ideology?In the following, I first provide some working definitions of the most prominent forms of current expressions of antisemitism which have become the topic of many different polarized debates. I then briefly describe some relevant antisemitic stereotypes as well as related strategies of denial. Thirdly, I summarize the few existing opinion polls oriented towards right-wing populism that correlate with antisemitism. Finally, two typical manifestations of antisemitism from right-wing populist parties, analysed in a qualitative discourse-analytical way, will illustrate explicit as well as coded manifestations reoccurring across Europe (and beyond).

- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- European Studies, Critical Discourse Studies, Nationalism, Antisemitism

More than three years have passed since former British Prime Minister David Cameron delivered a much acknowledged and controversial speech on 23rd January 2013, in respect to the British relationship with the European Union. Europe and the European Union (EU) are now, of course, facing different challenges than three years ago. The contrasting national and transnational identities which emerge in the so-called Bloomberg Speech (BS) imply a nationalistic body politics which constructs the United Kingdom and England as separate entities contrasted to “the continent”, i.e. Europe. Hence, BS oscillates between two extremes, in its attempt to alternatively observe maximum distance to the EU and some proximity to its economic policies. Moreover, both the topoi of urgency and threat/danger are appealed to – warning the EU that it would suffer under the loss of the United Kingdom; but also warning British voters that Brexit would damage their future and prosperity. This speech can be perceived as the starting point for the referendum on June 23rd, 2016 – which resulted in a tiny majority wanting to leave the EU (‘Brexit’). Of course, there is no clear causal connection between BS and Brexit; but many arguments of the “remain and leave campaigns” can be traced to the BS; as well as the huge ambivalence framing Cameron’s position towards the EU.

This paper presents results from a comparative and qualitative discourse-historical analysis of governmental crisis communication in Austria, Germany, France, Hungary and Sweden, during the global COVID-19 pandemic lockdown from March 2020 to May 2020 (a ‘discourse strand’). By analysing a sample of important speeches and press conferences by government leaders (all performing as the ‘face of crisis management’), it is possible to deconstruct a range of discursive strategies announcing/legitimising restrictive measures in order to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic where everybody is in danger of falling ill, regardless of their status, position, education and so forth. I focus on four frames that have been employed to mitigate the ‘dread of death’ (Bauman, 2006) and counter the ‘denial of death’ (Becker, 1973/2020): a ‘religious frame’, a ‘dialogic frame’, a frame emphasising ‘trust’, and a frame of ‘leading a war’. These interpretation frameworks are all embedded in ‘renationalising’ tendencies, specifically visible in the EU member states where even the Schengen Area was suddenly abolished (in order to ‘keep the virus out’) and borders were closed. Thus, everybody continues to be confronted with national biopolitics and body politics (Wodak, 2021).

- by Cathy Ratcliff
- •
- African Studies, Russian Studies, Cold War, Russian Foreign Policy

This volume provides a critical examination of quality in the interpreting profession by deconstructing the complex relationship between professional norms and ethical considerations in a variety of sociocultural contexts. Over the past two decades, the profession has compelled scholars and practitioners to take into account numerous factors concerning the provision and fulfilment of interpreting. Building on ideas that began to take shape during an international conference on interpreter-mediated interactions, commemorating Miriam Shlesinger, held in Rome in 2013, the book explores some of these issues by looking at the notion of quality through inter-preters' self-awareness of norms at work across a variety of professional settings, contextualising norms and quality in relation to ethical behaviour in everyday practice. Contributions from top researchers in the field create a comprehensive picture of the dynamic role of the interpreter as it has evolved, with key topics revisited by the addition of new contributions from established scholars in the field, fostering discussion and further reflection on important issues in the field of interpreting. This volume will be key reading for scholars, researchers and graduate students in interpreting and translation studies, pragmatics, discourse analysis and multilingualism.

- by Michael S. Boyd and +6
- •
- Translation Studies, Interpreting Studies, Translation and Interpretation, Transaltion and Interpreting Studies

This chapter traces the history of the Austrian extreme-right since 1945 and the rise of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), especially its conversion to an extreme-right ethno-nationalist party since 2008. While the party's misogynist, anti-intellectual, anti-modern, and anti-cosmopolitan character has been partly masked, its openly anti-Semitic, anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant ideology has remained. FPÖ's lack of success within previous coalition governments has been tempered by the larger Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) currently absorbing many FPÖ policies, thereby normalising them within the political mainstream. The adverse impacts of FPÖ ideology on freedom of speech, press freedom, immigrants, and other minorities are discussed. Risks are systematically identified.

- by Ruth Wodak and +1
- •
- Media Studies, Austria (European History), Race and Racism, Antisemitism (Prejudice)

This paper explores how philosophical inquiry and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) can mutually benefit from each other to produce new methodological and reflexive directions in neo-liberal policy research to examine the phenomenon of ‘What is (going on here)’. Through this we argue that augmenting linguistic analysis with philosophical perspectives develops and supports CDA scholarship more broadly by accommodating the shifting complexity of social problems of ideologically driven inequality that are inbuilt through, in our case, social policy texts. In discussing philosophical-methodological issues, the paper argues for the need to continually adapt CDA to the particular data so as to remain sensitive to and avoid hegemonic tendencies in analysis. Through adopting the principles of a working methodology, we discuss a micro-meso-macro CDA framework that draws on the analytical concepts of movement, metaphorical superfluidity, thematic condensation, and surrealism to conceive of a research approach capable of examining and comprehending evolving discourses of political economies. The most immediate benefit of this framework is its capacity to illustrate how forms of valuations perpetuated by and through policy discourse are the motivational locus of meaning making insofar as they strongly inform the moral underpinning the ideology of economic growth.

- by Nadira Talib and +1
- •
- Critical Theory, Business, Business Ethics, Discourse Analysis
- by Jens Ruchatz
- •
- Discourse Analysis, Media History, Media Discourse, History of Telecommunications

Studying various dimensions of migration from a discursive point of view implies making deci-sions on the kind of more general complex problem one is interested in, the research ques-tions which focus on specific aspects of that problem, and the kind of data that will be ana-lysed in order to understand and explain the object under investigation. Migration can be studied both from an in-side perspective (i.e., by interviewing migrants, in making focus groups with migrants, or by participant observation of interactions with migrants in various settings, or by any combination of such methods and genres); or from an out-side perspective, by studying media reports about migration and migrants, policy papers, legislation, manifestoes and programmes of political parties, election campaign materials, and so forth.

- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Race and Racism, Critical Discourse Analysis, Migration Studies, Xenophobia
- by Ruth Wodak
- •
- Discourse Analysis, Phonology, Phonetics, Pragmatics