Warsaw Pact Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Drawing on the documents kept in the Polish archives, the author of the article explores the issue of the storage of nuclear weapons within Poland’s territory during the Cold War. The weapons were under strict supervision of the Soviet... more

Drawing on the documents kept in the Polish archives, the author of the article explores the issue of the storage of nuclear weapons within Poland’s territory during the Cold War. The weapons were under strict supervision of the Soviet Army, yet in case of war they were to have been made available to Polish Army units. The weapon storage programme in Poland was code-named Vistula and was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the Polish People’s Republic. The article contains an analysis of the agreement (and other related documents) concluded
between the Polish People’s Republic and the Soviet Union on 25 February 1967 on the storage of nuclear weapons in Poland. According to the agreement, the objective was to ‘increase combat readiness’ of the Soviet and Polish troops. Under the agreement, three nuclear weapon storage sites were built in Western Pomerania (Templewo, Podborsko and Brzeźnica-Kolonia) by the end of 1969. From the early 1960s the Polish People’s Army would expand its units capable of using such weapons. Their use was an important element of strategic planning, but in the initial period of the agreement Polish generals did not know the details of a possible transfer of nuclear warheads. It was not until the second half of the 1980s that relevant documents were drawn up to specify the ways and circumstances of a possible use of nuclear weapons by units of the so-called Polish Front (Sea Front).
The nuclear weapons were removed from Poland probably in 1990.

The present study explores the transformation of Czechoslovak Army’s foreign relations between 1989 and 1992, focussing on the activities carried out during this period by the Foreign Affairs Administration of the General Staff of... more

The present study explores the transformation of Czechoslovak Army’s foreign relations between 1989 and 1992, focussing
on the activities carried out during this period by the Foreign
Affairs Administration of the General Staff of Czechoslovak
People’s Army/Czechoslovak Army. It examines how this elite
organisational component of the army reacted to the political changes in Central and Eastern Europe. It investigates the
changes in the Administration’s agenda related to the country’s new foreign policy orientation following the Velvet Revolution. The Administration participated in establishing contacts with the former enemy armies in the West. Deployment
of troops in foreign operations, such as the Gulf War or the
Balkans conflict, also became an important agenda. The paper pays strong attention to the disarmament agenda, which
was an important part of the Administration’s activities. The
Administration’s involvement in the disarmament negotiations is also a good example of certain continuity in its activities, since both the personnel involved, and the subject matter
of the negotiations remained the same as they had been prior
to the Revolution. In principle, the Administration managed
to adapt well to the transitional period, which had preceded
the newly independent Czech Republic’s path towards NATO
membership.

A country like Romania is not a natural candidate for a strong navy. The Black Sea is a Soviet lake. So the decision to build a major combatant is an enigmatic one. We chart the history of the Romanian navy and its recent developments in... more

A country like Romania is not a natural candidate for a strong navy. The Black Sea is a Soviet lake. So the decision to build a major combatant is an enigmatic one. We chart the history of the Romanian navy and its recent developments in building a new navy after its open break with the USSR. Potential rationales are considered and costs assessed. We conclude that there is no valid role for the Romanian navy beyond a tool for diplomacy, and even in this, it represents poor value for money.

The article touches the issue of economic interactions between the “Eastern Bloc” and the “Third World” countries in 1960s — 1970s. It is based on analysis of new evidences from the funds of COMECON, State Committee of Economic Ties of... more

The article touches the issue of economic interactions between the “Eastern Bloc” and the “Third World” countries in 1960s — 1970s. It is based on analysis of new evidences from the funds of COMECON, State Committee of Economic Ties of the USSR (GKES) and the State Economic Council of the USSR, stored in the Russian State Economic Archive in Moscow. The author separates 2 periods in the history of global rivalry in the “Third World”: from the end of 1950s to
mid-1960s and from the second half of 1960s to the end of 1970s. The competition is analysed from the two perspectives: the global vertical institutions (the Permanent Commission on Coordination of
Technical Assistance in COMECON and etc.) and the horizontal layer: initiatives and activities of COMECON member countries and the practice of their external trade organizations in the “Global South”. The author comes to the conclusion that in 1970s one marks the rise in pragmatic reasoning and coordination of “technical assistance” to the less developed countries despite of the ongoing hidden ideological scramble between the two systems. As a working hypothesis which demands additional verification on the basis of a wider range of archives he advances a thesis that unlike the American programs of “aids” the socialist projects were less egocentric and obviously less
coordinated. Unlike American technical and financial services, which overpassed the socialist ones both in size and rigidity of binding them with payment in US dollars and placement of orders in the USA, the socialist “assistance” often took the shape of exchange of commodities, payment by raw materials, using not hard currency and generally meant more investing into development of local infrastructure and personnel. It was aimed at growing up new industrial culture on the spot, export
of industrialization together with the planning economy, rather than putting the “Global South” in subordinate position. The philosophy of aid politics was different. For COMECON member states in 1970s the issue of long-term stable economic relations with the “Global South” was seen as a factor of survival and higher speed of development for their economic programs. It was not only an opportunity to get deficit raw materials but generally to diversify export flows and balance the
passive trading balance with the West by the trade boom with the South. Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Hungary, GDR even more than the USSR pushed for their own interests the move towards the South. They were the drivers of further development of the “world system of socialism” and implementation of new hybrid forms of widening the COMECON sphere of influence in the “Global South”.

A kötet a második világháború végétől az 1990 tavaszi szabad választásokig dolgozza fel a magyar honvédelmi igazgatás történetét. Az egykor szigorúan titkos források alapján három fő témakört mutat be részletesen: 1. a honvédelem... more

A kötet a második világháború végétől az 1990 tavaszi szabad választásokig dolgozza fel a magyar honvédelmi igazgatás történetét. Az egykor szigorúan titkos források alapján három fő témakört mutat be részletesen: 1. a honvédelem irányításának legfelsőbb szintjét; 2. a fegyveres erők mozgósításához, kiegészítéséhez, a közigazgatás és a gazdaság háborús időszakban való működtetéséhez kapcsolódó igazgatási feladatokat; 3. a gazdaság felkészítését, az ipari kapacitások, a közlekedés és a hírközlés háborús körülmények közötti fenntartását célzó szabályozások és tevékenységeket. A kötetet terjedelmes CD dokumentummelléklet egészíti ki, amely egy válogatást ad közre a korszak honvédelmi irányításának béke- és háborús időszaki ügyrendjeiből, a mozgósítási alapelvekből, a háborús felkészülést bemutató beszámolókból.

The Cold War was a time of intense war-preparations by the two opposing blocs, NATO and the WTO, including for a potential nuclear war. The building of massive underground bunkers was an essential part of these developments, with Object... more

The Cold War was a time of intense war-preparations by the two opposing blocs, NATO and the WTO, including for a potential nuclear war. The building of massive underground bunkers was an essential part of these developments, with Object No. 1180 being a relevant example of Soviet bunker building during the last decade of the Cold War. Originally built to house the command point of the Soviet Army’s High Command of the Southwestern Direction, this bunker system was abandoned soon after the fall of the Soviet Union. A chaotic process of attempted dismantlement followed. At the same time, there is an increasing interest in this site from urban explorers and people interested in dark tourism. The aim of this thesis is to discuss the current situation of the site, compare it with other bunkers that were already transformed into tourist destinations, and propose suggestions for converting Object No. 1180 into a tourism attraction for a wider audience. A side objective of this work is to spark academic interest in the currently under-researched Soviet-era heritage in terms of bunker building and militarized landscapes. After discussing Object No. 1180’s current situation and cultural significance, and also undertaking the necessary comparisons with other sites, several suggestions on its conversion into a heritage site are given. They focus mostly around the concept of non-invasive tourism development, in order to preserve the authenticity and cultural significance of the Object No. 1180 bunker system. The creation and implementation of a tourism development project for Object No. 1180 would make it accessible for a diverse audience of tourists, while also contributing to awareness-raising regarding the Soviet-era bunker heritage.

Edited by Christopher Rundle, Anne Lange and Daniele Monticelli. This book examines the history of translation under European communism, bringing together studies on the Soviet Union, including Russia and Ukraine, Yugoslavia, Hungary,... more

Edited by Christopher Rundle, Anne Lange and Daniele Monticelli. This book examines the history of translation under European communism, bringing together studies on the Soviet Union, including Russia and Ukraine, Yugoslavia, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Poland. In any totalitarian regime maintaining control over cultural exchange is strategically important, so studying these regimes from the perspective of translation can provide a unique insight into their history and into the nature of their power. This book is intended as a sister volume to Translation Under Fascism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) and adopts a similar approach of using translation as a lens through which to examine history. With a strong interdisciplinary focus, it will appeal to students and scholars of translation studies, translation history, censorship, translation and ideology, and public policy, as well as cultural and literary historians of Eastern Europe, Soviet communism, and the Cold War period.

Publicarea la Editura Militară, în traducere românească, a monografiei colonelului Christophe Midan dedicată armatei române socialiste se dovedește de la o primă lectură a nu fi un demers prea productiv și oportun din punct de vedere... more

Publicarea la Editura Militară, în traducere românească, a monografiei colonelului Christophe Midan dedicată armatei române socialiste se dovedește de la o primă lectură a nu fi un demers prea productiv și oportun din punct de vedere istoriografic, elementele de noutate pe care le aduce fiind deosebit de modeste, iar multe dintre datele vehiculate fiind fundamental greșite.

Die ungarische Revolution von 1956
Der Verrat von Ungarn durch NATO/USA und Radio Free Europe

În timpul studierii unui raport semnat de generalul Leontin Sălăjan, privind reorganizarea armatei române în anul 1961 şi desfiinţarea ultimei mari unităţi româneşti de vânători de munte (Brigada 2 V.M.), am sesizat o inconsecvenţă a... more

În timpul studierii unui raport semnat de generalul Leontin Sălăjan, privind reorganizarea armatei române în anul 1961 şi desfiinţarea ultimei mari unităţi româneşti de vânători de munte (Brigada 2 V.M.), am sesizat o inconsecvenţă a mareşalului sovietic Andrei Greciko – surprinzătoare pentru nivelul său de pregătire şi funcţia sa la Comandamentul Forţelor Armate Unite (C.F.A.U.). Pe de-o parte, în cursul unei vizite în România (17-19 februarie 1961), acesta a recomandat transformarea imediată, într-o mare unitate mecanizată, a Brigăzii 2 Vânători de Munte (care, în caz de război, se mobiliza şi devenea unica divizie românească de vânători de munte). Comandantul suprem al Forţelor Armate Unite a susţinut cu acel prilej ideea creşterii mobilităţii şi puterii de foc a armatei române – prin renunţarea la sistemul de organizare pe divizii de infanterie moto, infanterie hipo, vânători de munte şi brigăzi de tancuri, în favoarea celui cu 12 divizii mecanizate, relativ omogene.
Trei ani mai târziu, acelaşi mareşal sovietic s-a declarat de acord cu reînfiinţarea în România a Brigăzii 2 Vânători de Munte şi chiar şi-a permis să recomande studierea acelei probleme de către reprezentanţii celorlalte state membre ale Organizaţiei Tratatului de la Varşovia.

Livrările de avioane de vânătoare MiG-23 MF în statele membre ale Organizaţiei Tratatului de la Varşovia (cu excepţia U.R.S.S.) au început în anul 1978, mai întâi în Bulgaria (în total, 40 de aparate pentru un regiment), apoi în Republica... more

Livrările de avioane de vânătoare MiG-23 MF în statele membre ale Organizaţiei Tratatului de la Varşovia (cu excepţia U.R.S.S.) au început în anul 1978, mai întâi în Bulgaria (în total, 40 de aparate pentru un regiment), apoi în Republica Democrată Germană (45 exemplare la Peenemünde, fiecare având un preţ de vânzare de 3,6 milioane de dolari) şi Cehoslovacia (15 avioane aflate pe aeroporturile de la Bechyně, Plzeň şi Žatec, pentru fiecare exemplar fiind achitată suma de 6,6 milioane de dolari). În anul următor, au fost trimise primele MiG-uri 23 MF în Polonia şi România, iar autorităţile de la Budapesta au dezvăluit existenţa acelui model, în înzestrarea propriei armate, în timpul paradei militare de la 4 aprilie 1980 – desfăşurată cu prilejul sărbătoririi zilei naţionale a R.P. Ungare.

Socialist Yugoslavia (1945-1991) was in a specific position between the two geopolitical military and political blocks: NATO and Warsaw Pact. It was forced to float and sometimes to choose sides, seeking its international position and... more

Socialist Yugoslavia (1945-1991) was in a specific position between the two geopolitical military and political blocks: NATO and Warsaw Pact. It was forced to float and sometimes to choose sides, seeking its international position and role. Such a situation influenced its cultural production, especially film. This article is based on the assumption that the analysis of the ideological and political content in the Yugoslav war feature film could lead to certain conclusions about the foreign policy of this country. Twenty four feature films were analyzed. Presentation of the current, politically and ideologically important themes in cinematography, primarily the interpretation of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, allows the film to be used as a historical source for political and social issues. Reliability of the information collected in this way is very high, because the film was carefully controlled by the party-state, while themes and financial resources often came from the sphere of politics. If a film which opposes the Yugoslav policy of Yugoslavia would appear, it would have been removed from the public, and the authors would have been sanctioned. Such events gave valuable data for historical analysis. An important indicator of the international political relations were film co-productions, so special attention was paid to their perception in political circles. Finally, the political scandals that have sometimes occurred around some films provided another very important group of data. The position of Yugoslavia between two military and political blocks led to the emergence of two parallel and different interpretations of World War II in Yugoslavia both in Yugoslav and in foreign war feature film. One interpretation affirms the multinational Yugoslav statehood and its ties with the West, even at the cost of preserving Communist power in it. The other one highlights Serbian-Russian historical ties and traditional values, systematically undermining the official Yugoslav interpretations of recent history and gradually releasing ideological illusion.

The paper aims to map out the numerous projects in Czechoslova-kia realized by Yugoslav construction companies from the 1960s to the 1980s and offers the preliminary insights into their modes of operation. Due to insufficient archival... more

The paper aims to map out the numerous projects in Czechoslova-kia realized by Yugoslav construction companies from the 1960s to the 1980s and offers the preliminary insights into their modes of operation. Due to insufficient archival records, the paper offers a preliminary insight into the matter. However, with the extensive coverage of these projects in the Czechoslovak professional periodicals, it was possible to trace down fifty projects, done by companies from Serbia, Croatia and Macedonia. Interviews with the surviving protagonists and contemporaries of these collaborations provided detailed introspect into the mechanisms of the processes, with local architects typically responsible for the overall design, while Yugoslav companies provided the design development, technological know-how, construction services, and materials. These insights contribute to a growing body of knowledge about the exports of architecture from Europe's socialist half during the Cold War and broadens the narrative of international architectural circulation, while unpacking the usual presumptions on "developed" and "und(er)developed". The paper points to other routes of exchange, based on the cooperation within the socialist world, but nevertheless across a geopolitical division, the one that separated the non-aligned Yugoslavia and the Warsaw Pact-member Czechoslovakia.

Throughout history, human race has witnessed uncountable wars and disputes. Nations have vanished, others have emerged, borders have disappeared, others have been drawn. After a contemporary series of events nothing has changed.... more

Throughout history, human race has witnessed uncountable wars and disputes. Nations have vanished, others have emerged, borders have disappeared, others have been drawn. After a contemporary series of events nothing has changed. Irredentists claiming lost empires and lands are on the rise, initiating holy wars, aiming to challenge both history and geography. On a global level, we can’t but agree with the concept of realism, where states continue to act on an individual basis, linking security with military capabilities and balance of power while differentiating between offensive and defensive realism. No matter how hard liberalism tried to modify this view and regulate states’ activities through international organizations, global dependency and international law, this notion will remain a dream impossible to achieve. By saying impossible, we’re not being pessimistic but realistic, and the 21st century is the latest proof of the ongoing non-regulated anarchy. Regardless of previous wars that occurred recently in that sense, this paper will study the latest unlawful Russian invasion of Ukraine and its consequences on the world stage, while briefing a historical context of the conflicting parties. Moreover, it will highlight the role of the United Nations and other international organizations in this event and in any other conflict where a major power or a permanent Security Council member is/was part of.

Amplasarea de rachete cu rază medie de acţiune în Republica Federală Germania, Belgia şi Olanda, pe poziţii care puteau fi pierdute de NATO în primele zile ale unui atac al sovieticilor şi aliaţilor din Organizaţia Tratatului de la... more

Amplasarea de rachete cu rază medie de acţiune în Republica Federală Germania, Belgia şi Olanda, pe poziţii care puteau fi pierdute de NATO în primele zile ale unui atac al sovieticilor şi aliaţilor din Organizaţia Tratatului de la Varşovia împotriva Europei Occidentale, a creat probleme strategilor militari de la Moscova. Practic, rachetele „Pershing II” şi „Gryphon” din acele ţări trebuiau lansate de americani înainte de posibila capturare a lor de către forţele sovietice, est-germane sau cehoslovace (aflate în primul eşalon operativ al OTV pe Teatrul de Acţiuni Militare de Vest), iar o singură lansare a unei rachete nucleare cu rază medie de acţiune ar fi putut transforma războiul convenţional declanşat de sovietici într-unul nuclear.

La prima vedere, între producţia de frigidere, realizate sub licenţă franceză la uzinele din Găeşti şi Sadu, şi cea de armament şi muniţii din România nu există nici o legătură. Cu toate acestea, în articolul nostru ne-am propus să... more

La prima vedere, între producţia de frigidere, realizate sub licenţă franceză la uzinele din Găeşti şi Sadu, şi cea de armament şi muniţii din România nu există nici o legătură. Cu toate acestea, în articolul nostru ne-am propus să prezentăm o situaţie inedită, în condiţiile în care nu am găsit până în prezent nici un studiu ştiinţific şi nici o bibliografie coerentă despre acest subiect, care să ajute publicul larg pentru aprofundarea cercetării în domeniul respectiv.

During the 1970s, military planners east and west of the "Iron Curtain" continued to prepare for a potential "hot" conflict between the two opposing military alliances, the Warsaw Treaty Organization and the North Atlantic Treaty... more

During the 1970s, military planners east and west of the "Iron Curtain" continued to prepare for a potential "hot" conflict between the two opposing military alliances, the Warsaw Treaty Organization and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Then-divided Germany—called the Central Region by NATO—would have been the main battleground of such a conflict. But how would that Third World War and especially its conventional side be fought? In NATO's realm, this question did not only occupy the thinking of military headquarters and national defense ministries but also that of other military "experts." This produced an often international textual discourse that ranged from military doctrine to newspaper articles to future histories, mirroring not only the strategy change to "flexible response" but also intra-alliance issues such as equitable sharing of the military burden and the influence of latest weapons technology developments on strategy and tactics. And while World War III between the Warsaw Pact and the Atlantic Alliance never materialized, both sides spend billions on materiel and stationed millions of soldiers in preparations for a war that never happened—and that continues to stimulate the imagination up to this day.

The article comprises papers presented at the roundtable “Soviet globalism: theory and practice of the world socialist system from the 1950s to the 1970s” conducted at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences on... more

The article comprises papers presented at the roundtable “Soviet globalism: theory and practice of the world socialist system from the 1950s to the 1970s” conducted at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences on May 19, 2017 within the frames of a new research project on the history of the “world system of socialism”. It unites new approaches to the discipline (Mikhail Lipkin, Viacheslav Nekrasov), historiogra- phy and terminology studies (Samuel Volfson, Artem Ulunyan) and new archival evidence from unilateral, bilateral and multilateral perspectives (Teimur Dzhalilov, Anna Gladysheva, Nikita Pivovarov, Irina Aggeeva, Alessandro Salacone, Eugeny Osipov). Following the new recently declassi ed sources from the Russian, West and East European archives and using global history tools, it opens a serious discussion on the role of economic strategy in competition between socialist and capitalist systems and searches for an answer to the question of why China won while the USSR lost after a several waves of inner reforms and a nal shift towards economic détente with the West in the middle of 1970s.

Explaining the role of János Kádár in the decision making process of the Warsaw Pact intervention in the Czech Republic in 1968. Since Hungary had experienced an intervention in 1956, Kádár made an attempt to mediate between Dubcek and... more

Explaining the role of János Kádár in the decision making process of the Warsaw Pact intervention in the Czech Republic in 1968. Since Hungary had experienced an intervention in 1956, Kádár made an attempt to mediate between Dubcek and the Soviet Union, trying to halt or at least postpone the intervention. A diplomatic game of chess unfolds, showing the relative room for manoeuvre actually possessed by the Warsaw Pact members states.

This article gives an account of the military exercises code-named ‘Tempest’ and carried out in the autumn of 1961 by the army of the Polish People’s Republic under the supervision of Soviet officers. In the course of the war game the... more

This article gives an account of the military exercises code-named ‘Tempest’ and carried out in the autumn of 1961 by the army of the Polish People’s Republic under the supervision of Soviet officers. In the course of the war game the Polish staff members were placed in charge of the Baltic Front which, forming part of Warsaw Pact troops, was given the task of seizing control of Denmark and the northern parts of Holland and Germany. These were the first large scale military exercises (a separate Polish front) to be organized after Gomułka’s rise to power. They were taking place in the period of high international tension, during the Berlin crisis. The operation of the Baltic Front was based on the plans elaborated by the Command of the Joint Forces of the Warsaw Pact. The offensive to be launched by the Polish troops was to be preceded by a massive attacof the missile troops using nuclear weapon. The Polish units were to secure the northern wing of the Soviet Western Front operating in the main Frankfurt direction, to enable, by capturing the Danish ports, the Baltic Fleet to manoeuvre freely in the North Sea and to prevent the enemy from landing in the coastline area. In the exercises scenario, the Polish troops were given five days to seize control of the whole of Denmark and seven days to reach the Dutch coast near The Hague, while remaining in readiness to continue the offensive operation in the direction of northern France. This article shows how Polish staff members imagined a future conflict between NATO and Warsaw Pact, including specifically the role to be played in it by Polish troops.

It was long assumed that the Soviet Union dictated Warsaw Pact policy in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America (known as the 'Third World' during the Cold War). Although the post-1991 opening of archives has demonstrated this to... more

It was long assumed that the Soviet Union dictated Warsaw Pact policy in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America (known as the 'Third World' during the Cold War). Although the post-1991 opening of archives has demonstrated this to be untrue, there has still been no holistic volume examining the topic in detail. Such a comprehensive and nuanced treatment is virtually impossible for the individual scholar thanks to the linguistic and practical difficulties in satisfactorily covering all of the so-called 'junior members' of the Warsaw Pact. This important book fills that void and examines the agency of these states - Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania - and their international interactions during the 'discovery' of the 'Third World' from the 1950s to the 1970s. Building upon recent scholarship and working from a diverse range of new archival sources, contributors study the diplomacy of the eastern and central European communist states to reveal their myriad motivations and goals (importantly often in direct conflict with Soviet directives). This work, the first revisionist review of the role of the junior members as a whole, will be of interest to all scholars of the Cold War, whatever their geographical focus.

Săptămâna care a trecut a fost marcată pe plan internaţional de publicarea deciziilor liderilor politici supremi ai S.U.A. şi Federaţiei Ruse referitoare la denunţarea de către ambele părţi a „Tratatului privind Forţele Nucleare cu Rază... more

Săptămâna care a trecut a fost marcată pe plan internaţional de publicarea deciziilor liderilor politici supremi ai S.U.A. şi Federaţiei Ruse referitoare la denunţarea de către ambele părţi a „Tratatului privind Forţele Nucleare cu Rază Medie de Acţiune” – semnat la Washington, la 8 decembrie 1987, de preşedintele american Ronald Reagan şi de Mihail Sergheevici Gorbaciov, secretar general al Partidului Comunist al Uniunii Sovietice. Opţiunea „dublu zero”, propusă de liderul politic american, a fost acceptată în anul 1987 de către cel sovietic şi, astfel, s-a ajuns la interzicerea instalării în Europa a oricăror tipuri de rachete cu rază medie de acţiune (echipate cu focoase nucleare şi capabile să atingă ţinte aflate la o distanţă de 1000-5500 km), precum şi a tuturor rachetelor cu rază scurtă de acţiune (care aveau posibilitatea să detoneze focoase atomice la distanţe cuprinse între 500 şi 1000 km). Rachetele care existau deja în Europa au fost retrase de ambele părţi şi distruse.

In der Zeit des Kalten Krieges wirkte der Warschauer Pakt stets wie ein großer monolithischer Block unter sowjetischer Vorherrschaft. Die schrittweise Öffnung der Archive der ehemaligen Bündnispartner zeigt jedoch immer deutlicher, dass... more

In der Zeit des Kalten Krieges wirkte der Warschauer Pakt stets wie ein großer monolithischer Block unter sowjetischer Vorherrschaft. Die schrittweise Öffnung der Archive der ehemaligen Bündnispartner zeigt jedoch immer deutlicher, dass seine Einheit und Geschlossenheit oftmals nur nach außen bestanden. Der vorliegende Band vermittelt erstmals einen plastischen Eindruck von der nationalen Gemengelage im »Roten Bündnis«. Renommierte Autoren aus ehemaligen Paktstaaten sowie aus der Schweiz und den USA stellen Forschungsergebnisse vor, die neue und differenziertere Einsichten in das Innenleben des Paktes ermöglichen und nationale Sichtweisen deutlich werden lassen. So erhält der Leser u. a. Einblick in das damalige Selbstverständnis der Pakt-Streitkräfte in Albanien, Bulgarien, der DDR, Polen, Rumänien und Ungarn. Die Beiträge des Bandes liefern zudem eine spannende Analyse des Einflusses der Sowjetunion und der Warschauer Vertragsorganisation auf Staat, Militär und Gesellschaft der Teilnehmerländer sowohl in »normalen« Zeiten, als auch in internationalen Krisensituationen.

The paper aims to map out the numerous projects in Czechoslovakia realized by Yugoslav construction companies from the 1960s to the 1980s and offers the preliminary insights into their modes of operation. Due to insufficient archival... more

The paper aims to map out the numerous projects in Czechoslovakia realized by Yugoslav construction companies from the 1960s to the 1980s and offers the preliminary insights into their modes of operation. Due to insufficient archival records, the paper offers a preliminary insight into the matter. However, with the extensive coverage of these projects in the Czechoslovak professional periodicals, it was possible to trace down fifty projects, done by companies from Serbia, Croatia and Macedonia. Interviews with the surviving protagonists and contemporaries of these collaborations provided detailed introspect into the mechanisms of the processes, with local architects typically responsible for the overall design, while Yugoslav companies provided the design development, technological know-how, construction services, and materials. These insights contribute to a growing body of knowledge about the exports of architecture from Europe’s socialist half during the Cold War and broadens the...

The study deals with the events of August 1968 - when Czechoslovakia was occupied by Warsaw Pact troops - in Spišská Nová Ves and its vicinity. The situation in the city and the district is remarked on taking into account the national and... more

The study deals with the events of August 1968 - when Czechoslovakia was occupied by Warsaw Pact troops - in Spišská Nová Ves and its vicinity. The situation in the city and the district is remarked on taking into account the national and foreign context. The paper addresses the reactions of the town and district citizens to the invasion of the troops and victims of the occupation tat arose from Spišská Nová Ves and its vicinity. The study also analyzes the material damage caused by occupying troops. In 1968, Spišská Nová Ves commemorated seven hundred years of its oldest written mention, so the paper also notes the celebrations of this anniversary, which were influenced by the occupation.

În şedinţa din 22 septembrie 1989 a Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., Elena Ceauşescu a încercat să amâne semnarea de către soţul său a decretului prezidenţial privind stabilirea preţurilor de producţie şi de livrare a... more

În şedinţa din 22 septembrie 1989 a Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., Elena Ceauşescu a încercat să amâne semnarea de către soţul său a decretului prezidenţial privind stabilirea preţurilor de producţie şi de livrare a avionului de şcoală şi antrenament IAR-99 „Şoim”.
Intervenţia Elenei Ceauşescu într-un proiect important al industriei aeronautice româneşti este evidentă. Spre deosebire de soţul său, care cunoaştea modul de alcătuire a preţului pentru un produs, Elena Ceauşescu era total depăşită de situaţie. Cu toate acestea, „tovarăşa academician doctor inginer”, preşedinte a Consiliului Naţional pentru Ştiinţă şi Tehnologie, se implica în diferite discuţii fără să aibă un bagaj elementar de cunoştinţe, generând situaţii tragi-comice.