Southern Lebanon Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Depuis 1950, les villages libanais ont subi des changements considérables dans leur structure. Au Liban Sud, les périodes de conlits, guerres et occupations ont contribué à donner au paysage sa forme actuelle. Les auteurs présentent une... more

Depuis 1950, les villages libanais ont subi des changements considérables dans leur structure. Au Liban Sud, les périodes de conlits, guerres et occupations ont contribué à donner au paysage sa forme actuelle. Les auteurs présentent une étude sociale et spatiale du village de Sinay situé dans cette région, et examinent le rôle que joue un conlit local dans la transformation de ce paysage. Ils utilisent une méthodologie mixte (ethnographie et cartographie) pour établir les liens entre ces transformations et les structures sociales, politiques et économiques. Le paysage a évolué d'un espace principalement agraire vers un espace multifonctionnel marqué par un étalement urbain et les usages multiples du sol. Ces transformations ont été façonnées par l'interaction entre les changements locaux, nationaux et régionaux. MOTS-CLÉS : conlit, usage du sol, transformation du paysage, Liban Sud, photographies aériennes Rural transformation, landscape, and conlict in a village of South Lebanon, Sinay Since the 1950s, Lebanese villages have undergone dramatic changes in their structure. In South Lebanon, periods of conlict, war and occupation have contributed to giving the landscape its current form. We present a landscape study of the village of Sinay in South Lebanon, and analyse the role of local conlicts in the transformations we observe. We used mixed methodology (ethnography and cartography) to demonstrate the links between landscape transformations, social, political, and economic changes. The landscape has evolved from a predominantly agricultural space to a multifunctional one marked by urban extension and multiple land uses. Throughout these transformations are shaped by the interplay of changes at the local, national and regional levels. (JEL: Q15).

The ruins of the ancient village of Chhim, located in the mountains near Sidon, constitute an exceptional case of a well-preserved rural archaeological site in Lebanon. Chhim has been researched in depth thanks to recent excavations. The... more

The ruins of the ancient village of Chhim, located in the mountains near Sidon, constitute an exceptional case of a well-preserved rural archaeological site in Lebanon. Chhim has been researched in depth thanks to recent excavations. The sanctuary from the Roman period, the Christian basilica, residential buildings, and numerous oil presses provide an account of a settlement whose livelihood was based on agriculture and animal husbandry—all while remaining in close contact with other coastal Mediterranean settlements. The relatively high and stable level of prosperity of Chhim’s inhabitants contrasted with technological stagnation and the retention of traditional building techniques—both characteristic of the mountainous regions of ancient Phoenicia.

The conventional view on Israeli foreign policy stresses that Israel has never been interested in interfering in the domestic affairs of its Arab neighbors or in the overall regional balance. Rather, so the argument goes, the Jewish state... more

The conventional view on Israeli foreign policy stresses that Israel has
never been interested in interfering in the domestic affairs of its Arab
neighbors or in the overall regional balance. Rather, so the argument
goes, the Jewish state has been aloof and isolated after its rejection by
the Arab world. Indeed, it has been argued that non-interference in
regional politics has been one of the most durable features of both
Zionist and Israeli policy.

The exact location and evolution of Tyre's ancient harbour areas have been matters of scholarly conjecture since the 16th century. Here, we use geoscience techniques to precisely relocate the ancient northern harbour, the city's principal... more

The exact location and evolution of Tyre's ancient harbour areas have been matters of scholarly conjecture since the 16th century. Here, we use geoscience techniques to precisely relocate the ancient northern harbour, the city's principal transport hub during antiquity, and reconstruct its geomorphological evolution (Marriner, N., Morhange, C., Boudagher-Fadel, M., Bourcier, M., Carbonel, P., 2005.

The objective of this paper is to emphasize the phenomenon of transformation in understanding and (sometimes) complete changes of meanings in Qur'anic phrases used by modern khatib (preachers), imam or scholars in order to prove specific... more

The objective of this paper is to emphasize the phenomenon of transformation in understanding and (sometimes) complete changes of meanings in Qur'anic phrases used by modern khatib (preachers), imam or scholars in order to prove specific points of view. It is argued that such khatibs may use phrases from the Qur'an, while applying new meanings, according to the present-day needs of the orator or writer.As a test case for this line of thought, the Qur'anic idiom relating to ‘the Spider’s Web’ [bayt Al-'Ankabūt], is used here to illustrate this phenomena.

In BrE, words that end in -l (which comes before a vowel) double the -l when a suffix is added, whereas in AmE the letter -l is not doubled, e.g. modeling / modeling, travelled / traveled. The letter must be doubled if the stress falls on... more

In BrE, words that end in -l (which comes before a vowel) double the -l when a suffix is added, whereas in AmE the letter -l is not doubled, e.g. modeling / modeling, travelled / traveled. The letter must be doubled if the stress falls on the second syllable, e.g. rebel / rebelled (both in BrE and AmE) Some words end in -tre in BrE and -ter in AmE, e.g. centre / center Some words end in -ogue in BrE and -og in AmE, e.g. analogue / analog, catalogue / catalog Some words end in -our in British English and -or in AmE, e.g. colour / color, labour / labor Some verbs end in -ize or -ise in BrE but only in -ize in American English, e.g. realize / realize, harmonise / harmonize Some words end in -que in BrE and -ck or -k in AmE, e.g. cheque / check, chequer / checker Some words end in -ence in BrE and -ense in AmE, e.g. defence / defense, licence / license Below are some basic rules of word building.

This article traces the career of the Hammud family of Sayda (Lebanon) as Ottoman functionaries in the eighteenth century. Beginning with the myth of their Maghrebi origins and migration to south-western Syria, it examines, on the basis... more

This article traces the career of the Hammud family of Sayda (Lebanon) as Ottoman functionaries in the eighteenth century. Beginning with the myth of their Maghrebi origins and migration to south-western Syria, it examines, on the basis of Ottoman administrative documents from Istanbul, Sayda, Tripoli and Damascus, their adoption of the “agha” title and induction into the ayan class of provincial notables. It focuses primarily on their ties to the rural hinterland and monopolisation of the local cotton trade, but also on their control of the Sayda customs house and credit ties with French merchants. Arguing that their heavy indebtedness in the middle of the eighteenth century actually marked them as one of the most important notable households in the region, it furthermore explores their ties to various Ottoman figures and institutions in Istanbul, then analyzes their progressive “civilianization” as they become increasingly identified with the newly-created fiscal office of “Arabi Katibi” (Arab secretary) in the second half of the century. Ending with their eviction from Sayda in the wake of the Shiite occupation of the city in 1771, it suggests that their rise and fall as local aghas is illustrative of the evolving rapport between Ottoman provincial society and the central state at the cusp of the modern era.

Drawing from their history of pro-Lebanon military support and origins associated therein, their formal entrance into the Lebanese government in 1992 and subsequent political actions and policies, and their social welfare and... more

Drawing from their history of pro-Lebanon military support and origins associated therein, their formal entrance into the Lebanese government in 1992 and subsequent political actions and policies, and their social welfare and infrastructure based programs; Hezbollah has been able to effectively establish itself as a significant and influential faction to become a force of moderate Islamic representation for the people of Lebanon.

THE BATTLE FOR SOUTH LEBANON: THE RADICALISATIONS OF LEBANON'S SHI'ITES (1982-1985)

During the second century BC, the Sidonian mint produced an undated civic coinage with no reference to the Seleucid authority. The following study attempts to establish, through a corpus of 113 coins, a refined dating of its production.... more

During the second century BC, the Sidonian mint produced an undated civic coinage with no reference to the Seleucid authority. The following study attempts to establish, through a corpus of 113 coins, a refined dating of its production. Four various groups are identified based on stylistic and technical criteria as well as comparison with both municipal and dated civic coinage: group I (169/8–146/5 bc), group II (ca. 144/3–134/3 bc), group III (ca. 126/5–122/1 bc) and group IV (ca. 114/3–111/0 bc). The nature of relationship between the Sidonian authority and Seleucid administration is then revisited in the light of this particular coinage.

"בינת ג'בל: יומן אירועים" - מגולל את סיפורו של ניר, חפ"ש (חייל פשוט), דתי, צעיר, המשרת ברצועת הביטחון בלבנון. צעד-צעד הוא מוביל את הקורא אל תוך לבנון ואל המתרחש שם, עד שהקורא חש כי הוא מכיר על בוריים את המקום ואת הנפשות שפעלו בו. הספר... more

"בינת ג'בל: יומן אירועים" - מגולל את סיפורו של ניר, חפ"ש (חייל פשוט), דתי, צעיר, המשרת ברצועת הביטחון בלבנון. צעד-צעד הוא מוביל את הקורא אל תוך לבנון ואל המתרחש שם, עד שהקורא חש כי הוא מכיר על בוריים את המקום ואת הנפשות שפעלו בו. הספר מוקדש לזיכרו של חברו של ד"ר כהן, סגן אורי הלמן ז"ל, שאף מופיע כדמות בספר.

Il s'est agit dans cette communication de présenter un premier bilan des études céramologiques menées à partir du mobilier recueilli lors des campagnes archéologiques annuelles qui ont eu lieu depuis 2008 sur le site de Tyr-ville.... more

Il s'est agit dans cette communication de présenter un premier bilan des études céramologiques menées à partir du mobilier recueilli lors des campagnes archéologiques annuelles qui ont eu lieu depuis 2008 sur le site de Tyr-ville.
L'intérêt ici est de fournir une vision globale de la production et de l'utilisation des poteries sur la longue durée, depuis l'époque hellénistique jusqu'à la fin de l'occupation franque. Nous retiendrons notre attention sur quelques catégories peu connues jusqu'à présent comme les amphores byzantines tyriennes ou les céramiques glaçurées produites
dans les ateliers médiévaux de la uille.
Les premières observations présentées dans ce bref compte-rendu montreront les avancées réalisées dans plusieurs domaines de recherche: la mise en place d'une typologie des céramiques locales et importées de Tyr, Ia détermination des fabriques régionales et la définition des courants commerciaux. Enfin, une des constatations importantes observées concerne les changements dans les approvisionnements dont témoigne l'orientation "sudiste" des importations à partir du IVe s. apr. J.-C. et jusqu'à la fin de Ia période médiévale.

Mura di legno, mura di terra, mura di pietra:

Bespreking van het proefschrift van Ferdinand Smit, The Battle for South Lebanon. The radicalisation of Lebanon's Shi'ites 1982-1985

The cost of implementing new irrigation projects is high, especially when using pressurised systems. In Lebanon, in addition to implementation costs, funds are often necessary for land reclamation works and cadastral plans which are, in... more

The cost of implementing new irrigation projects is high, especially when using pressurised systems. In Lebanon, in addition to implementation costs, funds are often necessary for land reclamation works and cadastral plans which are, in certain cases, provisional or inexistent in the rural area. Such costs and even the purpose of a project may be lost after execution if farmers do not irrigate their lands. The objective of this paper is to increase farmers’ involvement in the preparation and implementation of the “Hydro-Agricultural Project for Marjeyoun Area” in southern Lebanon where security conditions hinder design. This involvement will be through a Water User Association (WUA) to
ensure that the feasibility of the project will be realised and will involve farmers in decision making and execution.
The output of this study is draft legislation for approval by the Lebanese government and for publication in the official journal. The law will regulate and organise the creation and operation of such associations prior to the implementation of the project, for better governance in the irrigation sector. The WUA law implemented on this particular project will be a pilot study for other irrigation projects all over the nation.

In this study will be analyze that how the Lebanese Civil War deeply effect world politics, in which way the Rafik al-Hariri assassination shifted the balance of power in the Middle East, what has changed in Syrian politics on Lebanon and... more

In this study will be analyze that how the Lebanese Civil War deeply effect world politics, in which way the Rafik al-Hariri assassination shifted the balance of power in the Middle East, what has changed in Syrian politics on Lebanon and viewpoint of the USA and France to Syria. In this regard, the role of domestic factor in Lebanese foreign policy, the Lebanese Civil War, the al-Hariri assassination and USA, Europe and the Middle East-centered facts which be linked with this assassination is deal with. The main aim of this study is to determine generally the effects of the al-Hariri assassination in public opinion and in the Middle East region and to attract attention the threats that can shake Lebanon, Syria and all the Middle East in future, in the extent of the reasons and consequences of the civil war.
Keywords:
Confessional Democracy, Lebanese Civil War, al-Hariri Assassination, Syria Under Pressure, American and French Politics.

L'autore è nato in un paese arabo che ha forzatamente abbandonato dopo un sanguinoso pogrom, il terzo in poco più di vent'anni. L'autore affronta il problema delle condizioni delle minoranze ebraiche nel mondo arabo e islamico a... more

This contribution summarizes the main results of an analysis of some 3,500 primary and secondary products from two dwellings at LPPNB Ba’ja/Southern Levant with a particular focus on the flint raw material selection strategies. A... more

This contribution summarizes the main results of an analysis of some 3,500 primary and secondary products from two dwellings at LPPNB Ba’ja/Southern Levant with a particular focus on the flint raw material selection strategies. A different flint raw material choice is indicated between bifacial tool and unidirectional blade production on the one hand and bidirectional blade production on the other hand. While unidirectional and bifacial tool production predominantly used flints from secondary sources, the bidirectional blades and blade products were made of flints which - according to their cortex - stem from primary sources or from nearby. Finally, potential primary flint source areas in the vicinity of Ba’ja are presented.

Review of Ferdinand Smit, The Battle for South Lebanon, The Radicalisation of Lebanon's Shi'ites, Militaire Spectator, 6-2001, By R.E. Kon

Lübnan’ın modern tarihinde İslami bir hareket olarak ortaya çıkan Hiz-bullah, İran İslam rejimini modelleyen ve bu modeli Lübnan'da İslami bir cum-huriyet temelleri üzerine kurmayı hedefleyen ve günümüzde ise tüm Müslü-manların temsili... more

Lübnan’ın modern tarihinde İslami bir hareket olarak ortaya çıkan Hiz-bullah, İran İslam rejimini modelleyen ve bu modeli Lübnan'da İslami bir cum-huriyet temelleri üzerine kurmayı hedefleyen ve günümüzde ise tüm Müslü-manların temsili iddiasına rağmen doktrinel olarak motive olmuş, kökleri açıkça Şii ve öğretisinde İran etkisi güçlü olan bir parti görünümündedir. Ancak tarih-sel süreçte Hizbullah, kimliğini ideolojik, sosyal, politik ve ekonomik temele da-yandıran Lübnan menşeili bir İslami cihat hareketi olarak tanımlamıştır. Bu kimliği, ekonomik olarak en yoksul, politik olarak da Lübnan'ın en az temsiliye-tine sahip olan Lübnan Şiilerinde bulmuştur.Lübnan Şiileri, Lübnan siyasi sis-temi tarafından uzunca yıllar sistematik olarak geriye itilmiştir. Lübnan'daki en büyük nüfusa sahip olmasına rağmen iktidarın ve nüfusun etki payında üçüncü sırayı alması, Şii toplumunun siyasallaşmasını ve radikalleşmesini hızlandırır-ken bu durum aynı zamanda Hizbullah’a da alan açmıştı. Aynı şekilde İsrail iş-galleri ile birlikte Lübnan'daki Şii topluluğun artan gücü ve radikal anlamda mi-litanlaşması, Filistinlilere, Lübnanlı solcu ve Sünni Müslümanlara karşı bir mey-dan okumaya da yol açmıştı. Hizbullah, FKÖ ve diğer Filistinli grupların faaliyet-lerine ve liderliğine katılmayı reddederken bir varlık ve bir güç olarak kalmak istediklerini açıkça ortaya koymuştu. Bu yeni gücün ortaya çıkışı, aynı zamanda Güney Lübnan'ın ağırlıklı olarak Müslüman bölgesinde bir dereceye kadar var olan göreli uyumunu da bozmuştur. Müslüman gruplar arasında tekrarlayan çe-kişme ve sürtüşmeler, Şii bölgelerinde çatışmayı da beraberinde getirmişti

В статті розглянуто інформаційно-пропагандистські аспекти ліванськоізраїльського конфлікту 2006 р. та їх вплив на громадську думку в регіональному та глобальному контексті. Проаналізовано інформаційну взаємодію та протистояння... more

В статті розглянуто інформаційно-пропагандистські аспекти ліванськоізраїльського конфлікту 2006 р. та їх вплив на громадську думку в регіональному та глобальному контексті. Проаналізовано інформаційну взаємодію та протистояння транснаціональних недержавних організацій і геополітичних акторів у сучасних асиметричних конфліктах. Досліджено процес генерування різноманітних інформаційних потоків впродовж військової кампанії, роль світових і регіональних мас-медіа у формуванні міжнародно-публічного виміру конфлікту.

1 At Kedesh, a village in the chora of Tyre (Ios. bell. Iud. 2, 459; 4, 104), a regional administrative center (56 × 40 m) excavated between 1997 and 2010 by a team from the University of Michigan, University of Minnesota and Boston... more

1 At Kedesh, a village in the chora of Tyre (Ios. bell. Iud. 2, 459; 4, 104), a regional administrative center (56 × 40 m) excavated between 1997 and 2010 by a team from the University of Michigan, University of Minnesota and Boston University included an archive dated to the first half of the 2nd cent. BCE. Just before the archive was destroyed by fire, Kedesh was the regrouping spot of a Seleucid force led by Demetrius II after a battle with Jonathan Apphus in 144/3 BCE (1 Macc 11, 63-67). A preliminary description of the ad ministrative center and the archive in which the sealings were found was published in 2003 (Herbert -Berlin 2003, 50-53) and later (Herbert 2013). Of the 2.048 sealings 1.717 were preserved to the point where its face could be identified, and 1.308 seals were identified, as detailed in the final report, already in press (Herbert -Ariel forthcoming). Most of the sealings related to the Jal el-Bahr finds were preliminarily published in 2003 (Ariel -Naveh 2003). I am grateful to Sharon C. Herbert and Andrea M. Berlin, directors of the excavations, for inviting me to work with them toward the final report on the Kedesh archive. I also thank Yaniv Schauer, who enhanced the generally poor photographs in Kawkabani 2003; Kawkabani 2005 and Bossone 2013, to create the illustrations for this review article.

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Lebanon under a state of exception in which institutional ambiguity characterizes governance, because any form of normalization and formalization is considered a prelude to tawteen and a threat to 'awda. This uncertainty is particularly... more

Lebanon under a state of exception in which institutional ambiguity characterizes governance, because any form of normalization and formalization is considered a prelude to tawteen and a threat to 'awda. This uncertainty is particularly poignant in Lebanon's unofficial camps, or "gatherings." Palestinians living in the gatherings do not fall outside the protection regime of the Lebanese state merely because they lack citizenship. They are also partly excluded from UNRWA's service mandate because they do not reside in official camps. The consequences of this institutional ambiguity are especially pertinent in the governance of housing, land, and tenure. Institutional ambiguity complicates construction and exposes residents of the gatherings to eviction from their properties. At the same time, it determines the coping mechanisms available to residents to deal with these predicaments. In the absence of formal entitlements related to citizenship or camp-residence, inhabitants of the gatherings rely on informal and politicized strategies geared toward maintaining "facts on the ground." My case study of the governance of property rights in Qasmiye gathering documents how the state of exception in Lebanon's Palestinian gatherings is upheld by what can be called a "politics of uncertainty": both Lebanese and Palestinian authorities deliberately maintain the institutional ambiguity of the gatherings. As such, the paper contributes to understanding the endurance and reproduction of marginalizing governance practices-in the specific context of Lebanon's Palestinian gatherings, but also with reference to other protracted refugee populations and inhabitants of informal settlements across the Arab world.

This study takes archeology and genealogy as a paradigm of inquiry into the question of the how of power. It brings into question the discipline of Islamic studies and Middle Eastern history constructing the thesis of origin and... more

This study takes archeology and genealogy as a paradigm of inquiry into the question of the how of power. It brings into question the discipline of Islamic studies and Middle Eastern history constructing the thesis of origin and continuity of an assumed Sunni-Shī'a conflict and an established legitimacy of Islamic law. I take Foucault's intelligibility of history as a tactic constructing immediate identities surrounding a constituent point in history as core to the analysis of the conflict in Syria by extension to Lebanon. This study takes three levels of analysis. The first level of analysis brings the assembly constructing the thesis of an origin and continuity of a dominant Islamic law and a historic conflict by institutions of knowledge into question. The second level takes the historical dimension of the construction of the constituent points assembling the thesis of origin and continuity. I situate the constituent point within the epistemological order of its historical time and space. The aim is to release subjugated knowledges that were abstracted in the process of formal systemization of the origin and continuity thesis. The third level of analysis takes the historical discourse of militancy in Syria.

This book offers an intellectual history of one of the leading Shi’i thinkers and religious leaders of 20th-century Lebanon, Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din. The author argues his role as the foremost figure of Shi’i intellectual life,... more

This book offers an intellectual history of one of the leading Shi’i thinkers and religious leaders of 20th-century Lebanon, Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din. The author argues his role as the foremost figure of Shi’i intellectual life, a key associate of Musa al-Sadr, and president of the Supreme Shiite Council of Lebanon, having maintained the independence of this institution until his death from the domination of Shi‘i political parties. The core of the book consists of three interrelated main themes that constitute the major threads of Shams al-Din’s intellectual legacy: Islamic government involving a critique of Khomeini’s theory of wilayat al-faqih, the role of Islam within civil government, and the political integration of the Shi‘a in their respective countries.

מלחמת שלום הגליל היא אחת המלחמות השנויות במחלוקת בחברה הישראלית. הנרטיב הרווח קובע ששר הביטחון אריאל שרון הונה את ראש הממשלה מנחם בגין ואת הממשלה כולה. מנחם בגין והממשלה אישרו פעולה מצומצמת שנועדה להרחיק את הארגונים הפלסטיניים כארבעים... more

מלחמת שלום הגליל היא אחת המלחמות השנויות במחלוקת בחברה הישראלית. הנרטיב הרווח קובע ששר הביטחון אריאל שרון הונה את ראש הממשלה מנחם בגין ואת הממשלה כולה. מנחם בגין והממשלה אישרו פעולה מצומצמת שנועדה להרחיק את הארגונים הפלסטיניים כארבעים קילומטר מן הגבול, אך לשר הביטחון היו תכניות אחרות אשר נועדו להנהיג סדר חדש בארץ הארזים. בלי לנסות ולהצדיק את מעשיו של שרון או לזַכּוֹת אותו על מהלכיו במלחמה, נרטיב זה עושה עוול לראש הממשלה דאז מנחם בגין. הוא מעניק משקל רב לשרון ודוחק את בגין אל קרן זווית כשחקן שולי. אך לבגין היה תפקיד גדול ומשמעותי יותר. במאמר זה אני מבקש לטעון כי מבחינת המדיניות הלבנונית של מנחם בגין, מלחמת שלום הגליל הייתה ידועה מראש. הטענה המרכזית במאמר זה היא שמרגע שמנחם בגין עלה לשלטון ב=1977 החלה מעין ספירה לאחור לפעולה נרחבת ומקיפה בלבנון. תחת מנהיגותו של בגין התערבה ישראל בנעשה בלבנון יותר ויותר, מדרום המדינה ועד מרכזה. המעשים, ההחלטות וההצהרות של בגין וממשלותיו בשנים שקדמו למלחמת שלום הגליל סללו את הדרך למלחמה.
The Peace for Galilee War which began in 1982 is one of the most controversial events in Israeli history. The prevailing narrative states that it was a war of deception, in which Defense Minister Ariel Sharon misled Prime Minister Menachem Begin and the rest of the government. While Begin and the government approved a small-scale operation that was meant to push the Palestinian organizations to 40 kilometers north of the Israeli border, Sharon had more grandiose plans aimed at creating a new order in Lebanon. Without trying to vindicate Sharon for his actions during the war, this narrative attributes Begin with far too small a role.
This article claims that as part of Begin’s Lebanese policy, the Peace for Galilee War was conceptualized well in advance. It will show that from the moment Begin became prime minister in 1977, a countdown began toward a full-scale operation in Lebanon. Under Begin’s leadership, Israel’s involvement in Lebanon increased from year to year. The culmination was the Peace for Galilee War.

This article presents the repertoire of late Hellenistic and early Roman vessels manufactured at Porphyreon, a site located in the modern town of Jiyeh in southern Lebanon. The pottery discussed was found in a production area, the... more

This article presents the repertoire of late Hellenistic and early Roman vessels manufactured at Porphyreon, a site located in the modern town of Jiyeh in southern Lebanon. The pottery discussed was found in a production area, the remnants of which have been excavated under a later Roman-Byzantine necropolis. Two common ware deposits – one dated to the late 3rd to mid 2nd century BC, the other to the mid-1st to early 2nd century AD – are characteristic for the large diversity of vessel forms and wasters which they contain. The study of these vessels proves that in both periods the workshops of Porphyreon focused on the production of amphorae and kitchen ware.

This article uses a constructivist analysis to consider the social construction of identity and the Israeli military action in Lebanon in 2006. Strands of meaning, constructive of a collective sense of self, emerged out of historical... more

This article uses a constructivist analysis to consider the social construction of identity and the Israeli military action in Lebanon in 2006. Strands of meaning, constructive of a collective sense of self, emerged out of historical continuities, interacted and were made meaningful in relation to each other around the issue of the Hezbollah threat in 2006. They framed, contextualised and constituted that policy issue to form a situated and contingent identity of the possible, within which the policy decisions that produced the second Lebanon War were taken. Whilst a body of work has resulted from engagement with this conflict, and a well established literature discusses Israeli identity, little has been done to bring the two together and consider in detail the role of identity in constructing the 2006 war as possible and desirable for Israel. This is the focus and contribution of this article. Domestically, the institutional context of the 2006 Knesset elections revealed a national identity in which the multi-faceted vulnerability identity and Fighting Jew identity were salient, interacting strands. The narratives of ordeal, existential threat, and self-reliance acted to increase the power of the Fighting Jew identity, predicated on a faith in military solutions to threats. These ideas came up against and were rearticulated in the context of the global “War on Terror” to make the war in 2006 both possible and desirable.

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