al-Qaeda Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The Syrian Salafi armed group Ahrar al-Sham epitomises the most prominent case of politicisation. By 2014, Ahrar al-Sham was the leading insurgent group in Syria, with the largest number of soldiers, presence throughout Syrian... more

The Syrian Salafi armed group Ahrar al-Sham epitomises the most prominent case of politicisation. By 2014, Ahrar al-Sham was the leading insurgent group in Syria, with the largest number of soldiers, presence throughout Syrian opposition-held areas, and relatively strong ties with foreign countries including Turkey and Qatar. Ahrar al-Sham explicitly rejected al-Qaida’s legacy and developed a more inclusive approach to other groups and the population. This chapter traces the group’s emergence and development to demonstrate how pre-war developments and a de-centralised alliance-based expansion underpinned its politicisation over the years. This case study also contends that politicisation was sustained by the group’s internal institutionalisation, which ultimately explains its successes and failures during the conflict. This chapter is based on extensive field research interviews in Turkey and north-west Syria in 2019 with an array of leaders and members of Ahrar al-Sham, armed opposition groups, and independent Syrian Islamists.

The delicate yet volatile balance of jihadi movements and insurgents within Afghanistan may be about to shift.

On March 2014, in an Islamic-State-sponsored prisoner swap, Mohammed Haydar Zammar, the al-Qaeda operative jailed in Syria in 2001, was freed in exchange for Syrian army officers held by the IS. News articles that covered the prisoner... more

In the vast literature on terrorism the choice of weapons has received relatively limited attention, despite the importance and visibility of this topic. Building on the literature on innovation in terrorism, the article first proposes a... more

In the vast literature on terrorism the choice of weapons has received relatively limited attention, despite the importance and visibility of this topic. Building on the literature on innovation in terrorism, the article first proposes a multi-level analytical framework that helps study terrorist weapon selection. It then investigates the use of weapons in jihadist attacks in Europe from 2014, with the rise of the so-called Islamic State, until 2020, based on an original database. The empirical analysis shows that the two traditional types of weapon of modern terrorism, firearms and explosives, were largely replaced by more primitive tools like melee weapons. In fact, in recent years jihadist terrorists in Europe have become less technologically advanced. Based on the original analytical framework, the article examines the reasons of this evolution, paying special attention to the use of the most common type of weapon in the database, bladed weapons, and the most lethal type, firearms.

Effective use of Drone warfare in Somalia

This paper defines the al Qaeda network today and traces its evolution since the dual challenges of the Arab Spring and Osama bin Laden's death. It finds that al Qaeda has evolved after these setbacks to better achieve its own aims within... more

This paper defines the al Qaeda network today and traces its evolution since the dual challenges of the Arab Spring and Osama bin Laden's death. It finds that al Qaeda has evolved after these setbacks to better achieve its own aims within the Muslim world.

The developments in Afghanistan, especially in the last decade after 9/11 terrorist attacks to the World Trade Center, have recently received a great deal of attention by academics, researchers, think-tankers, strategists, journalists,... more

The developments in Afghanistan, especially in the last decade after 9/11 terrorist attacks to the World Trade Center, have recently received a great deal of attention by academics, researchers, think-tankers, strategists, journalists, and editors besides the government policy makers. Today, the America’s war in Afghanistan, which is considered as the “war of necessity”, became America’s longest war in the history of the country. The war in Afghanistan, which began on October 7, 2001 when the former President George W. Bush commanded the first air strikes against the Taliban camps, became the longest military conflict in American history by passing the Vietnam War (lasted a total of 103 months) and Korean War. As of June 7, 2010, the war has just ended its 104th month. The unintended consequences of the war so far direct us to a not-welcome-question: “How many more months will it take to win the war (in favor of the United States)?”

Since 2001, we are seeing increasing attention being given to understanding terrorism, with a new focus on the issue of how terrorist organisations are financed. They ask important questions regarding who finances terrorism and how do... more

Since 2001, we are seeing increasing attention being given to understanding terrorism, with a new focus on the issue of how terrorist organisations are financed. They ask important questions regarding who finances terrorism and how do they do it. However, these analyses have often ignored how terrorist organisations are able to pay for themselves to be able to continue operations in prolonged conflict situations, especially given the new norm of targeted financial sanctions and the increasingly stricter financial and banking regulations. Against this background, the paper asks how terrorists organisations fund their operations in prolonged conflicts, and how that affects the organisational structure and behaviour of the groups by looking at the way that these terrorist groups interact with the local population. The paper uses the framework of global value chains (GVCs) to understand the financing chains that are developed by the terrorist organisations, linking the terrorists with those who support them logistically and emotionally and those who financially support them. The paper underscores that the aspects of logistical, emotional and even material support often happens though the exchange of value, rather than through exchange of money, such as extortions for safety. This framework of value-chain financing is then tested on two different terrorist organisations, the Taliban and the Lashkar-e-Taiba, in South Asia. By considering available examples, we were able to see how such organisations enter into certain value chains, interact with other groups of people, which has an effect on the strategic behaviour of the group in respect to which groups it targets, when and how. Their funding mechanism and fronts for the same are detailed, demonstrating how this affected their modus operandi, including but not limited to, drug mulling, hawala, trafficking, zakat and state support.

With the release of Hollywood blockbuster ‘Zero Dark Thirty’ renewed attention has been paid to the Operation in which Osama bin Laden was killed, and questions have again begun circulating about the US programme of ‘targeted killings’... more

With the release of Hollywood blockbuster ‘Zero Dark Thirty’ renewed attention has been paid to the Operation in which
Osama bin Laden was killed, and questions have again begun circulating about the US programme of ‘targeted killings’ more
generally. Using the framework of international humanitarian law, this essay critically evaluates the legality of this particular
targeted killing. By determining whether the US was participating in an international or non-international conflict against
Al-Qaeda; whether bin Laden was a legitimate military target; and whether the Operation itself was conducted within the parameters
of international humanitarian law, that is whether it satisfied the requirements of distinction, proportionality and
(arguably) necessity, this essay reveals the Operation was most likely illegal under international humanitarian law. The essay
concludes by discussing the inadequacy of international humanitarian law as it applies to targeted killing, and offers some
general lessons to be learned from the Operation.

Through an analysis of its official propaganda, this paper undertakes an analysis of Jamā’at Nuṣrat al-Islām wa-l-Muslimīn (JNIM), a new alliance made up of groups loyal to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in the Sahel region. With... more

Through an analysis of its official propaganda, this paper undertakes an analysis of Jamā’at Nuṣrat al-Islām wa-l-Muslimīn (JNIM), a new alliance made up of groups loyal to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in the Sahel region. With this movement, AQIM not only seeks to extend the reach of its influence in the Sahel and West Africa, but also to establish a secure refuge far from Algeria. Among the four thematic categories into which, for the moment, the audiovisual production of this group can be divided, the battle theme is dominant, leaving the ideological terrain to AQIM. Furthermore, the creation of JNIM allows the regional structure of AQIM to project –propagandistically– levels of violence that would otherwise be impossible currently. The presence of foreign actors in the region, including Spain, has increased significantly in recent years and both the rhetoric used by the organisation in its communiques and the terrorist actions carried out during its first year of existence make clear that this contingent of foreigners is a priority objective.

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal... more

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal of Muslims and Islam. The goal is to offer a more-inclusive insight into the media coverage of jihad which led to the hijacking of the notion of jihad by Western mainstream media as well as a seemingly unfair representation of an entire nation. I will attempt to offer a rather detailed account on the terms “Islamist” and “jihad” as per their usage by the mainstream media. Furthermore, it will scrutinise the role of the media as a platform for neo-jihadis. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: Firstly, has the concept of Jihad and the religion of Islam been overtaken by the Western media? Secondly, is the representation of Muslims in the mainstream Western media within an Islamophobic context? And finally, to what extent have the media policies and issues of censorship impacted the portrayal of Muslims and Islam in the media? Along with attempting to present a contextually informed answer to this question, this research will further touch upon the Impact of Orientalism on Islam and shed light on the guidelines and policies followed by media corporations with regards to conveying acts of terrorism.

The 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States yielded no evidence to Saddam's possession of weapons of mass destruction. This paper aims to analyze the intelligence utilized by the U.S. Bush Administration to justify the invasion of... more

The 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States yielded no evidence to Saddam's possession of weapons of mass destruction. This paper aims to analyze the intelligence utilized by the U.S. Bush Administration to justify the invasion of Iraq, and whether this intelligence collection process was biased.

Terrorism, using the social media, has become one of the most concerning issues across the world. There is interplay between home-grown terrorist groups and international terrorist organisations which is playing the central role in... more

Terrorism, using the social media, has become one of the most concerning
issues across the world. There is interplay between home-grown terrorist
groups and international terrorist organisations which is playing the central
role in accelerating the situations. Terrorist organisations are using social
media platforms for recruiting, training and communicating with their followers,
supporters, donors, as it is cheaper, easier, faster and effective method of
communication. The members of the terrorist organisations are spreading
their ideological thoughts, propaganda and their activities, not only to South
Asia but also to the world, using social media platforms. Through qualitative
analysing, this article will find out how terrorist groups are using social media
platforms, especially in South Asia, threatening the peace and security of the
countries. While discussing the present conditions of the South Asian countries,
this article emphasises on Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. This article will also
explain some policy recommendations that can be very useful for the fight
against terrorism in the social media platforms.

The paper describes and analyzes the chronology of radical Islamism activities in Georgia, the threats and challenges for Georgian state coming from terrorist organizations, the spread of Ideas of Militant Islamism and Jihadism, the... more

The paper describes and analyzes the chronology of radical Islamism activities in Georgia, the threats and challenges for Georgian state coming from terrorist organizations, the spread of Ideas of Militant Islamism and Jihadism, the possibilities of using Georgian territories by the foreign and local fighters and steps taken by Georgian State. Also popularization of the idea of creation world Islamic Caliphate in the Middle East and ISIL Caucasus Province, joining the terrorist organizations ISIL and Al-Nusra Front in Iraq and Syria by some of the Georgian Muslims. The author analyzes the factors of the popularization of radical Islamism ideas among the young generation, the problems of Georgian Muslim communities and gives the recommendations for state actors.

Η Αλ Κάιντα του Ισλαμικού Μάκρεμπ είναι μία τζιχαντιστική τρομοκρατική ομάδα, η οποία δρα στη Βόρεια Αφρική. Οι στόχοι της οργάνωσης έγιναν ευρέως γνωστοί το 2008, όταν ο Abdelmalek Droukdal έδωσε συνέντευξη στους New York Times.... more

Η Αλ Κάιντα του Ισλαμικού Μάκρεμπ είναι μία τζιχαντιστική τρομοκρατική ομάδα, η οποία δρα στη Βόρεια Αφρική. Οι στόχοι της οργάνωσης έγιναν ευρέως γνωστοί το 2008, όταν ο Abdelmalek Droukdal έδωσε συνέντευξη στους New York Times. «Πρωταρχικός μας σκοπός είναι η εγκαθίδρυση της Σαρία και η υποτέλεια στον Αλλάχ. Οι γενικοί στόχοι μας είναι οι ίδιοι με της μητέρας Αλ Κάιντα, και τους γνωρίζετε...»
Στο κείμενο που ακολουθεί, γίνεται μια σκιαγράφηση των στόχων της Οργάνωσης, αλλά και της στρατηγικής της, συνεπικουρούμενη από την ιστορική της διαδρομή.

In the International Criminal Court case of The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, neither the Prosecutor nor the Court addressed the issue of whether attacks on cultural heritage can be tried as crimes against humanity under Article 7... more

In the International Criminal Court case of The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, neither the Prosecutor nor the Court addressed the issue of whether attacks on cultural heritage can be tried as crimes against humanity under Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the ICC, provided that they are part of a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population and are committed with knowledge of such attack. Even though his actions were part of a wider persecutory plan against the civilian population, Al Mahdi was held responsible only for war crimes for the intentional destruction of historical buildings during the Islamist occupation of the Malian city of Timbuktu, be- tween April 2012 and January 2013. This raises the question whether one should conclude that at- tacks on cultural heritage simply cannot be tried as crimes against humanity before the ICC. This paper argues that the Al Mahdi judgment does not prevent attacks on cultural property from being tried as crimes against humanity, and that the categorization of certain attacks on cultural heritage as crimes against humanity may have practical implications for the selection and prioritization of cases by the Office of the Prosecutor.

As terrorist groups proliferate worldwide, a worrisome phenomenon is being increasingly observed: the tendency of terrorist actors to exploit natural resources in order to finance their activities, given the advantages that this source of... more

As terrorist groups proliferate worldwide, a worrisome
phenomenon is being increasingly observed: the tendency
of terrorist actors to exploit natural resources in order
to finance their activities, given the advantages that this
source of revenue offers vis-à-vis the available alternatives.
Confronted with this phenomenon, it becomes imperative to
advance the discussion on terrorists' exploitation of natural
resources in the framework of a broader effort to counter the
financing of terrorism. This paper has thus a three-fold aim:
shed light on the under-investigated phenomenon of how terrorism
finances itself through the illegal exploitation of natural
resources, present the answer to the problem that has been
elaborated within the legal system of the United Nations (UN),
propose additional measures that can contribute to countering
the exploitation of natural resources by terrorist actors.

The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World by Mohammed Ayoob is an introductory book on political Islam. Main objective of Ayoob in writing the book, as he puts, was to provide an introductory text for... more

The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World by Mohammed Ayoob is an introductory book on political Islam. Main objective of Ayoob in writing the book, as he puts, was to provide an introductory text for the non-specialist reader while trying to highlight the complexity of the issue and avoid oversimplification of the subject. The book achieved more than it aimed, and filled the gap for an introductory book for students of different studies such as international relations, religion, sociology and history.

Balochistan has been under the shadow of militant outfits for more than a decade. In early 2000s, the Pakistani state mostly employed military force and socioeconomic developmental initiatives in order to curtail these groups. However, in... more

Balochistan has been under the shadow of militant outfits for more than a decade. In early 2000s, the Pakistani state mostly employed military force and socioeconomic developmental initiatives in order to curtail these groups. However, in recent years, political measures like Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan in addition to integration measures like 'Balochistan Peace Program' and 'Youth Mobilization Campaign' have been undertaken to weaken support for militant outfits and anti-state narrative. Meanwhile, security forces have also changed their approach since 2013 by eliminating the second and third tier leadership of militant outfits. The paper presents an overview of how military, socioeconomic , political and integration measures employed by the state have played an instrumental role in restoring peace in Balochistan. Despite the restoration of peace, there is still a need to address the socioeconomic grievances of a large segment of the people residing in the province. Until these grievances are addressed Balochistan will remain engulfed in turmoil.

Jabhat al-Nusra has long been one of the most militarily effective armed actors against the Syrian Baathist regime and it continues to play a central role in the country's civil war. With a leadership that mixes the transnational jihadi... more

Jabhat al-Nusra has long been one of the most militarily effective armed actors against the Syrian Baathist regime and it continues to play a central role in the country's civil war. With a leadership that mixes the transnational jihadi ideology of al-Qaeda with Syria-specific interests, the group is also at the forefront of battling the Islamic State in Syria. In the midst of its battlefield offensives, Jabhat al-Nusra is also busy building governing structures to control territory in different parts of the country [...]

Al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has changed. So too must the counterterrorism community’s approach to it. Beset by infighting, riddled with spies, decimated by drones, and instrumentalized by Yemen’s warring parties, the jihadi... more

Al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has changed. So too must the counterterrorism community’s approach to it. Beset by infighting, riddled with spies, decimated by drones, and instrumentalized by Yemen’s warring parties, the jihadi movement in the region has fragmented. The conventional labels of al-Qa`ida and the Islamic State have started to lose meaning, and this necessitates a new typology of jihadi militants to account for splinter groups that have forged alliances that may seem contradictory. AQAP is degraded but not defeated. A ceasefire in the overall war will not prevent, and may even fuel, a comeback.

Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with... more

Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with an up-to-date, informed and accessible account of what is known about terrorists and extremists in prison, what are the genuine risks and dangers, and what are the critical issues and insights in terms of management and reform. In doing so, it strips away many of the myths and media panics which have so often dominated discussions of this vital issue.

Counterterrorism efforts have seen an increasing demand all over the world. Given the increasingly sophisticated detection equipment, terrorists chose between two options: surpass authorities at technological level or revert to simple... more

Counterterrorism efforts have seen an increasing demand all over the world. Given the increasingly sophisticated detection equipment,
terrorists chose between two options: surpass authorities at technological level or revert to simple techniques that outwit detection abilities. Tendencies show that they incline to choose the second option. It is not only cheaper to produce “bombs in the kitchen of one’s mum”, but when taking into account the accessability, detectability
and transportability of conventional military equipment, it is the only “logical” way to a global jihad. While counterterrorist authorities
are thinking about the next phase of “arms race”, a similarily important question is the increased use of the simple equipment on a global level. In the field of prevention, the simpler a weapon, the harder it is to detect. In this article, my aim is not to give ideas to future fighters, but to highlight the issue of low-cost attacks.
Keywords: terrorism, terror attacks, bombings, knife-attack, Al-Qaeda, IS.

More than a military confrontation, the fight against terrorism is being played in the realm of communication and it involves ideas, values, and perceptions. Official counterterrorism documents and research on radicalization identify a... more

More than a military confrontation, the fight against terrorism is being played in the realm of communication and it involves ideas, values, and perceptions. Official counterterrorism documents and research on radicalization identify a terrorist narrative being strategically deployed by al-Qaida to fuel extremism and attract new recruits. In this context some suggest that the most effective way for Western democracies to counter terrorism is by developing a credible counter-narrative. The article develops the argument that the concept of narrative is more complex than a simple story. It can be useful in understanding the way strategic narratives, while promoted by specific actors to achieve desired objectives, keep on existing through a collective construction and re-telling process. A strategic narrative can be conceptualized for analytical purposes as a brand, particularly in terms of measuring the extent to which the narrative varies across countries and terrorist groups, over time, and in the mind of audiences. A greater understanding of the social construction of strategic narratives can inform a better assessment of what is feasible in the war of ideas against al-Qaida.