Ammianus Marcellinus Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Nasza wiedza o zniszczeniu Biblioteki Aleksandryjskiej jest niepełna. Bardzo często jej koniec przypisuje się na panowanie Aureliana i toczone wtedy walki w Egipcie. Rzeczywiście w późnym antyku nastąpiło przesunięcie centrum Aleksandrii... more

Nasza wiedza o zniszczeniu Biblioteki Aleksandryjskiej jest niepełna. Bardzo często jej koniec przypisuje się na panowanie Aureliana i toczone wtedy walki w Egipcie. Rzeczywiście w późnym antyku nastąpiło przesunięcie centrum Aleksandrii ze wschodnich nadmorskich dzielnic na zachód. Niemniej świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa, na którym opiera się ta hipoteza, jest dosyć wątpliwe, znajomość topografii i historii Aleksandrii u tego autora pozostawia wiele do życzenia. Nie sposób jednoznacznie wskazać, podczas których wewnętrznych walk w III-IV wieku uległa zniszczeniu Biblioteka Aleksandryjska oraz czy było to efektem działań człowieka, czy żywiołów.

This study offers a synthesis of the features of those terms referring to ‘laughter’ in Amianus Marcellinus (their scarce presence; their attribution to Julian’s f igure in several instances; the implication of compassion that... more

This study offers a synthesis of the features of those terms referring to ‘laughter’ in Amianus Marcellinus (their scarce presence; their attribution to Julian’s f igure in several instances; the implication of compassion that emanates in the last one) and the evolution of those terms from Livy, whose influence in some cases is significant.

In Making Mesopotamia: Geography and Empire in a Romano-Iranian Borderland, Hamish Cameron examines the representation of the Mesopotamian Borderland in the geographical writing of Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Claudius Ptolemy, the anonymous... more

In Making Mesopotamia: Geography and Empire in a Romano-Iranian
Borderland, Hamish Cameron examines the representation of the
Mesopotamian Borderland in the geographical writing of Strabo, Pliny
the Elder, Claudius Ptolemy, the anonymous Expositio Totius Mundi,
and Ammianus Marcellinus. This inter-imperial borderland between
the Roman Empire and the Arsacid and Sasanid Empires provided
fertile ground for Roman geographical writers to articulate their ideas
about space, boundaries, and imperial power. By examining these
geographical descriptions, Hamish Cameron shows how each author
constructed an image of Mesopotamia in keeping with the goals and
context of their own work, while collectively creating a vision of
Mesopotamia as a borderland space of movement, inter-imperial
tension, and global engagement.

Πρόκειται για την μελέτη και δημοσίευση νομισματικού θησαυρού από το Μέτσοβο Ηπείρου, αποτελούμενου από τριάντα τρία χάλκινα νομίσματα Κωνσταντίου Β´ και διαδόχων του (4ος αι. μ.Χ.). Η παρουσία της παραστάσεως του «πίπτοντος ιππέως» στα... more

Πρόκειται για την μελέτη και δημοσίευση νομισματικού θησαυρού από το Μέτσοβο Ηπείρου, αποτελούμενου από τριάντα τρία χάλκινα νομίσματα Κωνσταντίου Β´ και διαδόχων του (4ος αι. μ.Χ.). Η παρουσία της παραστάσεως του «πίπτοντος ιππέως» στα νομίσματα αυτά δίδει αφορμή για την εξαγωγή ευρύτερων συμπερασμάτων τόσο για το «πνεύμα των καιρών» (Zeitgeist) της κωνσταντινείου δυναστείας (293/306-363) όσο και για την αξιοπιστία του ιστορικού Αμμιανού Μαρκελλίνου.

Abstract This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman... more

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

В статье рассматривается проблема идеализации Аммианом Марцеллином ряда народов Востока. Акцент сделан на причинах идеализации Аммианом некоторых восточных этносов в контексте античной исторической традиции идеализации варваров. Автор... more

В статье рассматривается проблема идеализации Аммианом Марцеллином ряда народов Востока. Акцент сделан на причинах идеализации Аммианом некоторых восточных этносов в контексте античной исторической традиции идеализации варваров. Автор приходит к выводу, что в данном отношении Аммиан Марцеллин является продолжателем древней греко-римской литературной традиции.
***
The problem of the idealization of some Eastern peoples (abii, galactofagi etc.) by Ammianus Marcellinus is revealed in the article. The reasons of Ammianus’ idealization of some Eastern ethnic groups in the context of the ancient historical traditions of barbarians idealization are pointed out. The author concludes that in this case, Ammianus Marcellinus is the successor of the Classical literature traditions.

It has been almost 50 years since Peter Brown published his book “The World of Late Antiquity” and thus gave rise to a whole school of thought that challenged the notion of urban decay and the decline of the Roman Empire pioneered by... more

It has been almost 50 years since Peter Brown published his book “The World of Late Antiquity” and thus gave rise to a whole school of thought that challenged the notion of urban decay and the decline of the Roman Empire pioneered by Edward Gibbon. The international discourse on the late antique world has gained much from this approach of looking beyond the Roman-barbarian dichotomy and focusing on the intricate play of religious, social and economic factors that shaped late antique cityscapes. However, the Balkan and especially the local scholarship on Late Roman urbanisation, has not moved much beyond the notions of urban decay caused by barbarian attacks. Even in works published as late as 2019, Huns, Slavs and Avars rampage through the cities of the Macedonian provinces, even though neither archaeological evidence nor primary written sources lend themselves well to support such narratives. Therefore, this presentation seeks to examine and to reevaluate how primary written sources are (mis)used in local scholarship to create almost fanciful urban histories.
In the research for this presentation, several case studies (the focus was on the cities of Stobi and Scupi) were examined against a dossier of primary written sources and contemporary scholarship dealing with this topic. The sources in question cover the period between late 3rd and early 7th c. and were penned by authors of different backgrounds, political agendas and familiarity with the Balkans. This analysis was juxtaposed with the urban histories of Stobi and Scupi as presented in major publications. Mindful of the time constriction in presenting, I am focusing on only one alleged raid (a Hunnic invasion of the mid-440s) on one late Roman city (Stobi) as an illustration.

MELANGES D'ANTIQUITE TARDIVE Studiola in honorem Noël Duval

The Huns are perhaps the most intriguing adversaries of the later Roman Empire. This paper examines the account of Priscus, which details his personal interactions with Attila, and compares it to other accounts of nomadic barbarians.... more

The Huns are perhaps the most intriguing adversaries of the later Roman Empire. This paper examines the account of Priscus, which details his personal interactions with Attila, and compares it to other accounts of nomadic barbarians. Originally written as an assessed paper for my Master's degree at Swansea University. Awarded distinction.

In our days we tend to think of conspiracy theories as a predominantly modern concept, which expanded widely during the Cold War and we often underestimate their influence in the public Logos, classifying them as pseudo-history and... more

In our days we tend to think of conspiracy theories as a predominantly modern concept, which expanded widely during the Cold War and we often underestimate their influence in the public Logos, classifying them as pseudo-history and product of collective illusion. However the occasional unexpected course of politics and the accidental events which might occur only make conspiracies to appear even more attractive, turning them to self-fulfilling prophecies. The term ‘conspiracy’ and its context in the ‘modern’ sense (i. e. a ‘secret’ conspiracy that threatens the existence of a society)was firstly introduced by the fourth century historian Ammianus Marcellinus in order to describe what seemed to be a barbarian collaboration to invade and pillage the north-western Roman provinces in 367 AD. Therefore in order to explain this supposed barbarian collaboration against Rome, he coined the term Conspiratio Barbarica. Half a century later the Roman authorities and the populus Romanus felt that they were facing the combined forces of an external threat and a collaborating enemy within. The gradual rise and influence of men of (semi)barbarian origin in the army and Court and the increase and effectiveness of barbarian raids and invasions became a great concern causing people to start searching for answers beyond the field of the Obvious or the effectiveness of the of the late Roman modus gubernandi, concluding in their fear and anxiety that the only explanation was that someone from within had invited the barbarians in order to destroy Rome. In such a time of uncertainty and insecurity, the manufacturing of invisible intruders and traitors of the Romanitas in the collective imagination was almost inevitable. This paper will attempt to examine the rise and influence of conspiracy theories among the late Roman elites and people and will highlight all those conditions and factors that made those theories so appealing and attractive as an interpretation and explanation of the Late Roman Realities.

The Roman Empire historically obtained success on the battlefield through its strategic offense ending with a decisive open field battle where the sword was the final arbitrator. Amongst all the wars fought by the Roman Empire against... more

The Roman Empire historically obtained success on the battlefield through its
strategic offense ending with a decisive open field battle where the sword was the final
arbitrator. Amongst all the wars fought by the Roman Empire against Persia, the Nisibis
War (337-363) stands out as the first instance where Rome maintained a position of
strategic defense. After a twenty-four year defensive war, a change in Emperors (from
Constantius II to Julian) resulted in transition back to the strategic offense. Instead of
expected success based on historic experience this time Rome was decisively defeated
within six months. Historians have studied and analyzed the failed offense lead by
Emperor Julian the Apostate, but have generally neglected the overall conflict. This
neglect is surprising since up to this time of the Nisibis War the strategy was unique. The
use of the strategic defense by small frontier (limitanei) armies, based in fortified cities
and fortress, supported by maneuvers and limited operational and tactical offensives by
the Field (comitatus) Army of the East allowed the Eastern Roman Empire to survive the
advancing barbarians, as well as Persian and Muslim invaders until almost the 8th
century. This thesis will focus on the importance of the Nisibis War and its resulting
impact upon the defense of Rome’s Eastern provinces.

A cursory look at the ancient sources which refer to the Serapeum, in light of the reconstruction attempted by Catherine Nixey in her book "The Darkening Age". I will survey the pagan historians Ammianus Marcellinus and Eunapius and the... more

A cursory look at the ancient sources which refer to the Serapeum, in light of the reconstruction attempted by Catherine Nixey in her book "The Darkening Age". I will survey the pagan historians Ammianus Marcellinus and Eunapius and the Christian writers Rufinus of Aquileea, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomenus and Theodoret. For additional color, I included the rhetor Libanius’s oration Pro templis.

""The book is devoted to the source study of the geofraphical information about the Persia contained in Ammianus Marcellinus' "Res Gestae" (Amm. Marc. XXIII. 6. 10-74). The main outlines: 1. For Ammianus Marcellinus the notion "Persia"... more

""The book is devoted to the source study of the geofraphical information about the Persia contained in Ammianus Marcellinus' "Res Gestae" (Amm. Marc. XXIII. 6. 10-74).
The main outlines:
1. For Ammianus Marcellinus the notion "Persia" meant whole Asia to the east from the Roman mesopotamian frontier (even including Sera≈China).
2. The main geographical source for Ammianus was “Geography” of Ptolemy. But Ammianus didn't use the proper work of Ptolemy but its short and inexact Latin remake. Obviously, Ammianus also used the schematic geographical maps (like Tabula Peutengeriana) made on the basis of Ptolemy’s data.
3. Ammianus does not describe geography of real Persia, but compiles his "Persian" digression on the basis of classical literary tradition and, probably, cartographical sources.""

According to Ammianus Marcellinus, the battle headgear of Šāpūr II was decorated with ram’s horns. This information corresponds to original Persian iconographic sources. Ram’s horns as sacral royal regalia first appeared in Iran after the... more

According to Ammianus Marcellinus, the battle headgear of Šāpūr II was decorated with ram’s horns. This information corresponds to original Persian iconographic sources. Ram’s horns as sacral royal regalia first appeared in Iran after the campaign of Alexander the Great who brought syncretic Greek-Egyptian cult of the ram-headed Zeus-Ammon to the Orient. The Alexander’s practice to use ram horns as an attribute of royal power was reborn in Sasanian times, but with a new religious and ideological (viz. Zoroastrian) sense. Obviously, Sasanians ingenuously believed that by this way they restored ancient Iranian tradition, while in reality they just filled with new content the phenomenon of the Hellenistic epoch.

This thesis addresses an intriguing question concerning the death of emperor Julian, known throughout history as “the Apostate.” Although Julian ruled for less than two years, his reign and death were the center of debate for centuries.... more

This thesis addresses an intriguing question concerning the death of emperor Julian, known throughout history as “the Apostate.” Although Julian ruled for less than two years, his reign and death were the center of debate for centuries. Ancient writers composed different death narratives for the last “pagan” emperor, elaborating upon certain details in the narratives and adding portions, probably fictionalized, of the story where they thought necessary. It is my view that these different death narratives were used as literary loci to discuss the growing power of the church and the relations between church and state. Analysis of these narratives, written by Gregory Nazianzus, Libanius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and the ecclesiastical historians of the fifth century (Socrates of Constantinople, Sozomen of Gaza, and Theodoret of Cyrrhus) allows the historians a more nuanced view of the religious and political history of late antiquity, specifically concerning Christianization in the empire and relations between bishop and emperor, church and state. This thesis will argue that the narratives of Julian’s death, written in the fourth and fifth centuries, were colored by these two political and religious concerns of the period.

Nel mio elaborato intendo sottoporre ad un'analisi approfondita i passaggi dell'opera dello storico vissuto nel IV secolo d.C. per stabilire delle eventuali connessioni tra i topoi della descrizione del barbaro in lato sensu, la... more

Nel mio elaborato intendo sottoporre ad un'analisi approfondita i passaggi dell'opera dello storico vissuto nel IV secolo d.C. per stabilire delle eventuali connessioni tra i topoi della descrizione del barbaro in lato sensu, la propaganda del periodo altoimperiale e le impressioni di un tipico abitante dell'Impero tardo antico. L'obbiettivo è quello di analizzare a fondo le parole di Ammiano in modo da individuare i passaggi più o meno attendibili dal punto di vista storico e scinderli da quelli contaminati dalla tradizione storiografica a lui precedente e dagli eventuali pregiudizi etnografici.

The aim of this research is to approach and analyse the manifestation and evolution of the idea of Rome as an expression of Roman patriotism and as an (urban) archetype of utopia in late Roman thought in a period extending from AD 357 to... more

The aim of this research is to approach and analyse the manifestation and evolution of the idea of Rome as an expression of Roman patriotism and as an (urban) archetype of utopia in late Roman thought in a period extending from AD 357 to 417. Within this period of about a human lifetime, the concept of Rome and Romanitas was reshaped and used for various ideological causes. This research is unfolding through a selection of sources that represent the patterns and diversity of this ideological process. The theme of Rome as a personified and anthropomorphic figure and as an epitomized notion ‘applied’ on the urban landscape of the city would become part of the identity of the Romans of Rome highlighting a sense of cultural uniqueness in comparison to the inhabitants of other cities. Towards the end of the chronological limits set in this thesis various versions of Romanitas would emerge indicating new physical and spiritual potentials.

This dissertation argues that martial virtues and images of the soldier’s life represented an essential aspect of early Byzantine masculine ideology. It contends that in many of the visual and literary sources from the fourth to the... more

This dissertation argues that martial virtues and images of the soldier’s life represented an essential aspect of early Byzantine masculine ideology. It contends that in many of the visual and literary sources from the fourth to the seventh centuries CE, conceptualisations of the soldier’s life and the ideal manly life were often the same. By taking this stance, the dissertation challenges the view found in many recent studies on Late Roman masculinity that a Christian ideal of manliness based on extreme ascetic virtues and pacifism had superseded militarism and courage as the dominant component of hegemonic masculine ideology.

Dans le cadre du programme de prospection thématique pluriannuel (2016-2018) « L’agglomération antique de Senon-Amel (Meuse) », de nouvelles recherches ont été conduites sur la fortification tardo-antique du Bourge à Senon, qui avait déjà... more

Dans le cadre du programme de prospection thématique pluriannuel (2016-2018) « L’agglomération antique de Senon-Amel (Meuse) », de nouvelles recherches ont été conduites sur la fortification tardo-antique du Bourge à Senon, qui avait déjà fait l’objet de fouilles en 1917 et en 1970. Les sondages réalisés du 25 juin au 7 juillet 2018 avaient pour objectif de compléter la documentation et d’évaluer la stratigraphie, sommairement décrite lors des précédentes interventions. Le projet a consisté à réouvrir deux sondages non remblayés après la fouille de 1970, auxquels on a ajouté une tranchée supplémentaire sur la façade occidentale de la fortification. Malgré leur petite surface (137 m²), ces sondages ont apporté de nombreuses données nouvelles.

The aim of this article is to reexamine the use of the African grain supply during late Roman civil wars. The main point of contention is that while cutting o the African grain supply to Italy could make a sporadic difference during... more

The aim of this article is to reexamine the use of the African grain supply during late Roman civil wars. The main point of contention is that while cutting o the African grain supply to Italy could make a sporadic difference during civil war, most of the time this tactic was, in fact, not considered. Moreover, even when it was used, the results could be devastating yet insufficient to achieve the strategic aims it pursued. Nevertheless, during the transition from the fourth into the fifth century, there was a slight but conspicuous intensification of this method. This chronology is not coincidental and suggests a correlation between North Africa’s growing importance at a time the imperial West was at bay. More importantly, the increased use of this tactic can also be linked to the changing nature of late Roman civil wars in the western Mediterranean.