Subnational Politics Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

As a formerly colonized country, India takes very seriously the defence of its sovereignty and of its independence of action in the external realm as well as its identity as a Third World nation. These reasons contribute to its reluctance to push a democratic agenda in its foreign policy even though it has a democratic political system at home. Another important feature of India’s foreign policy operation is that despite a federal structure, foreign policy remains a highly centralized and executive function. This in turn limits space for creative public diplomacy initiatives especially along India’s international borders, which are often the sites of various kinds of dispute and contestation both at the state-to-state level and at the people-to-people level. Indian elites and the general public are perhaps slowly beginning to realize that dichotomy between the internal and the external in terms of social and political values and engagement do not make for good publicity. In particular, China’s rise is likely to bring the democracy argument with its specific Indian characteristics as opposed to its Western heritage into sharper relief. At the moment though, contradictions in Indian public diplomacy remain writ large.

- by Jabin T Jacob
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- Buddhism, Public Diplomacy, East Asia, Subnational Politics
- by George Andreou
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- European Studies, Law, Comparative Politics, European integration

The article seeks to further an understanding of the impact of robust federalism and strong
Executives on federal deputies' political survival. Specifically, the article looks at the effect of
government coalitions formed at the national and state levels on incumbent deputies' career choices.
It tests two hypotheses: members of the governing coalition at the national level have the highest
likelihood of running for reelection, whereas deputies opposing both the federal and state
governments are those less likely to seek an additional term in the lower chamber; on the other
hand, opposition deputies at both levels of government display the highest predisposition to
compete for higher elective posts (governor and senator).

- by André Borges and +1
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- Political Coalitions, Latin American politics, Federalism, Subnational Politics

Argentina is a major producer of lithium, a vital mineral for making a transition from fossil fuel to renewable energy. Mining is concentrated in three Northwestern provinces, Catamarca, Jujuy, and Salta. Although they have shared historical roots, cultural traditions, socioeconomic profiles, and political institutions as provincial subnational units in a federal system, there is striking variation in how mining projects articulate with local indigenous communities. In some lithium mining projects, companies offered concessions that improved local socioeconomic indicators and mitigated environmental damage. In others, mining companies either made minimal concessions or, alternatively chose to halt projects, usually in response to organized local resistance. Why do lithium mining ventures result in negotiated, unnegotiated, or aborted extraction? The article proposes a typology of modes of extraction together with an explanatory framework that centers on the strengths and strategies of communities and subnational governments in setting the terms of mining.

- by Lucas Gonzalez
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- Latin America (Comparative Politics), Federalism, Lithium, Argentina

Jorge Muñoz se convirtió en alcalde de Lima de manera inesperada en las elecciones subnacionales de octubre de 2018. Asimismo, su partido, Acción Popular, obtuvo 14 alcaldías distritales. El objetivo de este artículo es describir los resultados electorales de estos comicios y ponerlos en perspectiva comparada con las elecciones de 2014, cuando fue previsiblemente electo por tercera ver Luis Castañeda de Solidaridad Nacional. El trabajo argumenta que las elecciones de 2018 presentaron un escenario de una mayor incertidumbre y de ausencia de candidaturas incumbentes tras la prohibición de la reelección y que esto se reflejó en una mayor fragmentación de la competencia, más débil desempeño del ganador a nivel de Lima metropolitana y sus candidaturas distritales y una mayor incongruencia en los patrones de la competencia partidaria entre los niveles. El trabajo utiliza una serie de indicadores para caracterizar los patrones de competencia de partidos y sistemas de partidos, mapas y análisis estadístico bivariado para poner en perspectiva a los resultados de las elecciones de 2014 y 2018. El artículo concluye planteando que Lima no escapa de los patrones electorales más generales de Perú.

- by Tomas Dosek and +1
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- Latin American Studies, Voting Behavior, Political Participation, Latin America (Comparative Politics)

Este artículo estudia la representación política en el estado de Morelos, donde han sido electas el mayor número de mujeres tras la aprobación de la paridad de género entre 2014 y 2019. Esta entidad federativa incrementó 162 % el número de mujeres electas desde 1997, convirtiéndose en el Legislativo subnacional con más mujeres en el país. La expectativa era que un mayor número de mujeres en el Congreso impulsa-ría iniciativas orientadas a reducir la brecha de género y promover igualdad sustantiva. Los re-sultados de esta investigación dan cuenta de lo contrario. A pesar de tener el mayor número de legisladoras de su historia, y en comparación con el resto de los estados, el Congreso de Morelos no ha podido avanzar en términos de representación simbólica ni sustantiva. A partir de este estudio de caso y con el objetivo de evaluar de manera multidimensional la implementación de la paridad de género, se evidencia que, a pesar de las transformaciones normativas realizadas, los obstáculos hacia la participación de las mujeres.

- by Flavia Freidenberg and +1
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- Latin American Studies, Women's Studies, Women and Politics, Subnational Politics

¿Por qué reflexionar sobre un territorio específico de nuestro país? Una pregunta abierta que sólo un enfoque multidisciplinario puede responder de mejor manera. Para esta labor hemos querido proponer una visión más amplia de los variados aspectos que describen el Valle Central de Chile. Esa ha sido la razón para editar un libro monográfico, que reúne catorce ensayos —de autores de diferentes disciplinas, con enfoques teóricos diversos— y que esperamos sea una de las fortalezas de este esfuerzo.
Nuestro propósito no solo ha sido caracterizar los rasgos propios de la región, sino debatir cuáles fueron los hechos, tendencias y tensiones que han construido y siguen forjando esta zona.
Nuestro trabajo conjunto pretende ser un ejercicio intelectual e informativo y además ofrecer a la comunidad académica, a estudiantes de distintos niveles formativos y lectores en general, un texto que sea el inicio para pensar en las problemáticas del país y sus territorios, reflexiones que debiesen ser concebidas desde lo local y con las comunidades desde donde emergen.

- by Andrea Gartenlaub-González and +3
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- Economic History, Agricultural Economics, Cultural Identity, Subnational Politics

Resistencias sociales y legislaciones mineras en las provincias argentinas
Los casos de Mendoza, Córdoba, Catamarca y San Juan (2003-2009)

Este artículo tiene como objetivo general contribuir al debate sobre las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad a nivel subnacional y se centra específicamente en el caso de Argentina. Para ello, desarrollamos dos objetivos específicos. En primer lugar, hacemos un planteo teórico y conceptual sobre la importancia de estudiar la diversidad de estructuras económicas que existen a nivel subnacional, para entender el impacto que tienen en las relaciones entre Estado y sociedad. En segundo lugar, proponemos un marco analítico para clasificar a las provincias argentinas según su estructura económica. La clasificación de la estructura económica de las provincias se basa en tres criterios: la fortaleza del sector privado en la economía provincial, el peso relativo del Estado subnacional en la economía, y el tipo de producción que predomina. En base a esto, en las conclusiones hipotetizamos acerca de qué incentivos tienen los actores económicos para vincularse con el Estado provincial de d...

- by Jacqueline Behrend
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- Political Economy, Federalism, Argentina, Subnational Politics

Este artigo analisa a mudança na elite política
tradicional em Rondônia, a partir do processo
de transição Território-Estado. Fundado no
início dos anos 1980, durante a crise do regime militar, o estado de Rondônia vivenciou
sua primeira forma de organização política
como Território Federal do Guaporé em 1943,
sob a égide da ditadura varguista. Inicialmente, o estudo analisa os principais fundamentos da competição política no período territorial. Em um segundo momento, abordam-se
as transformações na elite política dirigente,
que compreendemos ter início em 1977, com
a criação dos primeiros municípios no eixo
da BR-364, e se prolonga no decorrer da década de 1980. Posteriormente, os dados sobre
o PIB, população e o eleitorado serão objeto
de análise. Por fim, o desenvolvimento econômico e o aumento exponencial do eleitorado
na Mesorregião Leste Rondoniense foram as
principais causas da substituição da antiga
elite política da capital, por uma nova elite dirigente, com base eleitoral na BR-364.

- by João Paulo Saraiva Leão Viana
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- Subnational Politics, Political Elites, Elections

Across many developing countries, the power sector persistently underperforms despite years of market reform efforts. India, where de facto responsibility for the power sector rests with subnational (state) governments, provides a useful laboratory to examine why. The state of West Bengal provides an example of public sector reform as an alternative to the so-called " World Bank template " for electricity liberalization, and a lens on the political preconditions for reform success. Drawing on 30 elite interviews in 2016 alongside comparative evidence from other Indian states, this article documents the reform design and assesses its success. West Bengal's reforms aimed at internally strengthening the utility against political interference. The study finds that this reform model delivered initial performance among the best of any Indian utility, and that successful reforms in several other states were also more statist than often recognized. However, longer-term sustainability remains challenging. While weak rural lobbies had some effect, the study explains this trajectory as the result of the transition from one-party dominance to intensified party-political competition, a finding that resonates with evidence from other Indian states. In contrast to influential political theories developed in the Global North, this suggests that party-political competition does not make Indian politicians more likely to deliver public services, but rather leads to short-termism and political capture of utilities. Conversely, under some conditions one-party dominance can encourage longer-term reforms. The study thus assesses the promise and limits of public sector reforms as an alternative to liberalization, and suggests how electoral competition can influence development priorities in Indian states.

- by Elizabeth Chatterjee
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- Energy Policy, Subnational Politics, Electoral Competition, India

Paradiplomacy is generally referred to in the academic literature as the involvement of the constituent units (regions) of (multi)national states in international affairs. Examples of these meso units are the states in the United States, the provinces in Canada, the Länder in Germany, the oblasts and the republics in Russia, and the autonomous communities in Spain. A focus on the phenomenon of paradiplomacy in its theoretical and practical aspect is meant to shed light on an área of study of increasing interest for academics and practitioners, as it plays a significant role in shaping the foreign and domestic policies of central governments.

Local governments are ubiquitous politico-administrative units that affect the lives of local communities in various aspects, particularly service delivery, taxation, and political participation. When citizens are enveloped in these omnipresent units, one wonders: who decides in creating or changing local political boundaries, and how are decisions made? Local territorial reform in the Philippines is predominantly characterized by fragmentation. Municipal amalgamation is an extraordinary case in Philippine history. The literature on territorial reorganization, particularly on municipal amalgamation, is scant. Municipal amalgamation—particularly its nature, and politics—has not been comprehensively investigated in the Philippines. Accordingly, the main thrust of this study is to explain why and how municipalities consolidated in the Philippines. Put differently, it is puzzling how a municipal government, with its local administrative authorities and residents, was able to bequeath territory, authority and autonomy to join a new consolidated local government.

- by Khemvirg Puente
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- Accountability, Legislative Politics, Parliamentary Studies, Subnational Politics

The existence of political families is a well‐known fact in Mexican politics. Since the early 20th century, national and subnational politicians in Mexico have been related to other politicians. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Mexico initiated a democratization process that opened the political system to greater contestation, participation, and enforcement of electoral rules. Yet, 30 years after the onset of democratization and the demise of single‐party rule, political families and dynasties continue to be important in Mexican politics. It is even more noticeable at the subnational level, where governors with blood or marital links to other politicians have governed in 27 of the 32 states (84%) since 1989. The aim of this article is to map the existence of subnational political dynasties in Mexico since the transition to democracy and to analyze some possible explanations of this phenomenon. The article makes three main contributions. First, it provides a comprehensive overview of the family relations of all governors elected to the 32 federal entities (states and the autonomous Mexico City) since 1989. Next, it explores some of the explanations advanced by the literature and analyses them in the Mexican case. Finally, it analyses the 2021 gubernatorial elections and the role that family politics played in these elections.

- by Jacqueline Behrend
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- Political Science, Politics, Federalism, Latin American Foreign Policy

The Democracy Cookbook: Recipes to Renew Governance in Newfoundland and Labrador is an innovative multi-disciplinary citizen engagement project. The 392 page book is a peer-reviewed collection of short and snappy, non-partisan opinion pieces authored by a cross-section of 89 academics, students, journalists, opinion leaders, and other citizens. It also features some politically-themed poetry and food recipes by creative writers, restauranteurs and former politicians. A unique form of grassroots mobilization, the book brings together a wide variety of voices to speak to the matter of “fixing” democratic governance in Newfoundland and Labrador after a period of acute political turmoil. The 11 sections of the book organize an overview of politics and governance in Newfoundland and Labrador (Part 1); the importance of local politics (Part 2); examinations of political leadership (Part 3); discussion about communication and media (Part 4); civic engagement (Part 5); inclusion and diversity (Part 6); the legislative branch (Part 7); government scrutiny and accountability (Part 8); public finances (Part 9); topical issues, such as Muskrat Falls (Part 10); and recommendations for a reform process (Part 11). This is followed by 11 food recipes by restauranteurs and former provincial politicians.

- by Flavia Freidenberg
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- Subnational Politics, Party System, Latam

Este artigo apresenta um panorama geral dos programas de Pagamentos por Serviços Ambientais (PSA) realizados pelos governos estaduais no Brasil. Foram analisadas as legislações e características destes programas, e os resultados alcançados até janeiro de 2016. A metodologia utilizada foi baseada em pesquisas bibliográficas e documentais, além de entrevistas, por e-mail e telefone, com técnicos ligados aos programas estaduais. Os programas em andamento são muito diversos e estão em distintas fases de implementação. O valor gasto acumulado com os programas estaduais, de 2008 até 2015, foi de aproximadamente R$ 54,4 milhões, e a área preservada de 76,3 mil hectares. Esses números estão aquém da necessidade de preservação de matas nativas no país. Contudo, são experiências pioneiras, com dificuldades de financiamento, que representam os primeiros passos para complementar as políticas de comando e controle com instrumentos econômicos de gestão ambiental no país. O artigo conclui com algumas recomendações para a elaboração de uma Política Nacional de PSA, incluindo simplificação dos procedimentos burocráticos e metodológicos, estabelecimento de metas e áreas prioritárias, financiamento estável e diversificado, além da necessidade de buscar sinergias e diálogos com associações de produtores, lideranças locais e outras instituições envolvidas.

- by Biancca Scarpeline de Castro and +2
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- Subnational Politics, Pagamento por serviços ambientais

In recent years, a sizeable literature on subnational authoritarian regimes in democracies has emerged. In some countries local authoritarian enclaves have persisted despite the democratization of politics at the national level. Even more intriguing, new subnational authoritarian regimes have emerged in the context of national level democratization. Finally, scholars have noted that there is considerable variance in subnational authoritarian regime durability between and within countries. This article will examine why subnational authoritarian regimes have not emerged in Indonesia. Arguably, the difficulties of subnational elites to concentrate control over local economies; the high economic autonomy of voters; and the rigid institutional framework of Indonesia’s decentralized unitary state have inhibited the rise of durable subnational authoritarian regimes in the world’s third largest democracy. One of the first studies on subnational authoritarian regimes in a decentralized unitary state, the article engages and informs the broader literature on subnational authoritarian regimes.

- by Michael Buehler and +2
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- Comparative Politics, Russian Politics, Indonesia, Argentina
- by Flavia Freidenberg
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- Women's Studies, Socio-legal studies, Subnational Politics, Mexico
- by Flavia Freidenberg and +1
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- Latin American Studies, Women and Politics, Subnational Politics, Women and Gender Studies

The phenomenon of international engagement of regional and local
governments in the Asian countries is still not sufficiently described and
recognized in the scientific literature. So far, the research on paradiplomacy mostly concentrated on Europe and North America. However, as shown in this study, the regularities present in Western economies are not necessarily universal. The distinctive features of each Asian country create quite unique contexts, in which sub-regional actors have to develop their international strategies. Some of those contexts were presented in this study in order to provide a better understanding of the conditions of paradiplomacy in Asian.

- by Tomasz Kamiński and +2
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- International Relations, Political Science, Russian Foreign Policy, Subnational Politics

Mexico provides significant insight into the modern challenges being faced by young democracies struggling to shed the remnants of their authoritarian past. Following some classic definitions from democratic theory, the country is best categorized as an electoral democracy striving to become a liberal one. Under such framework, this essay aims to analyze some of the enduring obstacles to Mexico’s democratic consolidation, along with possible ways forward. Based on recent elections, this essay studies two problems that have been remarkably lasting: vote buying and vote coercion. Interestingly, these problems are more acute at the subnational level than they are at the national level, which compels us to revise some of the classic definitions of democracy in the theoretical literature. In particular, I propose a requirement for a country to be considered a liberal democracy instead of an electoral one: democratization must have disseminated to regions beyond the center, as well as to subnational levels beyond the national government. This conceptual discussion helps to frame the type of weaknesses still found in Mexico’s democracy. I show that vote buying and vote coercion remain deeply entrenched in the political culture of several states that have fallen behind in their democracy levels, such as Veracruz. In assessing possible solutions to such problems, I describe the profound political reform of 2014 creating the National Electoral Institute (INE), which took the administration of local elections away from local governments. The results of the midterm elections of June 2015 allow concluding that this reform fell short of solving the enduring weaknesses of Mexico’s democracy. Rather, I suggest that Mexico needs actual regime change at the subnational level. Only then might the country transition from electoral democracy to liberal democracy.

- by Gilles Serra
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- Latin American Studies, Comparative Politics, Mexican Studies, Democratic Theory

The crisis of traditional images of manhood in Western cultures, the disruption of nation-state primacy, and the revival of self-determination movements in the aftermath of globalization and the rise of neoliberal policies have caused a rupture in the stability of such concepts as nation and masculinity. This dissertation investigates the impact of these ruptures on the representation of gendered subjects in the subnational cinemas of Flanders, Scotland, and Quebec—that is film industries and imaginaries located in geopolitical contexts that lack nation-state recognition, but operate along the lines of national-belonging principles. Combining the methodologies of production history, film, and cultural analysis, this work looks at subnational cinemas from the interconnected standpoints of their institutional and representational developments. One the one hand, it maps how film production and funding infrastructures emerged in recent subnational contexts at the convergence of national and transnational interests. On the other hand, it considers how performances of gender and national identity are renegotiated in such complex geopolitical and cinematic scenarios. It is the central contention of this dissertation that subnational contexts, by virtue of their cultural and geopolitical hybridity, offer a significant set of possibilities for revisiting monolithic paradigms of national cinemas, identities, and gender power structures in the globalized era.

- by Ful Massimi (they/them)
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- Gender Studies, Queer Studies, Film Studies, National Cinemas

El libro concentra su interés en las políticas dirigidas a combatir la desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social, considerando también el rol del Tercer Sector. Se prima un interés por analizar los programas de rentas mínimas de inserción (IMIs). Capítulos de Luis Moreno, Miguel Laparra, Carlos García Serrano, Miguel Ángel Malo y Gregorio Rodríguez-Cabrero, Julio Carabaña y Olga Salido, Sebastià Sarasa, Ana Arriba, Sebastià Sarasa, Elisabet Almeda y Dolors Obiols, Araceli Serrano y Ana Arriba, Luis Sanzo, Miguel Laparra, Manuel Aguilar, Balbina Liberal, Begoña Pérez y Concepción Corera, Javier Noya, Juan Cornejo, Vicente Marbán, y Victor Renes.

- by Luis Moreno
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- Development Economics, Social Policy, Spanish Studies, Welfare State
- by Daniela Vairo and +4
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- Subnational Politics, Elections, Uruguay

This document is the appendix to my doctoral dissertation in Politics at the University of California, Santa Cruz (2019). My dissertation identifies the determinants of sustained state service provision (SSSP) in subnational economic hotspots. It does so through an inductive comparative-historical analysis of three local economies in Colombia: oil production in Barrancabermeja (Santander), commercial rice monocrops in Campoalegre and Palermo (Huila), and hydroelectric dams in the Eastern region of Antioquia. This appendix contains an inventory of new subnational economies in Colombia over the course of the 20th century. Within the dissertation, this inventory is aimed at identifying the universe of cases in which my theory ought to be tested. Beyond the dissertation, its publication as an open-access online document is intended to prompt a long-term, collaborative, crowdsourcing-style exercise aimed at mapping out Colombia’s subnational economic history, starting with the 20th century. This document will be updated over time with revisions in response to feedback from case experts. Furthermore, the inventory is also intended to serve as a guide for possible student research on Colombian subnational political economy or economic history, whether as a class project or an undergraduate or master’s thesis or research paper.

- by Tomas Dosek
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- Latin American Studies, Gender Studies, Political Parties, Colombia

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été sur le devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et, de manière emblématique, a été établi un Comité des régions. Celui-ci reste à ce jour doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même celui-ci recouvre des réalités différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne. En parallèle à cette affirmation du fait régional, des mouvements et des partis de revendication régionaliste ont marqué les esprits par leur percée dans certains Etats. En Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Espagne ou en Italie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples, des partis régionalistes ont fait la une par leurs performances électorales et politiques, ou par leur propos : songeons au parti nationaliste basque, au Sinn Fein, à la Ligue du Nord, au Vlaams Belang, ou au parti national écossais. L’objet du livre est d’analyser l’essence de ces partis régionalistes, d’examiner leurs rôles et leurs performances dans les sociétés européennes, de questionner la nouveauté du phénomène et d’étudier dans quelle mesure ils appartiennent à une même famille. Ce travail est réalisé avec la contribution de plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes de ces problématiques en Europe.

- by Pascal Delwit
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- European History, European Studies, Comparative Politics, Catalan Studies

Está coletânea apresenta os resultados do projeto de pesquisa intitulado Políticas Públicas em Goiás: diagnóstico, avaliação e proposição , que reuniu um conjunto de professoras/pesquisadoras, da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), além de estudantes (de graduação e pós-graduação), que se propuseram a produzir um mapeamento das políticas públicas que vêm sendo implementadas no estado de Goiás, nas décadas mais recentes.
A pesquisa teve um duplo objetivo, em primeiro lugar realizar uma amplo diagnóstico e discussão sobre as políticas públicas em Goiás nas mais diversas áreas. Nessa etapa da pesquisa foram coletadas e sistematizadas informações sobre o desenho e processo de implementação de um conjunto de políticas públicas em Goiás bem como seus resultados. Em segundo lugar apresentar os resultados das políticas públicas analisadas e algumas proposições com o fim de aprimorar o desenho e resultados das políticas.
O livro é composta de seis capítulos, abrangendo a análise das seguintes políticas públicas: Gestão de Pessoas no Setor Público; Violência e Políticas Públicas de Segurança; Políticas Públicas de Desenvolvimento Industrial; Políticas Públicas em Educação; Políticas e Programas Sociais; Políticas Públicas de Saúde. Ao final os leitores poderão formular sua própria opinião sobre a atuação governamental no cenário político goiano, os resultados alcançados e os desafios para os próximos anos.

- by Denise Paiva
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- Subnational Politics, Public Policy

This report reviews the evidence for, and politics around, water-related conflict at local, provincial, and interprovincial scales in Pakistan. Drawing on interviews with decision makers and communities at the provincial, municipal, and village watercourse levels, it provides insights into drivers of conflict over water; shows how water is used as a weapon in already existing conflicts; and suggests technical, institutional, and political changes that could help Pakistan negotiate its water-related conflicts.

- by Daanish Mustafa and +1
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- Water resources, Fisheries, Pakistan, Agriculture

Federalism and decentralized party and electoral rules have been an enduring feature of Brazilian democracy. The 1946 and 1988 Constitutions devolved substantial fiscal resources and policy authority to sub-national governments. Electoral rules reinforce political and financial decentralization by allowing sub-national officials to exert substantial influence in national politics as several important decisions relative to elections and party organization—such as party primaries to select candidates to all relevant national posts, with the exception of the presidency—are taken at the state level.
This chapter analyzes how multilevel elections, strong subnational governments and decentralized electoral rules shape party and coalition dynamics in Brazil. The core argument is that the institutional mix chosen by the drafters of Brazil's 1988 Constitution creates cross-cutting incentives. On the one hand, in stark contrast with the 1946-1964 Republic, the current democratic regime is characterized by an extremely strong federal executive that counts on a wide array of institutional devices to induce both sub-national officials and national party leaders to cooperate with the chief executive's policy agenda. Also, concurrent presidential, national legislative and state elections since 1994 tend to strengthen presidential coattails and the related incentives for party coordination around presidential campaigns. However, at the same these institutions likely foster the organization of a nationalized party system and effective intergovernmental coordination, incentives and opportunities provided by multilevel elections in the context of autonomous sub-national party branches and highly permissive electoral rules allow for the survival and growth of poorly integrated, office-seeking party organizations organized around gubernatorial races This results in the formation of a highly fragmented party system in which presidents face significant costs to form both pre- and post-electoral coalitions.

- by André Borges
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- Brazilian Studies, Federalism, Comparative Federalism, Subnational Politics