History of Maoism Research Papers (original) (raw)

Kultura i Polityka 21/2017

The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) is inextricably bound up with images of uncountable numbers of propaganda posters, and Red Guards. Poster production reached a climax during the period, turning the event into a media spectacle. Mao... more

The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) is inextricably bound up with images of uncountable numbers of propaganda posters, and Red Guards. Poster production reached a climax during the period, turning the event into a media spectacle. Mao Zedong’s image graced millions if not billions of these posters, dominating all aspects of life. After Mao’s death in 1976, his veneration came to a halt. However, the new leadership realized that doing away with Mao was impossible. Over the years, posters have been replaced by television and online propaganda. With Mao’s likeness gracing Chinese banknotes, 'Grandpa Mao' now has become a sought-after commodity.

The victory of the Chinese Communist Revolution in 1949 generated enormous interest on the Iranian Left in the experiences of China as a model for revolution. This paper explores the causes and consequences of the clandestine, unofficial... more

The victory of the Chinese Communist Revolution in 1949 generated enormous interest on the Iranian Left in the experiences of China as a model for revolution. This paper explores the causes and consequences of the clandestine, unofficial ties forged between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and a group of Maoist-oriented Iranian Communists that broke off from the Tudeh Party in 1965. This group, called the Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party (ROTPI), sent members to China for military and political education, distributed Maoist texts in Persian among overseas Iranian students, and was briefly a major player in the Confederation of Iranian Students. This search for a new discursive and ideological program was part of a critical process in which a new generation of Iranian activists embraced internationalism. China played a direct and active role in this process, largely within the context of its evolving foreign policy goals during the Sino-Soviet Split. This largely overlooked episode represents significant developments in the history of the Iranian Left, and in Sino-Persian relations at a time when official contact between the two did not exist. Sources include Chinese newspapers, Persian Communist ephemera, and both published and personally conducted interviews with former ROTPI members.

El artículo se concentra en dos revistas culturales centrales de la “nueva izquierda intelectual” argentina, Los Libros (1969-1976) y Cristianismo y Revolución (1967-1971). Analiza las interpretaciones y líneas políticas que ellas... more

El artículo se concentra en dos revistas culturales centrales de la “nueva izquierda intelectual” argentina, Los Libros (1969-1976) y Cristianismo y Revolución (1967-1971). Analiza las interpretaciones y líneas políticas que ellas difundieron durante la secuencia política que se extiende entre la insurrección obrero-estudiantil del Cordobazo (1969) y la del Viborazo (1971). Para ello el artículo atiende a tres cuestiones en las que se advierten las diferencias entre la matriz marxista insurreccional con la que simpatiza Los Libros y la matriz peronista combativa difundida por Cristianismo y Revolución: la cuestión de la “vía” para alcanzar el objetivo revolucionario, la cuestión de la relación de los grupos intelectuales con las clases obreras insurreccionadas y la cuestión de la emergencia del clasismo obrero.

Mao Zedong's views on literature were enigmatic: although he coerced writers into " learning the language of the masses, " he made no secret of his own enthusiasm for Dream of the Red Chamber, a novel written during the Qing dynasty. In... more

Mao Zedong's views on literature were enigmatic: although he coerced writers into " learning the language of the masses, " he made no secret of his own enthusiasm for Dream of the Red Chamber, a novel written during the Qing dynasty. In 1954 this paradox appeared to be resolved when Li Xifan and Lan Ling presented an interpretation that saw the tragic love story as a manifestation of class struggle. Ever since, the conception of Baoyu and Daiyu as class warriors has become a powerful and unques-tioned cliché of Chinese literary criticism. Endowing aristocratic protagonists with revolutionary grandeur, however, violates a basic principle of Marxist orthodoxy. This article examines the reasons behind this position: on the one hand, Mao's support for Li and Lan's approach acts as a reminder of his early journalistic agitation against arranged marriage and the social ills it engenders. On the other hand, it offers evidence of Mao's increasingly ambiguous conception of class.

If one of French Maoism’s main contributions to the sixties’ cultural turn was a theory of the relative autonomy of ideology, one of US Maoism’s main contributions was identity politics. A product of the application of Mao’s theory of... more

If one of French Maoism’s main contributions to the sixties’ cultural turn was a theory of the relative autonomy of ideology, one of US Maoism’s main contributions was identity politics. A product of the application of Mao’s theory of contradiction to US circumstances, identity politics also represented a reinvention of ideology critique by US Third World and Black feminist movements, though in this case directed to practical ends.

This article traces the intellectual contributions of Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) intellectual and founder Hou Yuon, whose influence on party policy has been the subject of scholarly debate. Although proposals in his political... more

This article traces the intellectual contributions of Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) intellectual and founder Hou Yuon, whose influence on party policy has been the subject of scholarly debate. Although proposals in his political writings were implemented in CPK liberated zones and, later, Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979), his outspoken nature led to his ejection from the CPK picture and from appraisals of Cambodian Communism. From his studies in France to his death in 1975, Hou Yuon's importance as a Cambodian Marxist and Communist deserves our attention. Marxist theory provided him a critical interpretive paradigm and language with which to contextualize Cambodia's stark rural-urban divide and larger issues of global capitalist exploitation in his writings, most notably in his 1955 doctoral dissertation. The goal of this article is to uncover the link between Hou Yuon's application of Marxist theory to understand inequality and underdevelopment in his homeland and more broadly, to fill the gap between the Paris Group Cercle Marxiste and many of its members' leap to "pure socialism" and "total equality" in founding Democratic Kampuchea.

En octubre de 1949 y después de largas décadas de lucha, el pueblo chino liderado por el Partido Comunista Chino consiguió el triunfo que abrió paso a la revolución de Nueva Democracia y al socialismo. Mao Tse Tung era el principal... more

En octubre de 1949 y después de largas décadas de lucha, el pueblo chino liderado por el Partido Comunista Chino consiguió el triunfo que abrió paso a la revolución de Nueva Democracia y al socialismo. Mao Tse Tung era el principal dirigente de aquel Partido en el momento de la toma del poder.
Con el correr de los años la revolución fue ganando la simpatía de otros países del Tercer Mundo. No obstante, el maoísmo sólo emergió como corriente diferenciada dentro del Movimiento Comunista Internacional en la década de 1960 y como consecuencia de varios años de enfrentamiento con el Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética, que lideraba el bloque socialista en el contexto de la Guerra Fría.
Frente a la rápida asimilación que suele haber entre la Revolución China y el maoísmo, el presente trabajo propone una interpretación que, sin dejar de reconocer que se trata de aspectos íntimamente vinculados, se propone especificar y explicar el momento de la emergencia del maoísmo como corriente política diferenciada dentro del Movimiento Comunista Internacional.
Trabajaremos con los documentos del "debate chino-soviético" y las Conferencias Mundiales de 1957 y 1960, ofreciendo un análisis y periodización como propuesta para su estudio.

Maoism has become a challenge for India’s internal security. The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is known as a party organisation for this foremost challenge. Now CPI (Maoist) has estimated 10,000 to 12,000 well-trained cadres which... more

Maoism has become a challenge for India’s internal security. The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is known as a party organisation for this foremost challenge. Now CPI (Maoist) has estimated 10,000 to 12,000 well-trained cadres which constitute guerrilla army and more than 50,000 members of several wings such as political, cultural and jan militia, ect. An organisation with such a big number of cadres demands huge money. This article deals with the following questions: How much is the annual turnover or budget of CPI (Maoist)? What are the basic sources to accumulate this money? How and where is this money spent?

Yiching Wu's The Cultural Revolution at the Margins traces the emergence and suppression of a radical critique of state socialism during the Cultural Revolution, a critique that moved beyond the margins of Maoist political thought. While... more

Yiching Wu's The Cultural Revolution at the Margins traces the emergence and suppression of a radical critique of state socialism during the Cultural Revolution, a critique that moved beyond the margins of Maoist political thought. While many of the key groups and individuals that Wu focuses on—for example, Yu Luoke (遇罗克 1942-1970), Shengwulian (省无联), and the Li Yizhe group (李一哲)—have received significant attention, Wu argues against teleological liberal interpretations of their work and situates them within a larger political narrative linking the socialist and postsocialist periods. In this narrative, the reform period finds its origins in the strategy of containment that the state developed to suppress these radical tendencies. By placing the Cultural Revolution at the center of PRC history, therefore, this book has important implications far beyond simply adding complexity to the story of the Cultural Revolution.

Este artículo es un adelanto de mi tesis de maestría y rescata la memoria de un grupo político que inspiró su organización y su acción política en el ideario maoísta en el periodo que va de 1968 a 1979. La historia de la izquierda en el... more

Este artículo es un adelanto de mi tesis de maestría y rescata la memoria de un grupo político que inspiró su organización y su acción política en el ideario maoísta en el periodo que va de 1968 a 1979. La historia de la izquierda en el contexto de la Guerra Fría y del desarrollo de los movimientos estudiantiles a partir de 1968 es uno de los temas recurrentes dentro del imaginario político contemporáneo. Ahora bien, la historiografía sobre la izquierda mexicana se ha concentrado en la evolución de la corriente principal del movimiento comunista, el populismo y algunas de las disidencias comunistas. En consecuencia, argumenté por qué una organización de militantes provenientes del movimiento estudiantil de 1968, Política Popular, marcada por una perspectiva que consideraba la lucha armada como la vía idónea para el cambio revolucionario, optó por la acción política pacífica. En ese sentido, mi hipótesis fue que las condiciones propias del entorno político, así como el énfasis en el elemento organizacional del maoísmo (línea de masas), la alejaron del recurso de las armas.

Communication dans le cadre du colloque international La Révolution culturelle et ses suites Regards croisés 7-8-9 décembre 2016 Centre de recherches sur les médiations (CREM) Université de Lorraine/Institut européen du cinéma et de... more

Communication dans le cadre du colloque international
La Révolution culturelle et ses suites
Regards croisés
7-8-9 décembre 2016
Centre de recherches sur les médiations (CREM)
Université de Lorraine/Institut européen du cinéma et de l’audiovisuel

Las páginas de la revista Pasado y Presente (PyP) y las iniciativas editoriales vinculadas a ella conformaron uno de los primeros agrupamientos intelectuales que reflexionaron sobre la ruptura entre los dos grandes partidos comunistas,... more

Las páginas de la revista Pasado y Presente (PyP) y las iniciativas editoriales vinculadas a ella conformaron uno de los primeros
agrupamientos intelectuales que reflexionaron sobre la ruptura entre los dos grandes partidos comunistas, pero además se preocuparon por poner en circulación materiales que permitieran conocer los planteos político-ideológicos que introducía el maoísmo así como las peculiaridades del comunismo que se estaba construyendo en China. En el presente artículo, recorremos los proyectos del grupo pasado-presentista para analizar el tipo de recepción del maoísmo emprendido.

The aim of this article was to do some critical analysis of Mao Zedong military writing. Our method was to intepretate his manuscripts and compare his thesis to thesis of top marxists thinkers like Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir... more

The aim of this article was to do some critical analysis of Mao Zedong military writing. Our method was to intepretate his manuscripts and compare his thesis to thesis of top marxists thinkers like Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg about the war and warfare. In next step we also compare Mao strategic thought with thought of classical masters of art of war like Carl von Clausewitz and Sun Zi. Finally we did some comments on political aspects in Maoist theory of war. In result we draw some conclusions. Firstly we can say that Mao did nothing new in marxist philosophy of war and his dialectics of war were vague and vulgar. Secondly we can say that his military writings was mostly influenced by Clausewitz through soviet military thought rather than Sun Zi. In the other hand his theory of guerilla warfare was to some extent original and finally we can describe Mao's strategic thought as some kind of progress in twenty century art of war.

La relazione affronta il tema dell'influenza del maoismo e del comunismo cinese sulla sinistra italiana dal 1949, anno della rivoluzione cinese, al 1976, anno della morte di Mao. La relazione parte dalla nascita dei primi gruppi... more

La relazione affronta il tema dell'influenza del maoismo e del comunismo cinese sulla sinistra italiana dal 1949, anno della rivoluzione cinese, al 1976, anno della morte di Mao. La relazione parte dalla nascita dei primi gruppi filocinesi italiani, fondati da attivisti delusi dal PCI e dal PSI. Affronta la nascita dei primi esperimenti politico-editoriali marxisti-leninisti (m-l): Viva il leninismo, Nuova unità, Edizioni Oriente. Infine, tratta l'influenza del maoismo su due importanti organizzazioni della sinistra extra-parlamentare italiana, benché diverse fra loro: Lotta continua e Avanguardia operaia (benché comunemente considerata un'organizzazione trozkista, anche Avanguardia operaia fu influenzata dal maoismo). Il rapporto fra le due organizzazioni e il maoismo viene affrontato approfondendo come si ponevano nei confronti della politica estera cinese. Entrambe ebbero un rapporto molto travagliato e controverso con la politica estera cinese, e digerirono difficilmente il riavvicinamento sino-americano, dettato dalla visione dell'Urss come nemico principale. Infine, si affronta il tema dei viaggi in Cina da parte di visitatori stranieri, attraverso un'analisi dei giornali "Monthly Review" e "Lotta continua". Questi viaggi certamente contribuirono alla costruzione del mito cinese in Italia, presentando un'immagine spesso ideologizzata e idealizzata della realtà.

This special issue of Cinéma & Cie explores the cultural dynamics, ideological aporias and political struggles that characterize the relationship between Maoism and national cinemas, from the immediate aftermath of the Cultural Revolution... more

This special issue of Cinéma & Cie explores the cultural dynamics, ideological aporias and political struggles that characterize the relationship between Maoism and national cinemas, from the immediate aftermath of the Cultural Revolution to the present day. All the articles included in the special issue highlight the complexity of the process of translation and ‘reinvention’ of Maoism in different cultural contexts, focusing on subjects and historical episodes that have been suppressed in public debates and in traditional film history books.

This special issue of Cinéma & Cie explores the cultural dynamics, ideological aporias and political struggles that characterize the relationship between Maoism and national cinemas, from the immediate aftermath of the Cultural... more

This special issue of Cinéma & Cie explores the cultural dynamics, ideological aporias and political struggles that characterize the relationship between Maoism and national cinemas, from the immediate aftermath of the Cultural Revolution to the present day. All the articles included in the special issue highlight the complexity of the process of translation and ‘reinvention’ of Maoism in different cultural contexts, focusing on subjects and historical episodes that have been suppressed in public debates and in traditional film history books.

Esta es una exploración de los materiales de cultura producidos durante dos acontecimientos históricos estrechamente ligados a la doctrina maoísta que cundió en la China del siglo XX. El primer acontecimiento es la recepción que tuvo el... more

Esta es una exploración de los materiales de cultura producidos durante dos acontecimientos históricos estrechamente ligados a la doctrina maoísta que cundió en la China del siglo XX. El primer acontecimiento es la recepción que tuvo el maoísmo en los movimientos sociales y culturales que sucedieron en Francia durante los años sesenta y setenta, y que alcanzarían su clímax durante las revueltas de Mayo de 1968. El segundo es la producción artística de protesta ejercida por algunos activistas en China a partir de la masacre de Tiananmén, que sucedió el 6 de junio de 1989. A través de una lectura paralela de ambas situaciones históricas, estudiaré cómo las intensidades, las violencias y las formas de protesta que fueron influidas por la ideología maoísta en el Mayo Francés encontraron reverberaciones en las formas de articular la resistencia que los activistas chinos ejercieron en medio de la censura post-maoísta. Estas influencias son principalmente visibles en las obras de arte contemporáneo producidas después de 1989 por artistas chinos que participaron, ya sea como activistas estudiantiles o como exiliados, en las protestas. El primer paso de este ejercicio será recapitular la forma en que la Revolución Cultural incidió en los intelectuales chinos formados durante esta época, y entender cómo la represión y la censura que se vivió durante gran parte de los sesentas y setentas articuló los modos de hacer, reproducir y diseminar obras de arte en la China post-maoísta.

The communists who criticized the policy of the PUWP’s leadership from the principled positions in December 1965 established an illegal organisation called the Communist Party of Poland (CCP). The unquestionable leader of this group was... more

The communists who criticized the policy of the PUWP’s leadership from the principled positions in December 1965 established an illegal organisation called the Communist Party of Poland (CCP). The unquestionable leader of this group was Kazimierz Mijal who in 1966 fled to Albania and supervised the activity of the CPP from there. This organisation illegally printed and distributed thousands of leaflets and brochures in which the “revisionist” policies of Gomułka and Gierek were condemned, holding the Albanian and Chinese doctrinal solutions as a model. The infiltration of the Polish Maoist circles by the security apparatus of the PPR in the seventies led to the marginalisation of this structure. The article, based on documents collected, among others, in the Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance and the Central Archives of Modern Records, presents the inside story of the founding of the CPP, its major leaders, political programme and secret cooperation with Albanian diplomats, and summarises the activity of Kazimierz Mijal in the background of the discord in the communist camp in the 60s, indicating among many reasons for the failures of Polish “Maoists” a dogmatic political programme which did not gained wider acceptance in society.

This is the abstract for Chapter 7 of my dissertation on militant self-defense among South Asians in Britain in response to the rise of racist and anti-immigrant organizations such as the National Front.

Сп. Ново време; юни-юли 2012 г.