Inequality (Economics) Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

This paper proposes to revisit the debate on trade and investment agreements (TIAs), development and inequality, looking at the role of global value chains (GVCs) and trans-national corporations (TNCs). It first presents stylized facts... more

This paper proposes to revisit the debate on trade and investment agreements (TIAs), development and inequality, looking at the role of global value chains (GVCs) and trans-national corporations (TNCs). It first presents stylized facts about trade and investment (agreements), declining global economic growth and rising inequality under the latest round of globalization. It then provides a long-run perspective on the mixed blessings of external opening, summarizing some key contributions of the mainstream literature, which are converging with long-standing research findings of more heterodox economists, and the eroding consensus today. Based on this stock-taking, it takes a fresh critical look at the TIAs-GVCs-TNCs nexus and their impact. Using data on value-added in trade and new firm-level data from the consolidated financial statements of the top 2000 TNCs going back to 1995, it examines whether the fragmentation of production along GVCs led to positive structural change or rather stimulated unsustainable trends in extractive and FIRE sectors. It then turns to the role of TNC-driven GVCs as a vehicle for economic concentration. Finally, it presents evidence linking TIAs and their correlates to rising inequality. Key findings include the fact that the ratio of top 2000 TNCs profits over revenues increased by 58 percent between 1995 and 2015. Moreover, the rise in top 2000 TNCs profits accounts for 69 percent of the 2.5 percentage points decline in the global labour income share between 1995 and 2015, with the correlation coefficient between annual changes in both variables as high as 0.82. The paper concludes by calling for a less ideological policy debate on TIAs, which acknowledges the mixed blessings of external financial and trade opening, especially their negative distributional impact and destabilizing macro-financial feedback effects, which both call for policy intervention. As an alternative to short-sighted protectionism, it further discusses possible options for anticipating undesirable effects arising from TIAs (e.g. rising carbon emissions, economic instability, inequality, etc.) and addressing those in TIAs themselves.

Socioeconomic inequality is a given; its scope varies from country to country and from time to time. In democratic countries, increasing the prospect of social mobility for those born into low socioeconomic circumstances is considered a... more

Socioeconomic inequality is a given; its scope varies from country to country and from time to
time. In democratic countries, increasing the prospect of social mobility for those born into low
socioeconomic circumstances is considered a worthy goal. The education system is perceived
to be a key policy tool for reducing disparities in opportunity. In recent years, there has been
a discernible rise in income disparity and in parallel, a rising gap in educational opportunities.
Understanding these mechanisms’ reciprocal influences is important for determining effective
policy.
The Spencer and the Russell Sage Foundations in the United States studied a range of issues
within the context of inequality and education. The rich findings were assembled in a volume
published in 2011, entitled Whither Opportunity: Rising Inequality, Schools and Children’s Life
Chances, which suggest possible explanations for the increasing impact of economic disparity on
the academic achievement gaps in the US.
Inspired by the above study and with encouragement from those responsible for the US project,
the aim of the Initiative activity was to delineate an evidence-based framework for policymakers
to understand the relationships between socioeconomic inequality and educational opportunities
and achievements in Israel and how these are distributed across the population1. Another objective
was to provide information for public and professional discourse on this topic. A steering team
comprised of researchers from the fields of sociology, education, economics and welfare guided
the activity.

Borodkin L. Income inequality in the period of the industrial revolution. Is the hypothesis of Kuznets curve universal? В статье рассматривается гипотеза о кривой Кузнеца, высказанная Нобелевским лауреатом еще в 1955 г. Согласно... more

Borodkin L. Income inequality in the period of the industrial revolution. Is the hypothesis of Kuznets curve universal?
В статье рассматривается гипотеза о кривой Кузнеца, высказанная Нобелевским лауреатом еще в 1955 г. Согласно этой гипотезе, неравенство доходов растет в период индустриального развития, а затем уменьшается, образуя в итоге перевернутую U-образную кривую динамики. Можно ли распространить это наблюдение на эволюцию промышленности дореволюционной России? Располагаем ли мы данными достаточной длительности, на основе которых можно проверить гипотезу о кривой Кузнеца применительно к процессу индустриализации в России? Ответ на эти вопросы дается в данной работе.

Despite the renowned interest in wealth disparities, the distribution of wealth in Greece is largely understudied. This study maps the levels, dynamics, and composition of household wealth using data from the three waves of the Household... more

Despite the renowned interest in wealth disparities, the distribution of wealth in Greece is largely understudied. This study maps the levels, dynamics, and composition of household wealth using data from the three waves of the Household Finance and Consumption Survey for Greece for the period after the debt crisis of 2009-10 till 2017. The evidence suggests that the richest 1% of the population holds roughly as much wealth as the poorest 50%, while the richest 10% holds about four times the wealth of the poorest 50%. Most inequality indicators employed indicate increasing trends in wealth disparities between 2009 and 2017. During this period, average and median wealth holdings decreased by about one third, and the share of financially fragile households increased by about 20%. Estimates from factor inequality decompositions suggest that, although relatively evenly distributed, housing asset holdings explain much of the increase in overall wealth inequality in Greece, followed by self-employment business equity, while financial assets play a negligible role. Yet, financial wealth inequality is much more pronounced than housing wealth inequality in Greece. The findings of the paper carry important implications for the design of appropriate policies aiming at reducing wealth inequalities and strengthening financial resilience.

The aim of this article is to present the realities of capitalism in society and its unequal transformations without precedent in the current international context. The results of this study show income inequality as derived from... more

The aim of this article is to present the realities of capitalism in society and its unequal transformations without precedent in the current international context. The results of this study show income inequality as derived from capitalism, but also illustrate the corollaries of this income inequalities in the time of the Covid-19 pandemic. To conclude, the article addresses the issue of unequal capitalism from the two major current powers (the United States and China), in a picture of a world order, trying to analyze the issue of Covid-19 in the light of the international multilateral scenario and the American presidential elections.
Keywords: Capitalism, Inequality, Covid-19, Multilateralism

This article empirically assesses the validity of current theoretical models of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper takes representative data from the World Value Survey and implements... more

This article empirically assesses the validity of current theoretical models of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper takes representative data from the World Value Survey and implements a multilevel model to test five of the main theories in the literature: the human capital theory, the social capital theory, the political orientation theory, the contact/group threat theory and the economic competition theory. The results from the analysis lend credence to the important effects of human capital, social capital and political-ideological variables on respondents’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy. However, results provide mixed and weak evidence for the contact/group threat theory and the role of economic determinants. Importantly, economic determinants tend to be more powerful in shaping people’s attitudes toward immigration policy than shaping attitudes toward immigrants as people. Altogether, this article sheds new light on the validity of current theoretical models based on western countries for other areas of the world. Finally, the results from the paper also support the usefulness of non-economic, as opposed to purely economic, models in the understanding of individuals’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region.

While many issues of diversity within organizations and corporations themselves are fairly well researched, less attention has been paid to how the business media creates narratives around diversity issues. As business practitioners... more

While many issues of diversity within organizations and corporations themselves are fairly well researched, less attention has been paid to how the business media creates narratives around diversity issues. As business practitioners consume business media, these narratives have a major influence on business practices such as hiring and management. In our chapter in a forthcoming book entitled Underneath the Thin Veneer: Critical Diversity, Multiculturalism, and Inclusion in the Workplace, we analyze the diversity narratives in 275 business media articles to understand how a relatively unidimensional perspective is perpetuated and legitimated given corporate diversity’s highly complex and intersecting nature with social issues. Here, we highlight some core findings of the study.

Abstract All kinds of conflicts, war and in particular the effects of the Second World War prompted the international community to develop standards that will protect the future of humanity from the disastrous effects of the... more

Abstract
All kinds of conflicts, war and in particular the effects of the Second World War prompted the international community to develop standards that will protect the future of humanity from the disastrous effects of the dissemination of ideology based on the idea of the superiority of man over
man. One of the problems of today, not only in Europe but also in the world is discrimination based on age not only in the values around which are organized into society, expressed in the standards of constitutional and legal provisions, but also has a specific socio-economic impact. Discrimination based on age mostly affects older people. Phenomenon related to the elderly is often associated with the term “ageismu” which means discrimination based on belonging to a particular age group. Another problem is the problem of discrimination against people of unemployment and migration in order to search.It should be noted that one of the problems today in the integration of immigrants into the societies of the Member States of the European Union are cultural factors. Another problem people migrating for work is the separation from family, and thus very often leads to the breakdown of marriages. In terms of the relationship between human between immigrants and local communities lived for years and representing a majority believe there is a group of people of their own superiority against immigrants, whom they consider less intelligent or uncivilized. If immigrants are inferior to their discrimination is justified as part of the struggle for socially desirable goods such as jobs.
Extra-legal discrimination against immigrants in the EU Member States is widespread. As a result, immigrants occupy the holes of the social ladder, and do not feel full members of society. This situation poses a serious threat in the EU, as Member States will need in the future, tens of millions of immigrants in order to secure economic growth. Keep in mind that the public in the Member States of the EU are continuously getting old and many countries it is now a serious problem such as eg in Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, etc.

Are modern societies becoming more unequal? Is Australia becoming more unequal? Simplifying a little, in Australia there is no rising inequality trend in the general distribution of wealth, and the rising inequality trend in the general... more

Are modern societies becoming more unequal? Is Australia becoming more unequal? Simplifying a little, in Australia there is no rising inequality trend in the general distribution of wealth, and the rising inequality trend in the general distribution of income is really rather small.

This study provides a novel analysis of occupational stratification in Sierra Leone from a historical perspective. By employing census data for early-nineteenth-century colonial Sierra Leone, the present study offers a valuable snapshot... more

This study provides a novel analysis of occupational stratification in Sierra Leone from a historical perspective. By employing census data for early-nineteenth-century colonial Sierra Leone, the present study offers a valuable snapshot of a colony characterized by a heterogenous population of indigenous and migratory origin. The study shows that an association between colonial group categorization and socioeconomic status existed despite the colony being of very recent foundation implying a hierarchical structure of the society. Although Europeans and "mulattoes" occupied most high-status positions, as common in the colonies, indigenous immigrants were also represented in high socioeconomic strata thanks to the opportunities stemming from long-and short-distance trading. However, later arrivals, especially liberated slaves, belonged within the lowest socioeconomic strata of the society and worked as farmers or unskilled labor, suggesting that the time component may also have influence socioeconomic opportunities.

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it... more

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it was banished from France. Soon thereafter, Rousseau fled to Geneva, where he saw the book burned in public. At the same time, many of his contemporaries, such as Kant, considered Rousseau to be “the Newton of the moral world,” as he was the first philosopher to draw attention to the basic dignity of human nature. The Social Contract has never ceased to be read in the 250 years since it was written. Rousseau's “Social Contract”: An Introduction offers a thorough and systematic tour of this notoriously paradoxical and challenging text. David Lay Williams offers readers a chapter-by-chapter reading of the Social Contract, squarely confronting these interpretive obstacles, leaving no stones unturned. The conclusion connects Rousseau's text both to his important influences and those who took inspiration and sometimes exception to his arguments. The book also features a special extended appendix dedicated to outlining his famous conception of the general will, which has been the object of controversy since the Social Contract's publication.

This chapter provides an overview of long-term changes in wealth inequality, measured as net marketable wealth, based on two measures: the Gini index and the wealth share of the richest 10%. The chapter relies on current databases such as... more

This chapter provides an overview of long-term changes in wealth inequality, measured as net marketable wealth, based on two measures: the Gini index and the wealth share of the richest 10%. The chapter relies on current databases such as the World Inequality Database (WID) but expands considerably the time series for a range of countries by building upon the most recent research and by producing new estimates. For five Western countries (France, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States) it has been possible to provide estimates covering the period from 1820 to 2010. However, for other Western countries as well as for other areas of the world, much more work is needed before we can assess long-term trends in wealth inequality. Our data confirm the general picture of a creeping increase in inequality during the 19th century, followed by declines from the onset of World War I (1914) until the 1960s, and in many (but not all) countries a new tendency towards higher inequality since the 1970s. An overview of possible explanations for such trends is provided. The correlation of wealth inequality with per capita GDP is found to be quite weak and not always positive, implying that higher wealth inequality cannot be considered a simple side effect of economic growth.

O atual cenário marcado pela crise da Covid-19 agravou ainda mais a precarização das condições de vida na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, das famílias e indivíduos mais pobres. Nesse sentido, o debate sobre caminhos para construção... more

O atual cenário marcado pela crise da Covid-19 agravou ainda mais a
precarização das condições de vida na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, das famílias e indivíduos mais pobres. Nesse sentido, o debate sobre caminhos para construção de uma agenda pública de desenvolvimento socioterritorial sustentável (Sachs, 2004; Pecqueur, 2005a, 2005b), além de urgente, pressupõe estratégias criativas e inovadoras em termos de políticas públicas.
Alinhado à missão da Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social da cidade do Rio de Janeiro (SMAS-Rio), o presente diagnóstico se insere nesse debate com o propósito de lançar um olhar estratégico sobre o quadro geral de riscos e vulnerabilidades sociais que impactam de formas distintas os diferentes territórios da cidade.

Un primer balance de la pandemia de la covid-19 es su desafortunado impacto en términos del número de fallecidos e infectados a nivel global, en nuestra región y en el Perú en particular. También se generó una significativa contracción... more

Un primer balance de la pandemia de la covid-19 es su desafortunado impacto en términos del número de fallecidos e infectados a nivel global, en nuestra región y en el Perú en particular. También se generó una significativa contracción mundial en el nivel de producto, lo que en nuestro país afectó drásticamente los niveles de ocupación, empleo e ingresos de los ciudadanos. Asimismo, todos los indicadores sobre los niveles de pobreza y desigualdad se han deteriorado. La pandemia no
ha sido superada, pero todo pareciera indicar, hasta el momento, que el nivel de letalidad e infección como resultado de las políticas de vacunación y otras se está reduciendo. Sin embargo, a la par de esta circunstancia positiva, tanto como resultado de las tendencias económicas previas, de la elevada desigualdad y del reimpulso de las nuevas tecnologías en curso, todo aparenta que las brechas de desempleo, población económica inactiva y elevada desigualdad en la distribución funcional y personal del ingreso se abrirían durante esta década hasta el 2030.

Negli ultimi 30 anni, le politiche pubbliche locali a Roma non sono riuscite a contrastare efficacemente i crescenti livelli di disuguaglianze socio-economiche, che mostrano una forte connotazione territoriale, oltre che tra gruppi... more

Negli ultimi 30 anni, le politiche pubbliche locali a Roma non sono riuscite a contrastare efficacemente i crescenti livelli di disuguaglianze socio-economiche, che mostrano una forte connotazione territoriale, oltre che tra gruppi sociali. Gli indicatori di sviluppo umano variamente calcolati, così come variabili demografiche, sociali ed economiche, appaiono concentrati geograficamente e sensibili al variare della distanza dal centro della città. L'obiettivo del presente lavoro è quello di esaminare la distribuzione spaziale delle disuguaglianze socio-economiche all'interno del territorio comunale di Roma, e di esplorare le condizioni che sembrano favorirle, o al contrario contrastarle. A tale scopo, viene analizzata la distribuzione spaziale degli indicatori di qualità urbana e delle caratteristiche demografiche, sociali ed economiche con dati di fonti differenti, aggregati a livello di quartiere, disponibili con dettaglio per le 155 zone urbanistiche romane in cui è suddiviso il territorio comunale. Su questa base, viene stimato un modello di regressione spaziale dove la variabile dipendente è il livello di qualità urbana, usando come proxy il prezzo medio delle abitazioni, e le variabili esplicative sono le caratteristiche demografiche, sociali ed economiche dei quartieri. I risultati empirici mostrano che la qualità urbana delle singole zone urbanistiche, riflettendo reddito e ricchezza degli abitanti, è significativamente correlata con la posizione centrale, l'accessibilità a un ampio insieme di funzioni e servizi urbani, la mancanza di elementi di disagio sociale e lavorativo. ♣ Il presente lavoro trae origine dalle analisi realizzate per il blog http://mapparoma.blogspot.it. Gli autori, ferme restando le loro responsabilità, sono debitori nei confronti del Croma (Centro per lo studio di Roma dell'Università Roma Tre) e di Luoghi Idea(li) per le elaborazioni, le suggestioni e gli spunti sulle attività di mappatura del territorio romano, che sono state fonte di ispirazione per il presente lavoro.

In this study we present an analytical approach to the growth-inequality relationship, adopting as a reference the Kuznets’inverted U. With this aim we consider not only the most common measures, but also new indicators based on the... more

In this study we present an analytical approach to the growth-inequality relationship, adopting as a reference the Kuznets’inverted U. With this aim we consider not only the most common measures, but also new indicators based on the information theory: the quadratic and the double quadratic measures.
The polynomic functions related to these measures provide more flexible expressions than those obtained from the common measures of inequality. As a consequence these new expressions allow the possibility of the existence of more than one point of return, suggesting a better capability of adaptation to different empirical realities.
The work also includes the estimation of the growth-inequality relationship and the contrast of the Kuznets’hypothesis for an international database.

This article analyses the Gini coefficient and its alternative, the Palma index, to unpack patterns and trends of inequality in South Africa. This study is based on a continuous series of secondary data sourced from the United Nations... more

This article analyses the Gini coefficient and its alternative, the Palma index, to unpack patterns and trends of inequality in South Africa. This study is based on a continuous series of secondary data sourced from the United Nations University Wider from 1960 to 2015. Data was only available on an annual basis for this period. No new primary data was collected for this study. Exploratory graphs were used to understand the behavioural patterns in the trends of the indices. The overall simple linear regression was fitted for the Gini coefficient and was found to be significant. However, there was a notable change in the Gini coefficient trend after 1988, calling for segmented regression with 1988 as the break-point. The results show that for the entire period from 1960 to 2015, the Gini coefficient for South Africa has been significantly increasing on average by 0.35 units per year (p<0.001). However, pre-1988, the Gini coefficient was declining at 0.39 units (p=0.012) per year, the period during which it averaged 50.1±4.56. Post-1988, the Gini coefficient increased to an average of 63.7±4.65, the period during which there was no statistically significant change per year despite the upward direction of 0.27 units. The study also shows that the poor share, as a proportion of the rich share, in the gross national income is declining over time. The article suggests that policy action needs to be taken to tackle the increasing Gini coefficient involving redistributive measures in the interest of justice and fairness. Inequalities take various forms, and reinforce each other as they all matter.

Inequality is a defining global issue of our times. Southeast Asia stands out in some ways; the 2010s have seen most countries in the region reduce income gaps. Nonetheless, inequality levels remain high, especially in the middle-income... more

Inequality is a defining global issue of our times. Southeast Asia stands out in some ways; the 2010s have seen most countries in the region reduce income gaps. Nonetheless, inequality levels remain high, especially in the middle-income to high-income countries, and popular disaffection and economic anxiety prevail, even while official statistics may paint more buoyant scenarios. The age-old problem of group-based exclusion in the development process manifests in new ways. This book provides up-to-date overviews of inequality levels and trends, primarily related to income, but also wealth and other socioeconomic variables pertaining to education and health. The country chapters also examine salient themes of inequality, especially structural changes and public policies to redress inequality and exclusion, labour market developments, population groups, regional dynamics, and informal economies. We gain an appreciation for the unique conditions and diverse experiences of each country, and draw comparative insights across the region.

Les pauvres suscitent-ils aujourd’hui, chez les riches, une répulsion similaire à celle que le peuple inspirait aux bourgeois au xixe siècle ? Autrement dit, les démunis sont-ils encore considérés comme une classe dangereuse, immorale et... more

Les pauvres suscitent-ils aujourd’hui, chez les riches, une répulsion similaire à celle que le peuple inspirait aux bourgeois au xixe siècle ? Autrement dit, les démunis sont-ils encore considérés comme une classe dangereuse, immorale et répugnante ? En interrogeant le refus de la mixité résidentielle manifesté par les catégories supérieures, telle est la question frontale que pose cet ouvrage, issu d’une grande enquête comparative sur les perceptions de la pauvreté et des inégalités dans les beaux quartiers de trois métropoles : Paris, São Paulo et Delhi. À partir d’entretiens approfondis, il montre que la quête d’entre-soi des habitants des ghettos dorés n’est pas seulement motivée par une recherche de prestige et de qualité de vie, mais également par des représentations des pauvres qui les incitent à s’en protéger. Comment parviennent-ils à justifier leurs stratégies d’évitement et de relégation des catégories défavorisées, ainsi qu’à légitimer l’ordre local qu’ils s’efforcent de perpétuer ? Au-delà de la peur de la criminalité et de l’insalubrité apparaît la crainte des élites d’être en quelque sorte contaminées par des modes de vie jugés culturellement indésirables ou moralement nuisibles. À travers les mécanismes du séparatisme social, ce sont les conditions de possibilité de la solidarité que cet essai explore.

This paper defends the limitarian doctrine, which entails the view that it is morally objectionable to be rich. I examine how limitarianism can be spelled out and whether it can be convincingly defended. As is the case with egalitarianism... more

This paper defends the limitarian doctrine, which entails the view that it is morally objectionable to be rich. I examine how limitarianism can be spelled out and whether it can be convincingly defended. As is the case with egalitarianism and other distributive views, one can distinguish between intrinsic limitarianism and non-­‐intrinsic limitarianism; and a variety of justifications can be explored. I defend non-­‐intrinsic limitarianism based on two different arguments: the democratic argument and the argument from unmet urgent needs. An account of what 'riches' entails is also developed, since any plausible account of limitarianism requires a sufficiently clear account of the threshold. I also discuss whether limitarianism should be defended as a moral or rather as a political doctrine. Finally, I analyze and reject two important objections, claiming that limitarianism violates equality of opportunities and that limitarianism does not take incentive considerations into account. The paper concludes with an outline of a future research agenda on limitarianism. 2 Having too much

From the Introduction to 61:1: "With impressive thoroughness, Robert F. Schwartz examines patterns of inequality in the Book of Mormon and argues that in the history it recounts, privilege and disadvantage become 'defining lenses' through... more

From the Introduction to 61:1: "With impressive thoroughness, Robert F. Schwartz examines patterns of inequality in the Book of Mormon and argues that in the history it recounts, privilege and disadvantage become 'defining lenses' through which various individuals and groups view each other and construct their narratives. One of the great lessons of the Book of Mormon is that societies are able to prosper only as they prioritize equality."

This article provides an overview of current knowledge about economic inequality, of both income and wealth, in the very long run of history focusing on Western Europe and North America. While most of the data provided by recent research... more

This article provides an overview of current knowledge about economic inequality, of both income and wealth, in the very long run of history focusing on Western Europe and North America. While most of the data provided by recent research cover the period from the late Middle Ages until today, some insights are also possible into even earlier epochs. Based on these recent findings, economic inequality seems to have been growing over centuries, with phases of clear and marked inequality reduction being relatively rare and usually associated with catastrophic events, such as the Black Death during the fifteenth century, or the World Wars in the twentieth. Traditional explanations of long-term inequality growth are found to be unsatisfying and a range of other possible causal factors are explored (demographic, social-economic, and institutional). Placing today’s situation in a very long-run perspective not only leads us to question old assumptions about the future of inequality (think of current criticism of Kuznets’s hypotheses), but also changes how we perceive inequality in the modern world.

In Hungary the eighteen years period passed since the change of political regime has seen the formation of a socio-economic pattern in which there are practically no middle class in that sense of Western European society. People are... more

Through decades of trial and error, economist and researchers realize the mechanics of development as intertwined with growth, inequality, and poverty. And, outlined successful growth and development is contingent on the presence of... more

Through decades of trial and error, economist and researchers realize the mechanics of development as intertwined with growth, inequality, and poverty. And, outlined successful growth and development is contingent on the presence of important components such as government credibility, market orientation, and effective provisioning of goods and services in a society. As development policies are introduced to the poor regions of the world, what happens if host societies do not have the presence of the above mentioned criteria? Literature claims that the result is an increase in inequality. This paper focuses on the concepts and origins of both development and inequality in the contemporary world as byproducts of the modernization and rationalization constructions of society, and understanding their implications for the future through the lens of the Kuznets curve.

The task of studying the impact of social class on physical and mental health involves, among other things, the use of a conceptual toolbox that defines what social class is, establishes how to measure it, and sets criteria that help... more

The task of studying the impact of social class on physical and mental health involves, among other things, the use of a conceptual toolbox that defines what social class is, establishes how to measure it, and sets criteria that help distinguish it from closely related concepts. One field that has recently witnessed a wealth of theoretical and conceptual research on social class is psychology, but geographers' and sociologists' attitude of diffidence toward this " positivistic " discipline has prevented them from taking advantage of this body of scholarship. This paper aims to highlight some of the most important developments in the psychological study of social class and social mobility that speak to the long-standing concerns of health geographers and sociologists with how social position, perceptions, social comparisons, and class-based identities impact health and well-being.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.11.037

In the 1960s Mancur Olson and Samuel Huntington suggested that the positive correlation between per capita income and the level of sociopolitical destabilization that they detected for low and middle income countries might be partly... more

In the 1960s Mancur Olson and Samuel Huntington suggested that the positive correlation
between per capita income and the level of sociopolitical destabilization that they detected
for low and middle income countries might be partly accounted for by the growth of the inequality
associated with the economic and technological development in these countries. The
empirical tests we perform generally support this hypothesis, but they also identify certain
limits for such an explanation. Our tests reveal for low and middle income countries a statistically
significant correlation between GDP per capita and the economic inequality levels, but
this correlation is not particularly strong. Earlier we found for the same countries significantly
stronger positive correlations between GDP per capita and some important components of
sociopolitical destabilization, such as the intensity of political assassinations, general strikes
and anti-government demonstrations. It is quite clear that the strong association between
the increase in the intensity of these components of sociopolitical destabilization and GDP
per capita growth, can be explained by a much weaker tendency toward the growth of economic
inequality only partly. In addition, our empirical tests suggest the presence of a certain
threshold level of about 40 points on the Gini scale, after crossing which one can expect a
radical increase in levels of sociopolitical destabilization in general, and the intensity of terrorist
acts / guerrilla warfare and anti-government demonstrations in particular. According
to the World Bank, the value of the Gini coefficient for Russia is now just in this zone, which
suggests that the further growth of inequality in Russia could lead to an abrupt increase in
political destabilization.

This paper sets out to develop two related ideas. First, it seeks to identify how both violence and neoliberalism can be considered as moments. From this shared conceptualisation of process and fluidity, I argue that it becomes easier to... more

This paper sets out to develop two related ideas. First, it seeks to identify how both violence and neoliberalism can be considered as moments. From this shared conceptualisation of process and fluidity, I argue that it becomes easier to recognise how these two phenomena actually converge. Building upon this conceived coalescence of neoliberalism and violence, the second aim is to recognise how the hegemony of neoliberalism positions it as an abuser, which facilitates the abandonment of those ‘Others’ who fall outside of neoliberal normativity. I argue that the widespread banishment of ‘Others’ under neoliberalism produces a ‘state of exception’, wherein because of its inherently dialectic nature, exceptional violence is transformed into exemplary violence. This metamorphosis occurs as aversion for alterity intensifies under neoliberalism and its associated violence against ‘Others’ comes to form the rule.

Anthony Atkinson es un economista inglés y uno de los principales referentes a nivel mundial en el estudio de la desigualdad. En su libro Desigualdad: ¿qué podemos hacer? (2015) desarrolla una serie de 15 propuestas que indican posibles... more

Anthony Atkinson es un economista inglés y uno de los principales referentes a nivel mundial en el estudio de la desigualdad. En su libro Desigualdad: ¿qué podemos hacer? (2015) desarrolla una serie de 15 propuestas que indican posibles caminos a seguir para abordar de frente. Más allá de enlistar estas propuestas a modo de réplica, lo cual no constituiría mayor aporte a la discusión, el presente artículo pretende extraer algunas lecciones generales sobre el razonamiento de Atkinson, en términos de su pertinencia, viabilidad y consistencia argumentativa. Uno de los ámbitos evidentes a los cuales remite la discusión sobre la desigualdad es el de la política fiscal. Si bien sus propuestas están más enfocadas en el diagnóstico de la situación de su país de residencia (Reino Unido), el alcance de sus ideas trasciende límites geográficos. Cuando aborda el problema de los impuestos y subsidios lo hace desde una mirada lo más integral posible para superar eventuales desbalances en el presupuesto fiscal y, más aún, para evitar que los cambios de regulación distorsionen los incentivos de mercado y, en el peor de los casos, terminen por alejarse del objetivo final que es reducir la desigualdad. Lo principal en cuanto a impuestos y subsidios es avanzar hacia una política tributaria más progresiva, lo cual consiste en incrementar la tasa impositiva a medida que se asciende en la escala de niveles de ingresos. En este sentido, no solo se trata de incrementar la tasa impositiva máxima en relación a la existente (propone pasar de una tasa vigente cercana al 45% a una de 65%) sino también ampliar la base gravable, esto es, incorporar en el cálculo del ingreso las entradas por concepto de riqueza y ganancias de capital (intereses, beneficios, dividendos, renta, etc.) que en muchos países se encuentran exentas o levemente gravadas. Al elevar el tope de la tasa de impuestos, se puede argumentar que el 1% más rico ve afectado su ingreso bruto (antes de impuestos) y, por tanto, las entradas por recaudación de mayores impuestos se enfrentan a un menor volumen de ingreso gravable, lo que puede terminar siendo un contrasentido. Sin embargo, cuando se realiza este razonamiento, se hace en base al cálculo de una elasticidad del ingreso bruto del 1% más rico (variación relativa del ingreso de los más ricos) que establece un umbral a partir del cual el incremento de impuestos reduce la recaudación final. De acuerdo a este cálculo, los reciente ajustes de la tasa impositiva colocaban un techo en el 40% a partir del cual la recaudación comenzaba a mermar. Para Atkinson este umbral no se ha calculado adecuadamente por diferentes razones. Una de ellas es el margen de error del cálculo el cual establece un amplio rango de límites que fluctúa, por ejemplo, entre 24% y 62%, lo que hace que el 40% sea solo un promedio algo conservador. Otra razón es que el cálculo de la elasticidad del ingreso bruto en relación a la tasa impositiva máxima se realiza principalmente en base al consumo interno, desestimando el volumen de ingresos que se destina a ahorro o se filtra hacia el exterior. Por último, una razón más consistente aún es la que considera que en una perspectiva histórica, en base a periodos en que los impuestos fueron efectivamente más altos, estos actuaron como desincentivo a negociar salarios gerencial es exorbitantes como los que vemos hoy en día en el sector

La desigualdad se ubica en el centro de los intentos por comprender el creciente malestar que por diversas vías manifiesta la sociedad chilena. Ello es comprensible, ya que si las diferencias de ingreso superan cierto nivel, atentan... more

La desigualdad se ubica en el centro de los intentos por comprender el creciente malestar que por diversas vías manifiesta la sociedad chilena. Ello es comprensible, ya que si las diferencias de ingreso superan cierto nivel, atentan contra la cohesión social, la calidad de la democracia y el crecimiento económico. Si bien no es claro dónde se ubica ese umbral a partir del cual la desigualdad se convierte en un factor desestabilizador, sí lo es que Chile –como la mayor parte de Latinoamérica- se ubica por encima del mismo.
El libro se distingue por la elaboración de estadísticas históricas de distribución del ingreso y otras variables asociadas –salarios, composición de la fuerza de trabajo, etc.- que cubren un siglo y medio de historia de Chile. A partir de las mismas, se realiza un análisis histórico en que la evidencia cuantitativa se aborda desde un enfoque de economía política. Ello ha supuesto estudiar el rol del mercado en su relación con las variables institucionales y políticas, en particular las asimetrías de poder y el conflicto distributivo entre los actores sociales –hacendados, empresarios, trabajadores, capas medias-, así como la intervención del Estado en el mismo.
El presente texto se basa en un estudio distinguido por la Asociación Chilena de Historia Económica con el Premio Arnold Bauer a la mejor tesis de doctorado sobre historia económica de Chile leída en el período 2010-2014. De ésta, dijo el profesor Branko Milanovic que “destacaba por su ambición, su metodología novedosa, y su crítica madura a los estudios convencionales sobre la relación entre desarrollo y desigualdad”, características que en su opinión la hacían comparable al estudio “Les haut revenus en France”, de Thomas Piketty.

Thomas Piketty's Capital and Ideology constitutes a landmark achievement in furthering our understanding of the history of inequality, and presents valuable proposals for constructing a future economic system that would allow us to... more

Thomas Piketty's Capital and Ideology constitutes a landmark achievement in furthering our understanding of the history of inequality, and presents valuable proposals for constructing a future economic system that would allow us to transcend and move beyond contemporary forms of capitalism. This article discusses Piketty's conceptions of ideology, property, and "inequality regimes", and analyses his approach to social justice and its relation to the work of John Rawls. I examine how Piketty's proposals for 'participatory socialism' would function not only to redistribute income and wealth, but also to disperse economic power within society, and I discuss the complementary roles of redistribution and predistribution in his proposals, and Piketty's place in a tradition of egalitarian political economy associated with James Meade and Anthony Atkinson. Having elaborated on Piketty's account of the relationship between economic policy and ideational change, and his important idea of the "desacralization" of private property, I present "seven theses" on his proposals for participatory socialism, examining areas in which his approach could be enhanced or extended, so as to create a viable twenty-first century version of democratic socialism.

This paper provides a comparative analysis of the Great Depression (1929-1933) and the Great Financial Crisis (2007-2009) by contrasting the crises' main driving forces and how they relate to each other with respect to the United States.... more

This paper provides a comparative analysis of the Great Depression (1929-1933) and the Great Financial Crisis (2007-2009) by contrasting the crises' main driving forces and how they relate to each other with respect to the United States. To this end, causes, consequences and measures undertaken during the crises are evaluated and dissected. The analysis reveals striking parallels between the Great Depression and the Great Financial Crisis. Causal factors in both crises were a flawed design of the banking system (unit banking, too-big-to-fail), a real estate boom and high debt burdens of both households and financial institutions, as well as pronounced economic inequality. Measures taken during each of the crises differed markedly, however. Whereas the political approach to the Great Depression was long characterised by inaction, the response during the recent crisis proved to be swift and aggressive, which prevented a repeat of the Great Depression by attenuating the immediate adverse effects on the economy. However, strong evidence exists that the response may only have deferred the adjustment process initiated by the crisis of
2007-2009. This paper presents empirical observations supporting the view that the structural problems which led to 2007-2009 are still existent today and continue to threaten financial stability.