Irredentism Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Carlos Escudé analyzes the origins of “Argentine territorial irredentism” that, through the teaching of history and geography, maintains that the Argentine Republic lost territories, taking as an initial myth the territory of the... more

Carlos Escudé analyzes the origins of “Argentine territorial irredentism” that, through the teaching of history and geography, maintains that the Argentine Republic lost territories, taking as an initial myth the territory of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. This article, based on the analytical framework, mainly from Oscar Oszlak, argues that on May 25, 1810, there was a rupture of the pre-existing political order and that the new political unit that was formed could have culminated in different territorial configurations.
For this reason, it will be argued that the current Argentine territory is the result of the wars in which said country intervened between 1810 and 1917 against neighboring countries that were going through the same process and against native peoples, and of the external recognition of the current border limits. In this sense, the article reflects, after some analytical considerations, through a set of maps how the current territory of the Argentine Republic was formed, showing that there were
no territorial losses and that, on the contrary, it increased from the May Revolution.

The aim of this article is to demonstrate how a relational concept of power can benefit Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). It begins by drawingattention to the fact that Japan’s foreign policy has been portrayedrather enigmatically in terms of... more

The aim of this article is to demonstrate how a relational concept of power can benefit Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). It begins by drawingattention to the fact that Japan’s foreign policy has been portrayedrather enigmatically in terms of power, and by arguing that such anenigma stems from the fact that FPA has borrowed the concept of power of much International Relations (IR) theory, i.e. one that putspower on a par with capability. With a point of departure in StevenLukes’ relational concept of power, the article then conceptualizes analternative perspective. By applying the ensuing ‘relational poweranalysis’ to two ‘significant’ issues in Japan’s China policy, namely thenegotiations for bilateral investment protection and interaction over the disputed Pinnacle (Senkaku or
Diaoyu) Islands, the article demon-strates that Japan’s foreign policy can be portrayed more intelligibly interms of power, and thereby also how power could be treated in FPA inthe first place.

The proximity of French territories such as Savoie, Nice and Corsica to the Italian border, and their histories as part of the Italian states, has resulted in the inevitable existence of Italian communities in these regions. Following... more

The proximity of French territories such as Savoie, Nice and Corsica to the Italian border, and their histories as part of the Italian states, has resulted in the inevitable existence of Italian communities in these regions. Following the creation of the Fascist government in Italy, these communities grew as thousands of political exiles fled to France. This paper intends to explore the issues raised by these minorities and their contribution to an anti-Italian sentiment in parts of France. It will also address Fascist Italy’s use of these minorities as a political tool in irredentist politics. The unusual policy of encouraging irredentist sentiments in the pre-war era was not matched by Italian actions during the occupation of these same regions, when Rome tried to distance herself from political groups. The highly charged political atmosphere in these territories led to a reluctance to support these groups openly, whilst continuing to harbour the hope that they might win over the Italian population. Finally, it will place these policies within the broader context of Italian irredentist policies across Europe at this time.

Irredentism has threatened global security since the emergence of the modern nation, which is founded on the ideals of sovereignty, territorial integrity, equality, peaceful coexistence and so forth. It has and will continue to play a... more

Irredentism has threatened global security since the emergence of the modern nation, which is founded on the ideals of sovereignty, territorial integrity, equality, peaceful coexistence and so forth. It has and will continue to play a very significant role in the contemporary global politics as long as the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity serves as the foundation of international relation and the anti-expansionist campaign took centre stage in global politics.

The assassination of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie redirected the political developments in the province. Until then, most notably political issues such as electoral reform for Dalmatian Parliament or the anticipated unification... more

The assassination of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie redirected the political developments in the province. Until then, most notably political issues such as electoral reform for Dalmatian Parliament or the anticipated unification Croatian People's Progressive Party and Croatian Party had fallen into background, and soon disappeared from the political horizon. Anti-Serb demonstrations became the primary political issue of the Dalmatian newspapers during turbulent July in 1914. Declaration of war dramatically increased the degree of political control over Dalmatia. Numerous arrest were made, numerous politically dubious societies were disbanded and many constitutional freedoms were suspended such as the secrecy of correspondence, freedom of assembly and of press. Serbian organizations and those Croatian organizations and individuals of Serbian orientation were particularly targeted. The Italian community was spared of political persecution during 1914 because the policy was to appease the Kingdom of Italy. The first year of the war showed deficiencies in the supply of the population which would significantly worsen during the war years.

It is a cherished belief among Thai people that their country was never colonized. Yet politicians, scholars, and other media figures chronically inveigh against Western colonialism and the imperialist theft of Thai territory. Thai... more

U članku se tematizira iredentistički pogled na povijest Dalmacije. Taj je diskurs u priličnoj mjeri temeljen na mitološkom shvaćanju povijesti i shematiziranim kon-strukcijama. Početci iredentističkog pokreta vezuju se s pojavom... more

U članku se tematizira iredentistički pogled na povijest Dalmacije. Taj je diskurs u priličnoj mjeri temeljen na mitološkom shvaćanju povijesti i shematiziranim kon-strukcijama. Početci iredentističkog pokreta vezuju se s pojavom francuskih trupa na talijanskom tlu, što je potaknulo politički život. Međutim, razvijeni ire-dentizam možemo pratiti tek od zadnje četvrtine 19. stoljeća. Vrhunac iredentističke aktivnosti vezan je za Prvi svjetski rat i neposredno poraće. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata iredentistička historiografija vezana je uz činjenicu da su mnogobrojni Talijani napustili slo-venska i hrvatska područja uslijed komunističkog na-silja. Raspad jugoslavije i stvaranje novih država, hr-vatske i Slovenije, dovelo je do promjena u stavovima esula, što je praćeno putem njihova glasila Il Dalmata.

In this essay I will be discussing and analyzing Tullio Crali's Nose Dive on the City. I will be analyzing the formal, iconographic, contextual and critical meaning and the influences of the futurism movement in relation to the main... more

In this essay I will be discussing and analyzing Tullio Crali's Nose Dive on the City. I will be analyzing the formal, iconographic, contextual and critical meaning and the influences of the futurism movement in relation to the main painting. The final part is reserved to the visual comparison between Nose Dive on the City and the Battle of Uari experienced by Menin's black futurist shirt.

1954 marked the beginning of a brief but intense migratory flow from the city of Trieste towards Australia. Following a prolonged period of Anglo-American administration, the city had been returned to Italian jurisdiction once more;... more

1954 marked the beginning of a brief but intense migratory flow from the
city of Trieste towards Australia. Following a prolonged period of
Anglo-American administration, the city had been returned to Italian
jurisdiction once more; and with the dismantling of the Allied caretaker
government and the subsequent economic integration of Trieste into the
Italian State, a climate of uncertainty and precariousness had left the
Triestines psychologically disenchanted and discouraged. Although
historically Trieste did not have a tradition of migration, many chose to
emigrate during this period. Among those who left were former
employees of the Allied Military Government who were concerned for
their future, but there were also others with stable employment. Importantly, Triestine migration displays many atypical characteristics
when compared to Italian migration in general. Unlike many other
Italian migrants, most Triestines came to Australia as part of complete
nuclear family units, many were assisted passage migrants and a
significant number of these were in possession of trade qualifications on
their arrival. Importantly, furthermore, the Triestines are the only
immigrants of Italian origin to have mass migrated from an urban
environment. And, as this study highlights, this factor has impacted on
the migratory experiences and the identity and community making
process of this group.
The Triestines who immigrated to Australia during this period were
particularly aware of themselves as Triestines. Political and economic
forces had historically fostered the development of a Triestine identity
and during the post war period, when many of these immigrants had
experienced a sense of betrayal, the act of migration served to strengthen
a feeling of circumscribed Triestine identity once more. By narrating and analysing the immigrant experiences of this group, this
research reveals that this identity was also reinforced by the migration
experience and process as the urban mind-set of the Triestines initially
set them apart as 'strangers' within both the Anglo-Saxon reality and the
Italo-Australian one. By negotiating both similarities and difference in
the context of a shared immigrant experience, the Triestines were,
however, successfully able to become part of the Italo-Australian
community, but they continued to maintain a distinct sense of their own
identity as Triestines. What emerges from this study is that this enduring
sense of identity can be seen to be tied, not to essentialist notions of
identity, but to a continued and dynamic process of negotiation which
allowed the triestini to adopt various 'positionalities' which became part
of a dialectical process of identity construction.By examining the migrant experience of both first and subsequent
generations of Triestines in the Australian city of Melbourne in a
historical context, this study thus highlights the importance of both the
past and the present experience in the process of migrant settlement and
identity construction. The study is based on archival and field research,
including interviews with 75 informants. It holds in balance a story of
group formation (how the Triestines evolved as a group within
Melbourne) with an account of group identity (who they were as
Triestines).

À Taipei, le discours officiel se veut rassurant pour la population : les différences entre l’Ukraine et Taïwan sont nombreuses. Pour autant, les similarités ne manquent pas non plus, tandis que les deux crises, si elles ne procèdent pas... more

À Taipei, le discours officiel se veut rassurant pour la population : les différences entre l’Ukraine et Taïwan sont nombreuses. Pour autant, les similarités ne manquent pas non plus, tandis que les deux crises, si elles ne procèdent pas l’une de l’autre, entretiennent des liens plus directs qu’il n’apparait à première vue. Stéphane Corcuff étudie ici, en politiste, comment fonctionne l’irrédentisme des Etats post-impériaux que sont la Russie et la Chine, sur les trois crises de l’Ukraine, de Hong Kong et du détroit de Taïwan. Toutes nous ramènent à la géopolitique de l’Empire, qui n’a jamais disparu sous le communisme.

This essay analyzes the "Memories of a Man Without Qualities", the autobiography of the Istrian historian Ernesto Sestan, with peculiar reference to the chapters which contain historical remarks on the small town of Albona in Istria... more

This essay analyzes the "Memories of a Man Without Qualities", the autobiography of the Istrian historian Ernesto Sestan, with peculiar reference to the chapters which contain historical remarks on the small town of Albona in Istria between the end of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century. There is a comparison with Sestan's studies on the history of "Venezia Giulia" and the birth of modern nations. The last paragraph debates Sestan's reflections on the differences between the town and the countryside in the history of Istria.

Partendo dall’analisi delle origini nazionali del mito irredentista della Dalmazia e proseguendo con la sua rielaborazione ideologica nell’ambiente della Venezia fascista, la tesi prende in esame, in particolare tramite documenti degli... more

Partendo dall’analisi delle origini nazionali del mito irredentista della Dalmazia e proseguendo con la sua rielaborazione ideologica nell’ambiente della Venezia fascista, la tesi prende in esame, in particolare tramite documenti degli archivi storici dell'Università Ca' Foscari e dell'ISMAR (Istituto di Scienze Marine), le attività e l’interesse rivolto da istituzioni universitarie, di ricerca e culturali alla sponda orientale dell’Adriatico, specie nei primi anni del secondo conflitto mondiale. Vengono considerate le attività e le iniziative dell’ateneo veneziano nel contesto dei progetti imperialisti italiani nel Mediterraneo e nell’Europa Sud-Orientale tra cui il tentativo di creare nell'università un “Istituto per l’Europa Sudorientale e il Levante”. Nel contesto dell’interesse per la questione adriatica particolare attenzione venne rivolta in questo periodo agli studenti slavi, beneficiari non solo di sostegno economico da parte delle organizzazioni fasciste, ma anche di molte iniziative proposte dall’Università, a loro specificamente dedicate. A dimostrazione della pervasività ideologica dell’irredentismo nell’ambito accademico, vengono prese in esame pubblicazioni e discorsi di docenti e rettori cafoscarini, ma anche alcune tesi di laurea del periodo incentrate sul Mediterraneo e sulla Dalmazia, redatte in particolare nel decennio precedente il secondo conflitto mondiale.

Tesi di laurea che segue due direttrici, a partire dall'attentato a Francesco Ferdinando sino ad arrivare alla dichiarazione di guerra del Regno d'Italia. Nella prima parte viene seguito il ritorno nel Friuli italiano dei lavoratori... more

Tesi di laurea che segue due direttrici, a partire dall'attentato a Francesco Ferdinando sino ad arrivare alla dichiarazione di guerra del Regno d'Italia. Nella prima parte viene seguito il ritorno nel Friuli italiano dei lavoratori emigrati, con i conseguenti problemi di disoccupazione, a stento mitigati dai finanziamenti statali; vengono approfondite le mobilitazioni contro la disoccupazione e l'aumento del carovita. Nella seconda parte, viene seguito il filone del pensiero e dell'azione irredentista in Udine.

The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen and first half of twentieth century, cannot be explained without understanding the essence of the Megali Idea. In general, the Idea... more

The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen and first half of twentieth century, cannot be explained without understanding the essence of the Megali Idea. In general, the Idea represented national program which is the core of Greek foreign politics, and also the constitution of the Greek nationalism. The greek national program was build on the actions in ottoman Macedonia, the politics of other Balkan nation-states and the interests of Great powers on the East Mediteranian in general. The Megali Idea is the main final goal of the Greek nationalism with tendency of territorial expansion of the state. The means and the methods used in realization were in relations with the circumstances in ottoman Macedonia, the national factors in Greece and Greek propaganda institutions inside the Ottoman Empire.

What explains Greek reluctance to recognize an independent Macedonian state? Several factors signal to Greeks that the state's existence implies a territorial threat. Scholars tend to point to memory of earlier Comintern and Yugoslav... more

What explains Greek reluctance to recognize an independent Macedonian state? Several factors signal to Greeks that the state's existence implies a territorial threat. Scholars tend to point to memory of earlier Comintern and Yugoslav designs on the area and promotion of a distinct Macedonian national identity. Greece also holds the largest part of historic Macedonia, one featuring a Slavic minority easily interpreted as a basis for future Macedonian irredentism, while Greeks tend to view Greek and Macedonian identities as one in the same. Left unconsidered is the legacy of Greece's own experience with territorial expansionism, forced migration, shifting identities and memory that helps shape perspectives toward the new Macedonian state. Beyond a successful campaign of territorial aggrandization, Greece witnessed major periods of identity-based forced migration in the 20th century: the 1912-13 Balkan Wars, 1919-22 Greek-Turkish War, the 1919 and 1923 population exchange agreements and related movements, and the exodus of many Macedonians decades later. These events helped make territory 'Greek,' along with successive government efforts to assimilate the many arriving Christian refugee settlers. Present-day Greek fears must thus be traced to the perceived threat of the new Macedonian state using similar tactics, and potentially exacerbated by extending the European Union and a 'borderless Europe' into historic Macedonia.

The article examines the presence of the Italian Garibaldini volunteers in the Greek irredentist struggles of the period 1866-1912. This participation falls within the framework of a long tradition of military volunteerism by the... more

The article examines the presence of the Italian Garibaldini volunteers in the Greek irredentist struggles of the period 1866-1912. This participation falls within the framework of a long tradition of military volunteerism by the Italians, which had commenced in the 1820s and was founded upon the concepts of the Mediterranean solidarity at first and of the Greco-Latin subsequently, as well as within the climate of constituting a “Liberal International” at that time. Principal agent and embodiment of the renewed philhellenic movement during the period of the Risorgimento’s major successes was Giuseppe Garibaldi, who assimilated the ideas and the projects of the democratic and Mazzinian movement, as well as the radical ideas of 1848.
First, Garibaldi’s relations with Greece and the Balkans are examined, and the profile of the Garibaldini volunteers is sketched. The discussion then focuses on the volunteers’ last mission to Greece, during the First Balkan War. Explored in this context are: the conditions of forming and sending a volunteer corps to Greece, on the initiative of Ricciotti Garibaldi (1912); its perception by the Italian political parties and public opinion, its reception in Greece and the oppositions within it; and its participation jointly with Greek and other Red Shirts in the battle of Driskos. Assessed next are the contribution of the Italian Garibaldini at an operational level, as well as the internationalization and publicizing of the Greek campaign; the impact of their activity on the – at that time complicated – Greek-Italian interstate relations; their further usefulness and the possibilities of keeping their myth alive within the political, ideological and geopolitical clime emerging in Europe and the Mediterranean on the eve of the First World War. Last, issues of memory of the Italian Garibaldini volunteers in modern Greece are raised as well, while the lacunae in research and the research prospects for the issue investigated are noted.

The administrative boundary between Laos and Cambodia is amongst the least studied international borders in Southeast Asia. Since Laos and Cambodia became independent in 1953–54, relatively minor but sustained tensions have characterised... more

The administrative boundary between Laos and Cambodia is amongst the least studied international borders in Southeast Asia. Since Laos and Cambodia became independent in 1953–54, relatively minor but sustained tensions have characterised border relations. An important reason for disagreements is irredentist feelings. Some ethnic Lao in both Laos and Cambodia believe that part of northeastern Cambodia should be added to Laos, while some ethnic Khmer in Cambodia insist that their border should be extended to include part of southern Laos. Different emphases and framings of history have contributed to irredentism and the development of identities in relation to the border.

Članak je objavljen u povodu 350-te obljetnice smrti don Stipana Sorića, poznatog i istaknutog borca protiv Turaka na području srednje i sjeverne Dalmacije i Like. Kroz pet kratkih poglavlja obrađen je život ovog narodnog borca, ali i... more

Članak je objavljen u povodu 350-te obljetnice smrti don Stipana Sorića, poznatog i istaknutog borca protiv Turaka na području srednje i sjeverne Dalmacije i Like. Kroz pet kratkih poglavlja obrađen je život ovog narodnog borca, ali i njegovo posmrtno bivstvovanje u svijesti naroda kroz priče i pjesme (A. Kačić Miošić, F. Grabovac…).
Razrješava se dvojba oko ispravnosti njegova prezimena (Sorić, Surić,Šorić) i s time u vezi njegovo porijeklo. Članak obrađuje njegov ratni put u Kandijskom ratu, glavne bitke protiv turske vojske i njegovu suradnju sa mletačkom vlašću u svim navedenim podvizima. Sorićevu odanost mletačkim interesima i hrabrost koju je prilikom borbi iskazivao, Senat i providuri znali su cijeniti. Ali i koristiti: kao do samog kraja kada je 1648. pod Ribnikom poginuo ovaj kasnije obožavani narodni junak.