Tetrarchy Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
The work presents the first Slovak translation of the work On the Deaths of Persecutors by the important Christian apologist Lactantius. His work is an extremely important source for the period of the turn of the 3rd and the 4th century... more
The work presents the first Slovak translation of the work On the Deaths of Persecutors by the important Christian apologist Lactantius. His work is an extremely important source for the period of the turn of the 3rd and the 4th century AD because it captures THE important events of the outbreak of the last great persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire called the Great Persecution. Lactantius depicts not only the outbreak and THE course of this difficult period for Christians but also its conclusion and the legalization of Christianity within the Roman Empire through the edict of toleration by Emperor Galerius of 311 and later The Edict of Milan by Constantine the Great of 313.
The monograph deals with the development of the religious situation in the Roman Empire from the 2nd Punic War to the turn of the 3rd and 4th century AD while presenting a point of view at its development in several areas. He focuses on traditional cults, monotheistic religions, the empire's relationship with Christianity and especially the persecution of Christians, the scope of which ranges from local pogroms to empirewide persecution in the 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century AD. The work brings new knowledge and perspectives on the issue and shows that the traditional view, for example, of the set of four edicts issued against Christians during the Great Persecution is no longer sustainable, because in fact, as evidenced by Lactantius' De mortibus persecutorum, there was only one anti-Christian edict issued right at the beginning of the state interventions against Christians.
Nel 1887 veniva alla luce l’unica necropoli romana nota di Cles (Trento). Lo studioso Luigi de Campi fornisce un resoconto dettagliato della scoperta, grazie al quale è possibile oggi proporre nuove riflessioni intorno alla localizzazione... more
Nel 1887 veniva alla luce l’unica necropoli romana nota di Cles (Trento). Lo studioso Luigi de Campi fornisce un resoconto dettagliato della scoperta, grazie al quale è possibile oggi proporre nuove riflessioni intorno alla localizzazione del sito, alla topografia della necropoli e dell’abitato di Cles e alla rete viaria che lo attraversava. Oltre a ciò, l’acribia descrittiva dell’archeologo anaune consente di identificare sotto il profilo tipo-cronologico molti dei reperti pertinenti al contesto funerario – per parte dei quali, ancora oggi conservati presso il Castello del Buonconsiglio, si fornisce qui una prima edizione – e di approfondire il significato storico ed ideologico della sepoltura di un probabile soldato di epoca tetrarchica, inumato assieme ad un gruzzolo di monete piuttosto singolare.
A Croatian translation with short notes of the Origo Constantini imperatoris, Anonymus Valesianus pars prior.
At the turn of the fourth century, four soldiers ruled the Roman Empire: Diocletian, Maximian, Constantius and Galerius. This Tetrarchy, as modern scholars call it, was the brainchild of Diocletian, and under this emperor's leadership,... more
In our days we tend to think of conspiracy theories as a predominantly modern concept, which expanded widely during the Cold War and we often underestimate their influence in the public Logos, classifying them as pseudo-history and... more
In our days we tend to think of conspiracy theories as a predominantly modern concept, which expanded widely during the Cold War and we often underestimate their influence in the public Logos, classifying them as pseudo-history and product of collective illusion. However the occasional unexpected course of politics and the accidental events which might occur only make conspiracies to appear even more attractive, turning them to self-fulfilling prophecies. The term ‘conspiracy’ and its context in the ‘modern’ sense (i. e. a ‘secret’ conspiracy that threatens the existence of a society)was firstly introduced by the fourth century historian Ammianus Marcellinus in order to describe what seemed to be a barbarian collaboration to invade and pillage the north-western Roman provinces in 367 AD. Therefore in order to explain this supposed barbarian collaboration against Rome, he coined the term Conspiratio Barbarica. Half a century later the Roman authorities and the populus Romanus felt that they were facing the combined forces of an external threat and a collaborating enemy within. The gradual rise and influence of men of (semi)barbarian origin in the army and Court and the increase and effectiveness of barbarian raids and invasions became a great concern causing people to start searching for answers beyond the field of the Obvious or the effectiveness of the of the late Roman modus gubernandi, concluding in their fear and anxiety that the only explanation was that someone from within had invited the barbarians in order to destroy Rome. In such a time of uncertainty and insecurity, the manufacturing of invisible intruders and traitors of the Romanitas in the collective imagination was almost inevitable. This paper will attempt to examine the rise and influence of conspiracy theories among the late Roman elites and people and will highlight all those conditions and factors that made those theories so appealing and attractive as an interpretation and explanation of the Late Roman Realities.
Au printemps 310 , l’empereur Constantin, visitant en Gaule un temple anonyme, y aurait vu Apollon, accompagné de la Victoire, apparaître devant lui . En 1926, Camille Jullian proposa de localiser à Grand le sanctuaire visité par... more
Au printemps 310 , l’empereur Constantin, visitant en Gaule un temple anonyme, y aurait vu Apollon, accompagné de la Victoire, apparaître devant lui . En 1926, Camille Jullian proposa de localiser à Grand le sanctuaire visité par Constantin et qualifia de « vision » l’apparition d’Apollon dans le temple anonyme . Il joua ainsi un rôle décisif dans la construction historiographique de l’événement, connu depuis comme la « vision » de Constantin, ou comme la « vision de Grand » . Quelques années plus tard, Henri Grégoire enrôlait l’épisode dans une offensive de grande ampleur contre l’authenticité de la Vita Constantini. Pour le savant belge, la « vision païenne » rapportée par le panégyrique de 310 avait inspiré les récits de Lactance et d’Eusèbe relatant la vision chrétienne, et elle n’était comme eux qu’une légende . Depuis, l’épisode n’a cessé de diviser les chercheurs . Si on laisse de côté les variantes de détail, trois interprétations cohabitent actuellement dans l’historiographie.
- Un premier groupe de chercheurs exprime un franc scepticisme et considère la vision comme un morceau de rhétorique ; certains s’efforcent en outre de rationaliser l’épisode : Constantin aurait observé des statues de culte, et l’orateur aurait ensuite brodé et renchéri .
- D’autres historiens acceptent au contraire la sincérité du récit , et estiment que l’orateur relate une expérience religieuse authentique, qu’il s’agisse d’un songe de Constantin (A. Grenier) ou de l’observation d’un halo solaire (P. Weiss).
- Enfin, en réaction peut-être à ces divergences et à un débat pouvant apparaître sans issue, plusieurs études influentes ont estimé qu’il était impossible de déterminer ce qui avait pu réellement se passer et ce que Constantin avait cru voir en 310 dans le temple anonyme .
Dans les discussions sur le parcours religieux du prince et sa conversion au christianisme, l’épisode de la vision occupe une place très importante, marquant pour nombre d’historiens la première conversion de Constantin et son ralliement à une forme de religion solaire . Et dans les recherches menées sur le site de Grand, la localisation en ce lieu du sanctuaire anonyme et de la vision a aussi joué un rôle notable en semblant corroborer l’hypothèse avancée par Jollois au XIXe siècle d’un sanctuaire apollinien implanté à Grand. Cependant, depuis dix ans, un Projet Collectif de Recherche dirigé par Th. Dechezleprêtre a permis de « [réexaminer] la documentation ancienne tout en lançant de nouvelles études » . Cette démarche transversale implique une déconstruction des grilles interprétatives jusqu’alors en vigueur, bousculant au passage nombre d’hypothèses anciennes sur lesquelles s’étaient fondées les interprètes du panégyrique et les spécialistes de Constantin. Dès lors, ces révisions portant sur la documentation archéologique nous invitent à examiner à nouveau le discours de 310 pour revenir d’une part sur la fameuse vision, et d’autre part sur la question du passage de Constantin à Grand et de la présence en ces lieux du templum toto orbe pulcherrimum. Trois questions retiendront notre attention. Il s’agit tout d’abord de la localisation du temple visité par Constantin, que l’on a pris l’habitude, depuis Camille Jullian, de situer à Grand (1). Nous évoquerons ensuite la prétendue vision apollinienne et les difficultés posées par les théories du songe et du halo solaire (2), et montrerons que l’orateur n’a pas sérieusement affirmé que Constantin avait eu une vision dans le sanctuaire (3). Enfin, ceci nous amènera à reconsidérer dans son entièreté l’hypothèse de Jullian, ainsi que la place du discours de 310 dans le dossier religieux constantinien (4).
Folgende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Zeit von der Entstehung bis zur Auflösung der Römischen Tetrarchie. Der Kern der Arbeit wird also auf die Jahre zwischen 284, als Diokletian auf den Thron gelang, und 324, als das durch Diokletian... more
This volume explores one of the most complex, multifaceted and momentous of all western cultural transformations: the refashioning of the Roman principate under Constantine in the early fourth century AD. It does so through the... more
This volume explores one of the most complex, multifaceted and momentous of all western cultural transformations: the refashioning of the Roman principate under Constantine in the early fourth century AD. It does so through the kaleidoscopic lens of one of antiquity’s most fascinating (and maligned) artists: Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius. Optatian’s works are little known among classicists and historians. Nevertheless, his picture-poems uniquely reflect, figure, and shape the cultural dynamics of the period. By bringing together different disciplinary perspectives the volume demonstrates how the poems give unique form to the various political, intellectual and cultural currents of the age. Contributors champion Optatian as a uniquely creative artist – and one who anticipated some of our most pressing literary critical, art historical and philosophical concerns today.
DE LA CRISIS A LA RESTAURACIÓN DEL ORDEN: EMPERADORES ILIRIOS, LA TETRARQUÍA Y CONSTANTINO (268-324). Conferencia dentro del congreso "Edicto de Milán: 1700 años de libertad religiosa para los cristianos (313-2013). Universidad Católica... more
DE LA CRISIS A LA RESTAURACIÓN DEL ORDEN: EMPERADORES ILIRIOS, LA TETRARQUÍA Y CONSTANTINO (268-324). Conferencia dentro del congreso "Edicto de Milán: 1700 años de libertad religiosa para los cristianos (313-2013). Universidad Católica San Antonio (Murcia).
O presente estudo se propõe a comparar os panegíricos dedicados à Maximiano (289 e 291) e Constâncio Cloro (297), bem como o contexto em que estas últimas são produzidas. Procura apontar ainda, as bases do reconhecimento e legitimidade... more
O presente estudo se propõe a comparar os panegíricos dedicados à Maximiano (289 e 291) e Constâncio Cloro (297), bem como o contexto em que estas últimas são produzidas. Procura apontar ainda, as bases do reconhecimento e legitimidade imperial, uma vez que a crise do século III, também conhecida como Anarquia Militar só termina, grosso modo, com a ascensão de Diocleciano ao poder em 284 e a implantação do sistema político-administrativo da tetrarquia. Destaca também, a influência da província da Britânia no âmbito imperial, bem como a repercussão das usurpações ocorridas em seu território, com destaque àquela perpetrada por Caurasio, autoproclamado Imperator da Britania e do norte da Gália. Tolerado, porém não reconhecido pelo Imperadores legítimos Diocleciano - Augusto Senior vinculado ao deus Júpiter e governante da parte oriental do império - e Maximiano - Augusto responsável pela porção ocidental do império e cuja imagem se vincula a Hercules, semideus hierarquicamente inferior a Júpiter. Portanto, os objetivos desta pesquisa são, através da análise dos panegíricos, esboçar o contexto político, econômico e militar da Britânia Romana após os eventos conhecidos pela historiografia como ANARQUIA MILITAR pela ótica da Antiguidade Tardia; verificar e problematizar a questão da legitimidade Imperial através da comparação entre os imperadores “legítimos” e os usurpadores.
ÖZ AUGUSTUS (MÖ 27 – MS 14) VE DIOCLETIANUS (MS 284 – 305) DÖNEMLERI IDARI, EKONOMIK VE SOSYAL REFORMLARININ INCELENMESI VE IKI DÖNEMIN KARSILASTIRMASI R. HAKAN ARSLANBABA Roma Imparatorluğu'nun Cumhuriyet, Principatus ya da... more
ÖZ
AUGUSTUS (MÖ 27 – MS 14) VE DIOCLETIANUS (MS 284 – 305)
DÖNEMLERI IDARI, EKONOMIK VE SOSYAL REFORMLARININ
INCELENMESI VE IKI DÖNEMIN KARSILASTIRMASI
R. HAKAN ARSLANBABA
Roma Imparatorluğu'nun Cumhuriyet, Principatus ya da Dominatus olarak ayrılan
tarihsel asamaları birbirinden tümüyle ayrı yeni çağlar olarak değerlendirilemez. Augustus ve
Diocletianus dönemlerinde gerçeklestirilen reformlar, yasanan kriz yüzyıllarının yönetim
sorunları ile güçlü bir bağ ve sürekliliğe sahiptir. Bu bağlamda Roma Imparatorluğu'nun bu
önemli esik noktalarını bir arada ele alarak bütünlüklü bir dönüsüm seyri olusturulması
amaçlanmıstır. Bu çalısmada Geç Cumhuriyet döneminden (MÖ 2. yüzyıl), Tetrarsi
yönetimlerinin sonuna kadar olan dönemde (MS 284 – 324) Roma Imparatorluğu'nun
geçirdiği dönüsümler, idari, ekonomik ve toplumsal baslıklar altında ele alınmıstır.
Imparatorluğun Principatus ve Dominatus dönemlerine geçis asamasında edinilen
tecrübelerin her iki imparatorun reformlarına olan katkıları da değerlendirilmistir. Augustus
ve sonrasında Diocletianus önderliğindeki Tetrarsi yönetimi tarafından gerçeklestirilen
reformlar karsılastırmalı bir sekilde incelenmistir.
R. Hakan ARSLANBABA
Anahtar Kelimeler: Augustus, Diocletianus, Principatus, Dominatus, Kriz, Dönüsüm,
Reform
iv
ABSTRACT
RESEARCH ON ADMINISTRATIVE, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
REFORMS OF AUGUSTUS (BC 27 – AD 14) AND DIOCLETIANUS (AD
284 – 305): COMPARISION OF THE REIGNS
R. HAKAN ARSLANBABA
Historical periodization of the eras of the Roman Empire like Republican, Principatus
or Dominatus can not be consider as a completely different and new eras. The motives of
reforms which are performed in the age of Augustus and Diocletianus have rooted
connections and continuity with their past tumultuous centuries. In this context it has been
aimed to create a complete transformation course by taking these critical threshold points of
Roman Empire together. The transitions of the Roman empire from late republic (2nd Century
BC) to end of the tetrarchic governances (284 – 324 CE) were studied under the
administrative, economic and social heading. Impact of acquired experiences on emperors'
reforms during transition process to the Principatus and Dominatus have been examined. The
reforms of Augustus and Diocletianus have been studied comperatively.
R. Hakan ARSLANBABA
Key Words: Augustus, Diocletianus, Principatus, Dominatus, Crisis, Conversion, Reforms
PhD dissertation on the buildings and representation of emperor Maxentius (306-312 A.D.) in the city of Rome. The book analyzes all available evidence, especially coins and architecture, and arrives at new conclusions regarding the image... more
PhD dissertation on the buildings and representation of emperor Maxentius (306-312 A.D.) in the city of Rome. The book analyzes all available evidence, especially coins and architecture, and arrives at new conclusions regarding the image of this ruler in the late Roman context.
The Chiostro di Sant’Apollonia to the east of San Marco in Venice houses a hitherto unpublished fragment of a porphyry column. The fragment can be identified as a part of the columns that once carried the porphyry Tetrarchs, which are... more
The Chiostro di Sant’Apollonia to the east of San Marco in Venice houses a hitherto unpublished fragment of a porphyry column. The fragment can be identified as a part of the
columns that once carried the porphyry Tetrarchs, which are today built into the treasury of San Marco. The Pietra del bando on the square in front of San Marco may also have belonged to the same monument. A heal that is missing from the Tetrarchs in Venice was found near the Philadelphion at Istanbul, and the name of the Philadelphion derives from the Tetrarchs being linked in a brotherly embrace; the heal proves where the columns came from and that they had already been fragmented before they left Constantinople. The Venetians may have taken the monument to pieces themselves in order to facilitate transportation, after they had conquered
the Byzantine capital during the Fourth Crusade. Alternatively the fragmentation may already have effected in the Early Byzantine period, when the columns, that must originally have been standing in one of the residential cities of the Tetrarchy, were brought to Constantinople for the decoration of the new capital. At that time the columns may have been taken to pieces in order to re-cut one shaft in the form of an obelisk that was also erected on the Philadelphion.
The article proposes revised readings for Greek and Latin inscriptions from Cabyle. Two Hellenistic fragments are shown to belong to the same honorary decree. Two alleged mentions of Celts in Hellenistic fragments are proved to be... more
The article proposes revised readings for Greek and Latin inscriptions from Cabyle. Two Hellenistic fragments are shown to belong to the same honorary decree. Two alleged mentions of Celts in Hellenistic fragments are proved to be misreading. In two inscriptions of AD 135-136, the nomen of the provincial governor ---rius Fronto is reconstructed as Cavarius. The restored consular date in one inscription provides a date for the governor of Thrace Q. Egnatius Proculus. A Greek inscription, which was incorrectly dated to the first half of the third century, actually belongs to the period of the First Tetrarchy and documents the building of the fortifications of Cabyle under the governor Domitius Domninus in AD 297. Another inscription, dated to AD 309-310, is about the construction of a gynaeceum (state textile workshop). The two tetrarchic inscriptions also reveal the new status of Cabyle in that period – previously a military camp (castra), it was raised to a city, with the title “the splendid city of Cabyle” (ἡ λαμπρὰ Καβυληνῶν πόλις). The main magistrate of the new city was the λογιστής
(= curator civitatis), and the first members of the city’s curia were called δεκάπρωτοι
(as a translation of the Latin decemprimi).
The Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes do not survive and so have to be imagined from their remains recycled into other late antique legal works, in particular the Justinian Code. Additional illumination may also be provided if the recent... more
The Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes do not survive and so have to be imagined from their remains recycled into other late antique legal works, in particular the Justinian Code. Additional illumination may also be provided if the recent identification of some fragments (Fragmenta Londiniensia Anteiustiniana) as coming from the Gregorian Code is correct. From the various sources, it is clear that the Hermogenian Code consisted almost solely of private rescripts issued by Diocletian and his colleagues in the two years 293 and 294, while the Gregorian Code, consisting mainly but not only of private rescripts, covered the period from Hadrian up to some point in the 290s. Both were arranged thematically under titles (the Gregorianus also in Books), further developing principles of organization from earlier juristic collections, that had brought together both praetorian and non-praetorian legal topics. The two codes were also probably the first legal works to appear in the new “codex” rather than roll format. While the Hermogenian Code was produced by a jurist prominent at Diocletian’s court from texts he himself wrote in the emperors’ names, it is not certain that this was so for the Gregorianus, of whose compiler we know nothing. Nor are the publication dates and relative sequence of the two codes clear, although both must have appeared by c.300. There is no evidence that either existed in more than one formal edition. Whether or not sponsored by Diocletian, the codes mark two important features of Diocletian’s reign. First, they disseminated more widely than ever before a huge range of imperial legal rulings in a coherent and ordered way, serving the needs of not only the state (officials and governors) and professionals (advocates, law-teachers), but also of a citizen population, nominally Roman, but still unfamiliar with Roman legal norms, and eager for any legal advantage. Secondly, the codes mark the supersession of earlier authoritative forms of law-making or exposition (lex, senatus consultum, juristic writing) and demonstrate the emperor’s dominance in the creation and interpretation of normative legal texts.
Σε αυτήν την μονογραφία ο Δ. Χριστοδούλου παρακολουθεί την εμφάνιση και εξαφάνιση των μορφών των διαφόρων αρχαίων θεών στην νομισματοκοπία της Τετραρχίας (284-324) και του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου (306-337). Η έρευνα εστιάζει στους... more
Σε αυτήν την μονογραφία ο Δ. Χριστοδούλου παρακολουθεί την εμφάνιση και εξαφάνιση των μορφών των διαφόρων αρχαίων θεών στην νομισματοκοπία της Τετραρχίας (284-324) και του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου (306-337). Η έρευνα εστιάζει στους προσωπικούς θεούς των Τετραρχών και του Κωνσταντίνου, δηλαδή τον Δία, τον Ηρακλή, τον Άρη και ιδίως τον Ήλιο. Οι υποδεέστεροι θεοί και οι αφηρημένες προσωποποιήσεις λαμβάνονται και αυτές υπ’ όψη. Ο συγγραφέας υποστηρίζει ότι οι μορφές των αρχαίων θεών στην νομισματοκοπία του Κωνσταντίνου προβάλλουν την ηγεμονική εικόνα που ο ίδιος επιθυμούσε να παρουσιασθεί σε κάθε διαδοχική περίοδο της βασιλείας του, ακολουθώντας επιτυχώς τις επιταγές της αυτοκρατορικής προπαγάνδας: Κατά το πρώτο έτος της βασιλείας του, ο Κωνσταντίνος ακολούθησε απαρέγκλιτα τον τετραρχικό εικονογραφικό τύπο του (Αγαθο-)δαίμονος του Ρωμαϊκού Λαού (Genius Populi Romani). Όταν, μετά τον σφετερισμό του Μαξεντίου, άλλαξε η ισορροπία δυνάμεων στην Δύση, τα νομίσματα άρχισαν να προβάλλουν την νομιμοποίησή του διά της δυναστείας των «Ηρκουλίων» στην οποίαν ανήκε, με την εμφάνιση του προστάτη του θεού Άρεως. Τέλος, μετά την εκτέλεση του Μαξιμιανού Ηρκουλίου (310), το κύριο θέμα των νομισματικών τύπων έγινε ο θεός Ήλιος, καθώς μέσω αυτού συνδεόταν με τον Κλαύδιο Γοτθικό και η νομιμοποίησή του λάμβανε εξ αίματος δυναστικό χαρακτήρα. Πάντως, ακόμη και τότε η νομισματοκοπία του δεν έπαυσε να αναφέρεται περιοδικά και στους παλαιότερους τετραρχικούς προστάτες του θεούς. Αυτές οι εκφάνσεις τις αυτοκρατορικής προπαγάνδας φαίνεται πως δεν συνδέονται με τις προσωπικές θρησκευτικές πεποιθήσεις του ιδίου του Κωνσταντίνου, εάν υποθέσουμε ότι ο ίδιος είχε ειλικρινώς μεταστραφεί στον Χριστιανισμό το 312. Αυτό γίνεται φανερό εάν συγκρίνουμε την νομισματοκοπία του με αυτήν άλλων Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων, όπως ο Ηλιογάβαλος, ο Αυρηλιανός και πιθανώς ο συναυτοκράτωρ του Λικίνιος. Όλοι αυτοί είχαν προωθήσει νομισματικώς τις θρησκευτικές τους απόψεις και προβάλει τον ευνοούμενο θεό τους με τρόπο που δεν επιδέχεται αμφισβήτηση. Ο συγγραφέας υποστηρίζει ότι ο Κωνσταντίνος δεν έπραξε το ίδιο και από την εικονογραφία των νομισμάτων του απουσιάζει εντελώς ο ένθερμος ζήλος του νεοπροσηλυτισθέντος που του αποδίδουν οι χριστιανικές πηγές. Η εξαφάνιση των αρχαίων θεών συμβαίνει σταδιακά και ολοκληρώνεται μόνο μετά την κατάκτηση της Ανατολής. Το γεγονός αυτό συμφωνεί χρονολογικά με την μαρτυρία των ειδωλολατρών ιστορικών που τοποθετούν την οριστική ρήξη του Κωνσταντίνου με την αρχαία θρησκεία μόνο μετά την εκτέλεση του Κρίσπου (θέρος του 326). Η συνύπαρξη αντιφατικών μηνυμάτων που προέρχονται από μία πηγή, εν προκειμένω τον αυτοκράτορα, αλλά απευθύνονται σε διαφορετικές κοινωνικές ή άλλες ομάδες που συχνά έχουν αλληλοσυγκρουόμενα συμφέροντα, δεν θεωρείται τυχαία, αλλά αποτελεί την πεμπτουσία της βασιλείας του Κωνσταντίνου: Η αμφίσημη εικόνα του αυτοκράτορα που προβάλλουν τα νομίσματα (μέσα στο πλαίσιο της ευρύτερης αυτοκρατορικής προπαγάνδας) επέτρεψε στον Κωνσταντίνο να παρουσιάζεται ως μονάρχης αποδεκτός σε όλους (ειδωλολάτρες και Χριστιανούς) και να πληροί τις προσδοκίες της πλειονότητας των υπηκόων του, τουλάχιστον έως την ήττα του τελευταίου ανταπαιτητή του στον θρόνο.
Rezension zu Gerda von Bülow und Sofija Petković (Hg.), Gamzigrad-Studien 1, Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 75 (Wiesbaden 2020)
The paper deals with the city of Rome as an imperial residence under emperor Maxentius (306-312 AD). While Maxentius is often seen as a "traditional" emperor, and his representation as an antithesis to the representation of the tetrarchic... more
The paper deals with the city of Rome as an imperial residence under emperor Maxentius (306-312 AD). While Maxentius is often seen as a "traditional" emperor, and his representation as an antithesis to the representation of the tetrarchic emperors, the article argues that the buildings in and around Rome (basilica of Maxentius, Temple of Venus and Roma, Palatine palaces, suburbian villa complex) are a prime example of contemporary imperial representation.
This article reflects on some of the problems inherent in the study of imperial (self)presentation. It argues that Roman emperors had to bridge the gap between the reality of emperorship and its perception by different layers of society.... more
This article reflects on some of the problems inherent in the study of imperial (self)presentation. It argues that Roman emperors had to bridge the gap between the reality of emperorship and its perception by different layers of society. Augustus solved the problem by putting forward a multi-faceted imperial persona, to whom different audiences could relate differently. This plurality characterised ‘normal’ images of power in the first two centuries of the Roman Empire. Exception to the rule was imagery of those rulers who expressly aimed to legitimate themselves through clear but controversial visual programmes. This resulted in inflexible imagery, and antagonistic reactions. The problems which the Roman Empire faced in the third century widened the ‘gap’ between imperial image and daily reality, and changed the dynamics through which Roman ideology was formulated.
Summary – The mint in Treveri opened in 293 AD, shortly after the creation of the Tetrarchy. A corpus of 504 aureliani has been gathered from institutional coin cabinets, private collections, sale catalogues, web, etc. – an increase of 70... more
Summary – The mint in Treveri opened in 293 AD, shortly after the creation of the Tetrarchy. A corpus of 504 aureliani has been gathered from institutional coin cabinets, private collections, sale catalogues, web, etc. – an increase of 70 % compared to H. Cahn’s 1955 and 1965 studies.
The majority of these coins were photographed. This illustrated corpus allows us to understand the role of Lyons in the creation of the branch mint of Treveri, but also the role of Rome; to propose a new order and date for the issues of aureliani; to study their iconographic message, largely due to Constantius Chlorus himself and relayed by the Panegyrics; to shed some light on the functioning of an ancient mint through the die links in these emissions of modest size. In parallel the
re-examination of the gold coinage, again through characteroscopic study, allows us to propose a date for the issues on a period from the opening of the Treveri mint to the reconquest of Britannia.
This paper deals with the Rome of the 4th century A.D., beginning with a coin bearing the image of Maxentius that depicts the emperor interacting with a personification of the Goddess Roma in her temple. It examines imperial strategies... more
This paper deals with the Rome of the 4th century A.D., beginning with a coin bearing the image of Maxentius that depicts the emperor interacting with a personification of the Goddess Roma in her temple. It examines imperial strategies for self-depiction as a divine personage. Even if the depiction of the globe being passed from Roma to the emperor does not represent an actual event, it nevertheless refers to ceremonial acts situated in a specific architectonic context. The temple was restored by Maxentius and served, together with an imperial entrance hall (the Basilica of Maxentius) erected across from it, as a stage for an elaborate municipal and imperial ceremony. The coin image addresses these events, but, true to the nature of the medium, it exercises its ideological expressiveness without actually being present at the site of the ceremony. Construed in this way, the spatial references thus recall the modern phenomenon of cyberspace.
Attribution to the mint of Carthage of a bronze medaillon in the name of Maximian.
One of the most spectacular literary sources for the reign of Constantine the Great has been largely been neglected by modern historical research: During the years 317-326 AD, the Roman senator Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius composed a... more
One of the most spectacular literary sources for the reign of Constantine the Great has been largely been neglected by modern historical research: During the years 317-326 AD, the Roman senator Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius composed a series of panegyrical pattern poems which were presented as a gift to the emperor Constantine the Great on the occasion of his vicennalia. This collection is the only contemporary textual evidence that allows us closer insight into the development of imperial court culture in these years. The aim of this paper is to carve out what the carmina can tell us about the formation of the Constantinian dynasty as one of the most profound development processes of the aetas Constantini. This requires a detailed analysis of the literary and performative dimensions of Optatian’s carmina figurata.
In the imperial succession of 305, the persecuting emperors Diocletian and Maximian abdicated, and the sons of the reigning emperors were prevented from succeeding to imperial power. The Christian author Lactantius describes this event in... more
In the imperial succession of 305, the persecuting emperors Diocletian and Maximian abdicated, and the sons of the reigning emperors were prevented from succeeding to imperial power. The Christian author Lactantius describes this event in chapters 17 to 19 of De Mortibus Persecutorum (henceforth DMP), a work that ostensibly narrates the decline in power and deaths of persecutors to demonstrate God’s uirtus and maiestas. However, DMP is remarkable for the fact that it combines sustained invective against its subjects, the persecutors, with a detailed history of events from 303 to 313. This article considers DMP as a work of invective history and focusses on the account of the succession to demonstrate how Lactantius’s vituperative characterizations, historical narrative and thesis of divine judgement complement one another. It argues that the succession creates a sophisticated and subversive juncture for his characterizations. Lactantius’s Galerius is a power-hungry barbarian, his Maximinus a perfidious barbarian, and, subverting a topos, his Diocletian is an impotent coward. Over the course of chapters 17 through 19, their combined personalities create the circumstances that will govern their collective loss of power, their deaths and the damnatio memoriae of their regime.
Cet article a été publié dans les Actes du colloque international Constantin et la Gaule, qui s’est tenu à Grand et à Domrémy, les 6 et 7 octobre 2010 à l’occasion du 1700e anniversaire de la « vision païenne » de Constantin. Il... more
Cet article a été publié dans les Actes du colloque international Constantin et la Gaule, qui s’est tenu à Grand et à Domrémy, les 6 et 7 octobre 2010 à l’occasion du 1700e anniversaire de la « vision païenne » de Constantin. Il s’intéresse à la religion et à la politique religieuse de Constance Chlore : l’objectif est de l’examiner en faisant abstraction de Constantin, pour ensuite mieux comprendre le parcours religieux de ce dernier. Après avoir examiné l’hypothèse faisant de Constance un chrétien, l’étude met à l’épreuve la théorie qui voit en lui un monothéiste ou un hénothéiste dévot du Soleil, et montre comment cette idée a pu s’imposer dans l’historiographie. Enfin, elle s’intéresse à sa politique religieuse à l’égard des chrétiens, et à son attitude, supposément modérée, durant la persécution. Cette étude invite ainsi à revoir la trajectoire religieuse de la famille constantinienne.