Partitions of Poland Research Papers (original) (raw)

[Co-authored with Radosław Markowski]
During the long nineteenth century, Poland was divided among the Russian, Habsburg, and Prussian empires. The partition produced regional diversity in political culture and in institutional and economic development. We examine how the cultural legacies of the empires have influenced the propensity of Poles to cast a ballot in parliamentary elections since 1989. Polish National Election Study individual-level data are used to assess whether higher levels of electoral turnout in Galicia are indeed a legacy of the Habsburg rule. Our results confirm that, even after controlling for socio-demographic factors, there is a positive, substantive and significant effect on turnout of living in the ex-Habsburg part of Poland. This effect can be explained by the frequency of religious service attendance and by ideology. Inhabitants of Galicia not only attend religious services more frequently and are more conservative than their counterparts in the rest of Poland, but also the more frequently they attend church and the closer to the radical right they place themselves, the more mobilized they are to vote. The impact of the legacies of the empires on political behavior in Poland seems persistent.

- by
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- Eastern European Studies, Electoral Behavior, Poland, Electoral Studies

A review of Brian Davies' The Russo-Turkish War, 1768–1774: Catherine II and the Ottoman Empire

- by James N Tallon
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- Military History, Eastern European Studies, Russian Studies, Ottoman History

Esej dotyczy powieści Radka Raka ("Baśń o wężowym sercu...") umieszczonej na szerokim tle. Przedstawia postać Jakuba Szeli (przywódca antyszlacheckiego powstania chłopskiego z roku 1846) i jego kulturowe reprezentacje - od pamiętników ziemiaństwa z wieku XIX, poprzez "Wesele" Wyspiańskiego, dramat "Turoń" Żeromskiego i poemat "Słowo o Jakubie Szeli" Brunona Jasieńskiego, aż po sztukę teatralną "W imię Jakuba S." Pawła Demirskiego i Moniki Strzępki.

Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2015

- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- History, Diplomatic History, Russian Studies, Early Modern History

This work is devoted to the theological thought of a distinguished representative of the Polish Church in the 19th century – Zygmunt Szczęsny Feliński. Zygmunt Szczęsny Feliński was a participant of the Greater Poland
Uprising and a friend of the renowned Polish poet Juliusz Słowacki. He was a professor at the Catholic Theological Academy in Petersburg and founded the Congregation of the Franciscan Sisters of the Family of Mary. Between 1862-1883 Feliński served as the Archbishop of Warsaw, but a year after he became the head of the diocese, he was exiled further to what then was Russia. Beatified and canonized at the beginning of the 21 st Century, Feliński is still a relevant figure today and his life reflects the complexity of the Polish fate during the Partitions period.

- by Grzegorz Bachanek
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- Theology, Family, National Identity, Religious Persecution
- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Diplomatic History, Polish History, XVIII century, Political History

У виданні висвітлено окремі сторінки історії поляків і розвиток польського визвольного руху на Правобережній Україні від повстання під проводом Тадеуша Костюшка (Косцюшка) до 1830 р. Розкрито долю окремих його учасників. Автори колективної монографії репрезентують українські наукові установи та вищі навчальні заклади Києва, Львова, Білої Церкви, Вінниці, Луцька, Умані, Хмельницького, а також польські науково-освітні інституції Варшави й Ченстохови.

- by Norbert Morawiec
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- History, Historiography, Historia, Historiografia

eds. D. Dukwicz, E. Zielińska, Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2017, pp. 257, pl. 4

- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Diplomatic History, Russian Studies, Early Modern History, Polish History
- by Piotr Skowroński and +1
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- Enlightenment, Intellectual History of Enlightenment, history of Poland, Stanislaw August Poniatowski

Autorka stawia pytanie o genezę uporczywie utrzymujących się od początku panowania Augusta II opinii o gotowości polskiego króla do udziału w rozbiorze Rzeczypospolitej między Rosję i Prusy. Bierze na warsztat pochodzący z 1721 r. jeden z najgłośniejszych projektów rozbiorowych, tzw. plan
Lehmanna. Obala mit o sprawstwie Wettyna i przedstawia dowody, że projekt był prowokacją pruską, w którą wplątany został znany bankier Berendt Lehmann. Opisuje kulisy gry dyplomatycznej między Prusami i Rosją zmierzającej do osłabienia pozycji Augusta II i utrwalenia współpracy w sprawach polskich oraz saskie zabiegi, by wyplątać się z afery. Uwydatnia coraz ważniejszą rolę Rosji Piotra I w tej części Europy. Publikuje nieznane listy Lehmanna oraz plan rozbioru.

This book explores the history of art and architecture in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the 18th century to the uprising against the Russian occupation in 1863-64. It serves to introduce the English-language reader to
research produced by East European scholars. The geographical area under discussion consists of the modern nation states of Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine, which from 1772 were incorporated into the empires of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. One of the major questions raised is, what became of the old Commonwealth’s artistic and
cultural traditions under the rule of these alien powers? The book strives to do justice to the history of all the national groups involved, even though the region was heavily Polonised from the 16th century onwards. The art, architecture, and culture introduced from western Europe are analysed in their effects not only on Polish culture, but also on that of the Orthodox and Uniate Ruthenians and Belarusians, on the Jewish settlement and on those of the Karaite and Islamic Tatars. An additional concern is the history, art and architecture of the Baltic Germans in the Latvian region. The book
suggests a critical approach involving alternative models to those of nationalistic schools of art. It is geography that dictates the writing of history, rather than national identity.

- by Urszula Szulakowska
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- Belarusian Studies, Ukrainian Studies, 18th Century Poland, Ruthenian history
- by Piotr Skowroński
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- Enlightenment, XVIII century, Stanislaw August Poniatowski, Court Studies
- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Diplomatic History, Russian Studies, Polish History, Diplomatic Studies
- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Stanislaw August Poniatowski, Partitions of Poland
- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Diplomatic History, Early Modern History, Polish History, XVIII century

The paper is about the archbishops of Gniezno – the primates of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – during the Reign of Stanislaus August Poniatowski. It explores their religious and political role in the kingdom and the society during... more

- by Paweł Zając
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- Church History, 18th Century, history of Poland, Catholic Church History

The Sketches of Charles Perthées were for him the basis for the preparation of the maps of the western Crown after the First Partition of Poland at the end of the 18th century. The information in Sketches came from parish questionnaires prepared by parsons. The Sketches include information about the territorial structures of the Catholic Church. Due to their indirect church provenience, we can assume that they can be used to study the territorial structures of the Church. Evaluation of the information from the Sketches, however, shows that the source is unequal in this matter. Only information about parishes and their affiliation to deaneries always come from Perthées, and information about higher administrative units often from the person who developed Sketches after Perthées’ death, however, this person lacked competence. Information about more than 2050 parishes can be considered credible, and those about higher units should be confronted with other sources.

In the history of armed conflicts, partisan warfare took place whenever an invader occupied a certain territory. Poland is no exception in this respect. Indeed, it most probably has the greatest tradition of armed resistance in the form of national liberation partisan war. “Konarszczyzna” – such name, which comes from the surname of its creator Szymon Konarski, was given to the preparation for the partisan war that took place, between 1835 and 1839, in the territories (Lithuania and Podolia) which had been taken by Russia during the partitions of Poland. This name was extended to refer to the whole conspiracy created by Young Poland, whose emissary was Szymon Konarski. after the fall of the November Uprising of 1830- 1831. In its programme Young Poland stated that the People are the source of all political authority, that this authority may only be executed by the Law and that the only legislator is the Will of the People. Such people’s political system was to be based on liberty, equality and fraternity. Szymon Konarski’s main goal was to liberate Poland through war or a revolution but he also wrote about the liberation of peoples in north-eastern Europe and about the liberation of the mankind from tyrants. His watchword was “Poland and mankind”.

Przegląd Historyczny, vol. CIX, 2018, 1
The establishment of the Commission of National Education in October 1773 during a partition session of the parliament gathered in Warsaw under the auspices of the partitioning powers, especially Russia, was closely linked to the negotiations over the partitioner-imposed government reform and to the ratification of the partition treaties. So far only Władysław Konopczyński has pointed to these links and, in his study of the Permanent Council, mentioned the involvement of the Russian ambassador, Otto Magnus von Stackelberg, in the establishment of the CNE. In order to shed more light on this thread, I refer to the Russian diplomatic correspondence. On its basis I describe the involvement of the Russian diplomat in the support for King Stanisław August’s ideas for reforming the education system. Stackelberg’s support for the king was a kind of reward for the monarch’s consent to the ratification of the partition treaties. In exchange the ambassador expected the king’s consent to the introduction of the Permanent Council. Indeed, the matters of education reform and the takeover — closely linked to the reform — by the state of the property of the dissolved Jesuit Order became one of the areas of rapprochement between the king and the ambassador. Thanks to the collaboration between the king’s and the ambassador’s supporters it became possible to submit to a duly authorised parliamentary delegation the CNE bill, which was subsequently quickly passed. In the last stage of the negotiations the king’s and the ambassador’s supporters worked on the text of an act establishing the commission at the Russian embassy. Stackelberg and with him his Saint Petersburg principals regarded education as an issue of no importance from the point of view of the Russian interests in Poland and thus did not seek to impose any specific solutions. This enabled King Stanisław August to introduce most of his own ideas.

- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- History, Cultural History, Diplomatic History, Russian Studies
- by Hacer Topaktas Ustuner
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- Diplomatic History, Ottoman History, Early Modern History, Polish History

"The Attitude of Michal Walewski, Marshal of the Bar Confederation In the Krakow Voivodeship, to the Political and Military Manoeuvring Over the Fortress of Tyniec (May-June 1772)". The Bar Confederation, which began in 1768 and was defeated in 1772, was followed by the partitioning of Poland. One of the last fortresses in the Confederate hands was the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec, 10 km from Krakow, besieged by the Russian army of General A. Suvorov. Also interested in the seizure of the fortress were the Austrian troops under R. d’Alton, following the Habsburg claim to the lands on the right bank of the Vistula. In view of the fact that the supreme authority of the Confederation, the Generality, had fled abroad, Michal Walewski entered into negotiations in order to pass control of the fortress to the Polish King, and (when it proved impossible) to the Russian forces. He intended to gain favour with the King Stanisław August again and increase the chances of maintaining Polish control over the Tyniec fortress. The surviving correspondence makes it possible to see how the events of the period bear testimony to the participants’ attitudes in relation to the deep crisis of the Polish statehood. The article also presents a critical discussion of how M. Walewski has been evaluated to date by historians concerned with the study of this period.

This article aims to analyze the emergence and development of Russian Nationalism: from a traditional, loyal attitude towards the territories that became part of the Russian Empire due to the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 18th century, to ethno-religious assimilation of these lands in the second half of the 19th century. The Author discusses the views of Nikolay Karamzin (the official historiographer of the empire during the reign of Alexander I) as well as his opinions on the importance of western governorates (called by Poles "the Taken Lands") for the empire. This paper also examines the "discovery" of Ruthenians within the borders of the Kingdom of Poland (Augustów and Lublin regions) in the context of Mikhail Pogodin's ideas. In Pogodin's opinion, Ruthenians from these areas were tout court Russians, what allowed Russian Nationalists to extend the borders of Russianness even further to the west. Focus is therefore on the geographies of Russian nationalism, i.e. on the historical and cultural ideas of the geographical space, which are particularly pronounced in this specific issue.

Sympathies towards other nations – as depending on political trends of the day – have a cursory and changeable character. A striking example is the polonophilia which developed in the late 19th century in Germany and found its main supports in the liberal and democratic oppositional movement from 1800 till 1848.
The German idea of Poland was traditionally shaped rather by indifference and critical distance. While the German literature of Enlightenment still criticized Polish ‘grievances’ resp. the ‘anarchy of the nobility’ in Poland, toward the end of the 18th century, however, came the time of increasing ‘Sarmatic romanticism’ resp. enthusiasm for Poland. The Second Partition of Poland (1793), the brutal suppression of the Kociuszko Insurrection (1794), the Third Partition (1795) and in particular the insurrection of 1830 in Congress Poland entailed a till then unknown sympathy and solidarity among the early liberals of the Biedermeier. Poland seemed to them a pioneer of the national European movements of unification and constitution, a martyr of liberty, a bulwark against the ‘Russian danger’. The enthusiasm for Poland reached its absolute climax in the years 1830 till 1834, when about 300 professional and occasional poets in the liberal camp wrote about 1,000 poems. For a short time the Polenlied (Son about Poland), simple and catching unlike the rest of the – classical – poetry of Biedermeier, became the leading direction of political literature of the Vormärz. At the same time this poetry about Poland often, but not always, was russophobic, while in the 1820, in the course of German hellenophilia, many liberal poets had praised Russia as liberator of the Greeks.
The political defeat of German liberalism in the middle of the 1800s entailed a decrease of the poetry about Poland. Especially in the field of prose a critical distance towards the Polish national movement was under way (e.g. Heinrich Laube’s novel Die Krieger [The Warriors], 1834). Also the temporary revival of enthusiasm for Poland among the oppositional German democrats 1846-1884 brought little change, mainly because – just like the Vormärz enthusiasm for Poland of the 1830s – it was based on the thought of the utility of Poland as a bulwark against Russia. Even more definitely the enthusiasm for Poland was subdued by the fear of former friends of Poland that a restoration of the Polish state would expose the Germans in Poland to Polish despotism.

- by Tessa Hofmann
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- History, German Studies, German Literature, International Relations

The issues which are the subject of this analysis concern the process of organising the food administration structure of the Polish army during the national liberation uprising against the Russian Empire known as the November Uprising. In the period of less than a year from the outbreak to the collapse of the Uprising, the administration responsible for supplying the army with food underwent several structural changes, as the insurrectionary authorities strove to create a legal institution which would meet the supply obligations imposed on it efectively and on time. Basing mainly on archival sources, the author reconstructs the evoltion of the organisation of both the structure of the army's central food administration with particular emphasis on its office principles, as well as its field organs and subordinate field cells.

- by Marcin Konarski
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- Polish History, Legal History, Administrative History, Laws of War

Following a comparative and a discourse-analytical approach, the project attempts to assess the significance of language issues in the context of the Habsburg and Prussian school policies in the territories annexed during the Partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from 1772 onwards. By reading language policies as a facet of enlightened educational practices as well as state consolidation, their interrelation with narratives of civilization, but also a crisis of “Enlightened Absolutism” and a subsequent adaptation to changing political conditions is analysed. The end of the study is marked by the loss of most of the formerly Polish provinces to the Duchy of Warsaw in 1807 and 1809.

- by Dorota Dukwicz
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- Diplomatic History, Early Modern History, Polish History, XVIII century
- by Tessa Hofmann
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- History, German Studies, German Literature, International Relations
- by Paul Srodecki
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- German History, Polish History, Russian History, Lithuanian History

Nowadays, the interdisciplinary approach is a major trend in academic research. Working over traditional boundaries seems to be essential in studying the connections between history and regional development. In this paper we describe how we applied an interdisciplinary approach in examining the impact of historical institutions on present-day educational achievements in Poland. We focus mainly on the time at which the Polish education system was formed in the 19th century, when Poland remained partitioned between three empires: the Russian Empire, the Kingdom of Prussia, and Habsburg Austria. In the research, we combined different methods including quantitative techniques, qualitative tools and elements of spatial analysis. Accordingly, our project team included representatives from different fields, such as: economics, sociology, geography, mathematics and history. Using this varied methodology, we found that the institutions shaped during the period of the territorial division of Poland have had a significant effect on average achievements in contemporary schools. We explain these differences with reference to social capital, trust in education, and the perception of educational goals.

- by Justyna Orchowska
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- Education, Interdisciplinarity, Regional development, Path Dependency

In 2006, Peter Brock, John D. Stanley, and Piotr Wróbel published a major one-volume set of essays on the key figures of Poland's historiography, with a request that the contributors bridge the "biographical" and the "bibliographical" dimensions of each historian. Enclosed here is my piece on Stanisław Smolka, one of the great pioneers of Poland's writing about the Middle Ages, of multidimensional historical writing in great depth—bridging social, political, legal, and economic history, historical biography, and an extraordinary talent as a writer—and, one of the creators of the institutional, professional, and pedagogical framework of Poland's historical scholarship at a crucial (and difficult) time of its formation.

- by Piotr S Górecki
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- Historiography, Medieval Poland, Partitions of Poland, Stanisław Smolka

KANT'S POLITICAL TESTAMENT of 2018 represents the first successful contextualization of Kant's political writings outside Poland. In this respect it supercedes the global non-Polish reception of Kant's political theory and philosophy of recent decades. This is accomplished for the most part in simple and gracefully readable prose, allowing access to the core problematic of Kant's political philosophy and theory for non-specialists. A thorough (and quite novel) overview of early modern political philosophy - an overview based on comparison of Kant's works with those of Locke, Leibniz and Hobbes - is provided on a two-page chart (Fig. 2).

- by William F Drischler
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- Frankfurt School (Philosophy), Thomas Hobbes, Russian History, G.W.F. Hegel