Yemen politics Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

- by James Worrall
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- Yemen, Yemen (History), Decolonisation, Oman

Pharmacoeconomics constitutes an area of health care research that assesses and compares the costs and outcomes related to drug therapy. The article's main aim is to stress the importance of the use of pharmacoeconomic research and pharmacoeconomics education in Yemen and in the curriculum carried out in Yemeni pharmacy schools. The article talks about the concept, the importance of pharmacoeconomics in low-income countries, the contributions made by pharmacoeconomics to pharmacy practice, pharmacy education in Yemen and the need to have proper pharmacoeconomics in Yemen. Conclusively, the Pharmacoeconomic research if implemented in Yemen, it will play an increasingly important role in making critical decisions concerning options that can be made regarding drug therapies and pharmaceutical services. Also, Pharmacists and future pharmacists should have a fundamental understanding of pharmacoeconomic concepts and the research methods employed to use the information gained from this rapidly growing field most effectively. To cite this review article

Slogans of the Southern Movement

- by Ewa K. Strzelecka
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- Social Movements, Revolutions, Elites (Political Science), Yemen

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menelaah pemerintahan Presiden Ali Abdullah Saleh dan orientasinya terhadap kebijakan luar negeri pasca bergabungnya Yaman Utara dan Yaman Selatan. Jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Data penelitian dikumpulkan menggunakan studi literatur dengan mencari informasi yang menjelaskan mengenai kepemimpinan dan orientasi kebijakan luar negeri Presiden Ali Abdullah Saleh selama memimpin Yaman. Kesimpulan yang diperoleh dari penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa Presiden Ali Abdullah Saleh pada dasarnya memiliki keinginan kuat untuk menyatukan Yaman, namun demikian, metode yang digunakan dalam memerintah Yaman masih belum mampu mewujudkan hal tersebut dan cenderung hanya berorientasi pada pemenuhan atas kepentingan pribadi dan golongan pendukungnya saja. Orientasi kebijakan luar negeri dari Presiden Ali Abdullah Saleh utamanya dalam bidang ekonomi dan politik. Kebijakan dalam bidang ekonomi berkaitan dengan kerjasama antara Yaman dan China, sedangkan kebijakan dalam bidang politik berkaitan dengan kerjasama antara Yaman dengan Arab Saudi dan Amerika Serikat untuk menumpas pemberontak Houthi.
Kata Kunci: Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yaman, Kebijakan Luar Negeri

- by karen pieris
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- Middle East Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Middle East Politics, Yemen politics

The Yemen, is the birth place and hub for a number of monotheistic religious convictions . In its North West region, just 243 kilometers away from San'aa, the official capital of the Republic of Yemen , lies a spiritual center, a holy metropolis known as Saa'da .
It is to Zaidi Islam as Qum is to Shia Islam and Mecca is to Sunni Islam. It is where the scholars dwell, to read, learn and teach their disciples to carry on the doctrine and preserve the faith throughout history.
It is here that the Houthi phenomenon first appeared.
This study focuses on the very beginnings of Houthism as a phenomenon, it's source and affiliations. It is but the first part of a series of papers that will delve into the movement as it expands over time.

- by Nancy Jamal
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- History, Jewish Studies, Middle East Studies, Social Identity
- by Aaron Edwards
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- Middle East Studies, Political Violence and Terrorism, Saudi Arabia, Yemen

The Ḥouthī conflict is one with many facets, ranging from tensions around Yemen’s resources, religious and military disputes to political quarrels between elites and the populations, all in the framework of tribal and more contemporary... more

- by Thorsten Koch, MA, PgDip
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- Ethnic Conflict and Civil War, Sectarianism, Yemen (History), Houthi

Определены и проанализированы три основных обвинения, которые йеменское правительство и радикальные сунниты выдвигали в 2000-х годах против хуситов: стремление к восстановлению имамата, получение помощи от Ирана и обращение в... more

- by Timofey Bokov
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- Yemen, Yemen (History), Zaydism, Zaydiyya
- by Thomas B Stevenson
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- Governance, Yemen (History), Yemen politics

The Gulf Cooperation Council is an active organization in the Arabian Peninsula also in the Persian Gulf which seeks cooperation with the member states. The two examples of Bahrain and Yemen are evaluated in the framework which was suggested by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, " Regional Security Complex Theory ". In this theory, the regional complexes are seen in the lens of securitization which can be an explanation in order to understand what happens in the Persian Gulf, what is the GCC's and Iran's motivations in these cases and what was the importance of these cases as the GCC states intervened both of these two examples which are to be evaluated. The article first explains the framework that will be dealt with and explain the GCC's aims to achieve. Then the examples of Bahrain and Yemen would be explained in order to understand the theory and also the developments that happen in Persian Gulf.

- by Ramy Jabbour
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- Iranian Studies, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Yemen (History), Yemen politics

In 2012, as a continuation of street politics developed in places like the antigovernment sit-in in Change Square in Yemen's capital Sana'a, a small number of visual artists incorporated dissent, transgression, and civil disobedience into their artistic practices. Such is the case of Murad Subay, the painter who initiated the series of street art campaigns analyzed in this article. This case allows us to study the intersections of space, contentious politics, and artistic practices, interrogating how visual expressions located in the streets reflect a vivid political public sphere, understood as a site of critical debate and interaction. Furthermore, it introduces a series of dynamics that make of these campaigns something more than a site for production and circulation of discourses critical of the state. Street art campaigns in Yemen are thus explored sensitizing devices for political awareness.

- by Anahi Alviso-Marino
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- Street Art, Contentious Politics, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Yemen politics

Éditorial Actualités, p. 1 Obituaires, p. 1 Yémen, p. 12 Abou Dhabi, p. 42 Arabie, p. 42 Arabie saoudite, p. 45 Bahrein, p. 49 Dubei, p. 49 Océan Indien, p. 50 Oman, p. 54 Péninsule Arabique, p. 56 Qatar, p. 56 Nouvelle internationale, p.... more

- by Adday Hernández López and +1
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- Indian Ocean History, Archives, History of Piracy, Arabian Gulf
- by Teresa Eder and +2
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- Iranian Studies, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Middle East Politics

RECENTLY, IN AN ABSTRACT OF A PAPER ON YEMEN, THE AUTHOR SAID THAT THIS COUNTRY, ONCE CALLED "ARABIA FELIX" ("HAPPY ARABIA"), DESERVES TODAY ITS OPPOSITE NAME, RESPECTIVELY, "ARABIA INFELIX" ("UNHAPPY ARABIA"). IN THIS PAPER, BY ANALYZING THE HISTORY OF THIS STATE SITUATED IN A STRATEGIC LOCATION AT THE SOUTH OF THE ARABIAN PENINSULA, WE WILL TRY TO IDENTIFY THE MAIN ASPECTS THAT LED TO THE “DEGRADATION” OF ”ARABIA FELIX”, TILL IT WAS LABELED AS THE "UNHAPPY ARABIA" IN THE SECOND DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY

- by Ecaterina MAȚOI and +1
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- Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Yemen (History), Yemen Development

«Arab spring» in Yemen and Syria took place in 2011 year. Revolutionary events grew into revolution, which has continiued now days. This article analyses consequences of revolutionary events in Yemen ana Syria. Consequances of events «arab spring» have a direct impact on political, economic, social development not only of countries of the Middle East and North Africa, but also of European countries.
The main conclusions of the paper are the following. First, events of «arab spring» lead to political destabilization. Second, after «arab spring» in this countries is observed critical humanitarian situation. Third, revolutionary events didn’t promote developing democratic development.

- by Radjibaeva Diana
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- Middle East Politics, Middle East, Yemen Development, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts)

Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs

- by Marcel Serr
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- Military History, Strategy (Military Science), Middle East Studies, Israel Studies

Commonly described by Western media as a Shi’i Zaydi revivalist movement, a rebel group and an Iranian proxy, the Huthis (or Ansar Allah) exist marginally in the Western consciousness. The little knowledge that is recycled about the movement is typically misleading, and conducive to stereotypes and an underestimation of the group’s military and strategic capabilities. The reality of today’s Ansar Allah is both a skilled paramilitary force that has internalized the lessons of a decade and a half of war, as well as a political organization with the veneer of a social justice movement, which excels in the production of propaganda on the local and regional stages. The Huthis may, in fact, be the band of slogan-chanting tribesmen occasionally seen on major news networks, but they are also a remarkably resilient and dynamic entity that adapts to Yemen’s ever-changing political landscape.

- by Hannah Porter
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- Propaganda, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Identity
- by Andrey Korotayev
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- Political Anthropology, Revolutions, Protest, Yemen

Through examining the Houthi movement of Yemen using the social movement theory analysis approach I will investigate the identity, beliefs, and background of the Houthi’s of Yemen as a social movement. This approach will provide the opportunity to apply historical analysis to see into the roots of the Yemeni Houthi movement and the historical factors that lead to the group’s creation and popularity and offer perspective on the probable direction of a Houthi lead Yemeni government in the future. Beginning with the formation of an armed movement ten years ago this Shia group has been fighting government forces in the north of Yemen and the recent occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana by this group undoubtedly reshapes the power structure in Yemen or the foreseeable future. The rebels capitalized on widespread disillusionment with the previous government of Yemen that was viewed by the majority of the populous as ineffective and corrupt. The Houthi's have solidified their position of power following government violence against protesters leading to many deaths and strengthening support for the rebels. The recent flight of President Hadi in the face of Houthi advances and the launching of a Saudi lead air campaign targeting the Houthis has further complicated the situation in Yemen. The question I will explore further is the long-term viability of the group as a social movement and as a political power when considering identify, beliefs, and background of the group as a whole and the different regional and tribal factions that form the Houthi movement.

- by Doug Nechodom
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- Social Movements, Middle East Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Arabian Gulf

The Arab-Governance -Report III/2017 is a periodical report published by UNESCWA.
I contributed to writing the part dedicated to Yemen, PP139-171. It focuses on the building of the State institutions in Yemen in case of the hostilities are brought to an end.
It contains historical background, explanations, and proposals related to the rebuilding of the Financial, Security, Administrative, Judicial, and Political Institutions, as well as the Private Sector and NGO's.
The study has been written in 2017. Some of its recommendations are actually applied to the current situation after the Agreement of Stockholm, concluded in the end of 2018.

- by Hamid Alawadhi
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- Development Economics, Peace and Conflict Studies, Politics, Strategic Planning

يتناول الكتاب مبادرات التسوية والاتفاقيات التي أعقبت جولات الصراع، والتي هدفت إلى بناء السلام في اليمن خلال التاريخ المعاصر، ونقاط الضعف والقصور التي صاحبتها، كما يتناول الارتباطات الخارجيَّة لقوى الصِّراع الدَّاخليَّة: الأيديولوجيَّة والسِّياسيَّة، والعسكريَّة، والإستراتيجيَّة وتأثيرها في الصراع الحالي و"صنع السَّلام"، ويستعرض جهود إنهاء الحرب وبناء السلام في اليمن، وموقف الفاعلين المحليين والإقليميين من حيث التوجهات والاشكالات، ومستوى اهتمام وحضور المجتمع الدولي، ومحددات بناء السلام، والفرص التي يمتلكها المسار السياسي، والتحديات التي تعترضه، وأخيراً مستقبل جهود السلام ومساراته المحتملة

- by Adel Dashela
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Yemen, Peacebuilding, Yemen politics

The conflict in Yemen has been labelled the 'worst humanitarian crisis in the world' by the EU and characterised by the UN as 'entirely man-made'. The UN has warned that Yemen, already one of the poorest countries in the Arab world prior to the conflict, is now on the brink of widespread famine, which could lead to further massive loss of life. Yemen is also suffering from one of the largest cholera outbreaks in recorded history, with over one million suspected cases. The conflict has been variously portrayed as a civil war, a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and a supposedly ancient schism between Sunni and Shi’a Muslims. The diversity and sheer number of actors involved in the conflict, however, demonstrates that these characterisations are far too simplistic and that the conflict defies neat categorisation. As such, the paper attempts to unpack and provide an up-to-date account of the conflict, both from a humanitarian and a political perspective. To this end, the paper explores some of the underlying causes of the conflict and the actions of the plethora of actors involved, notably the internationally-recognised Hadi government, the Houthi movement, the Saudi-led coalition, Iran, al-Qa’ida, and the West. The paper also examines Australia’s position vis-à-vis the conflict and some of the implications of the presence of foreign personnel serving as both fighters and high-ranking officers in the UAE armed forces.

- by Tristan Dunning
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- Middle East Studies, Middle East History, War Studies, Iranian Studies

As water takes the shape of its container but maintains its own features, the Huthis of Yemen have demonstrated great adaptability to a fluid domestic and regional context, thanks also to a vague political identity. Framing the Huthi movement in the Yemeni Zaydi Shia tradition, this contribution explores the evolution of the Huthis as a political movement and militia, from the Saada wars (200410) to the civil conflict started in 2015. Viewing the Huthis as political actors within Yemen’s multiple geographies, it contends that the northern insurgents have been able to capitalize on internal and external dynamics, embodying a form of populist elitism. Pursuing the autonomy of the northern highlands, the Huthis have formally and informally penetrated the state they used to contest, transforming from local insurgents into, paradoxically, national contenders in a fractured and polycentric Yemen, despite their persistent local identity and goals.

- by CRiSSMA UC and +1
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- Gulf Studies, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sectarianism, Yemen (History)

Yemen is a typically non-Arab country. However, due to colonial presence dating back to 1830s, the Orientalist fallacy of Pan-Arabism has been gradually diffused and prevailed when the supposed “revolutionaries”, imitating the Middle East’s worst failure, the idiosyncratic Nasserism, rose to power and plunged Yemen into underdevelopment, poverty, marginalization, starvation, tyranny, fratricide conflicts, and total disintegration.
First published in: http://www.fravahr.org/spip.php?article464
Sunday 31 May 2009

- by Shamsaddin Megalommatis
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- Middle East Studies, Middle East History, Arabic, Middle Eastern History

Due to the 2015 civil war, Yemen’s national order has vanished. Whatever viable attempt of conflict resolution must take into account a variety of existing micro-orders on a local basis. Deconstructing Yemen’s layers of conflict, this essay traces post-2015 internal transformations of power, arguing that Yemen has started a process of gradual feudalisation, based on militias and warlords, thus shifting from a multiple geographies scheme to an archipelago-like system of connected but rival feuds.

- by Eleonora Ardemagni
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- Security Studies, Civil-military relations, Yemen politics

Governments, de facto authorities and rebel-governed areas aspiring to “counterstate sovereignty” all have to cope with the pandemic threat posed by COVID-19. Both official militaries and armed non-state groups find themselves at the centre of emergency plans in response to the pandemic, declaring and enforcing social distancing measures such as lockdowns and curfews. The case of Yemen shows how in conflict-torn or fragmented countries, governments, de facto authorities and rebels may show a convergent, although not coordinated, response to COVID-19.

How did the Arab Spring change the Middle East? That is the main question on which this fourth issue of R/evolutions wants to zoom in. This issue therefore is divided in three parts: 'The Arab Spring in Perspective' provides an overview and some historical context of the Arab Uprisings to highlight its increasing complexity and interconnectedness in a globalizing world with various competing political groups. The second part, 'Unraveling the Uprisings,' focuses on the “Spring” itself by explaining the role of internal and external actors, and uncovering some underexplored dimensions. By deconstructing these ‘revolutions’ this part aims to provides an insightful glimpse of their transformative potential. The last part,' New Fault Lines & Legacies' will assess how MENA has been transformed by the Arab uprisings. Firstly by explaining the origins, drivers and impact of sectarianization in the region and then by focusing on Tunisia, the only successful democratic transition in the region triggered by the Arab Spring.

- by Jeroen J. J. Van den Bosch and +7
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- Political Geography and Geopolitics, Egyptology, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies

This article investigates the evolution of political systems in North-Eastern Yemen in the course of the last two millennia. By examining the main shifts of political power and their structural elements, it describes a typology of socio-political and economic formation that was particular to the Yemeni Highlands and that has been designated as ‘multi-polity’. The study concludes that a North Yemeni type of tribe is a non-primitive and highly developed political structure, which may be considered in some respects as an alternative to state organization.

- by Islam Hassan
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- International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Terrorism, International Terrorism

peace analysis on Yemen exploring possibilities for peace within Yemen context dynamics

- by Shoqi Maktary and +1
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- Confilct Analysis and Peace Building, Yemen politics

A variety of local conflicts and grievances with central government throughout Yemen are being increasingly framed in religious and sectarian terms, particularly since the 2011 youth uprisings toppled a 30-year old regime, writes Thanos... more

- by Thanos Petouris
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- Yemen, Yemen politics

After the First World War, Yemen, which left the Ottoman Empire and declared its independence, witnessed a civil war between 1962-1968. A new civil war has been going on in the country since 2011. In the past Yemen, known as "happy... more

- by Ahmet Gökbel
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- Saudi Arabia, Yemen, İran Dış Politikası, Uae

Yemen is known for being one of the worst countries in the world for women (Harb, 2019). Despite their visibility in public spaces including politics, especially compared to women in the Gulf region, Yemeni women still lack behind when it comes to the social structures and norms that control women’s access to opportunities. The fact that Yemeni women have had suffrage and the right to political association and assembly legally at the same time as men, does not fit well with the general situation in which women live in, including their enjoyment of the very rights they technically possess. Similarly, although Yemen as a country has ratified most international conventions regarding women’s political and civil rights, yet, women’s influence in politics and their ascension to positions of power within the political parties and senior positions in government continues to be undermined by many barriers.
The contrast between granted rights in written texts and Yemeni women’s exercise of those rights requires a deeper look into the socio-cultural structures that prevent Yemeni women from access to positions of power and having influence in formal politics. This paper aims at doing this in a way that provides practical measures to be included in any future political deals and political transitions.
Findings from this paper indicate that although they are necessary, legal regulations and political agreements granting women’s right to political affiliation are not sufficient to bring about their equal representation nor influence in parties and the political system in general. Enabling structures and environments in the social institutions need to be created in order to promote Yemeni women’s influence and ascension in political entities, because those who do join political parties are often side-lined into women’s departments and/or remain at non-decision-making levels. Therefore, a range of measures are necessary to bring about systemic change; in addition to affirmative measures to increase women’s representation within both political parties and elected office such as quotas and reforms of the electoral system, policies need to be put in place to change the structures, policies and practices within the political parties and institutions in order to create a more enabling environment for women’s advancement and increased influence.
Furthermore, findings from this research indicate that representation should not be conflated with influence. Political parties can advance women’s political representation across their parties’ ranks and into leadership positions, as well as in elected office by adopting a proportional representation system with special affirmative measures and sanctions against violators. Additionally policies and programmes to promote social behavioural-change and a shift in the political culture of parties are also required to prevent, reduce and eliminate discrimination and backlash. Such measures include designing and committing to an internal women’s advancement action plan, creating safe spaces and efficient measures to address discriminatory practices without fearing backlash, promoting role models and champions of gender equality and so on. Furthermore, political entities should strive to promote their female members beyond the party through presenting them as role models in public and formal politics, adopting national campaigns to influence the socio-cultural perceptions of women, and strengthening the women’s movement at large.
Finally, this paper draws attention to existing opportunities to strengthen women’s roles and advancement in party structures and in elections and elected office. Policy recommendations of provisions to be included in the peace agreement and its consequent arrangements in the transition period are presented at the end of the paper.

- by Nadia Al-Sakkaf
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- Gender Studies, Political Culture, Gender Equality, Feminism

Abstract
If political activities (demonstration, revolution, war) can be understood as forms of ritual performance in which temporary social hegemonic inversions typically are followed by competing efforts to restore structure or define a new structure, then under what conditions would they offer potential for changes in family dynamics and gender roles? The past few years in Yemen have witnessed extraordinary political and socioeconomic turbulence, from the 2011 Arab Spring revolution to the 2015 brutal war. Yemeni families have been significantly impacted in myriad ways, including displacement, family separation, poverty, violence, unemployment, sectarian strife, disruption of education, and mental illness. Men and women have demonstrated a high level of public activism during the Arab Spring and the war, further altering family dynamics and the gendered social tapestry, in a highly patriarchal country. Social “disorder,” including modification of gender roles, is often challenged by those desiring to restore “order,” the “traditional” family structure, and patriarchy. This study analyzes gendered dimensions of the “Yemen Spring” and the subsequent war, with a particular focus on the link between gendered family dynamics and the sociopolitical landscape, also considering the role religion and religious groups play.

- by Mustapha Salah
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- Middle East Studies, Islamic Studies, Middle East Politics, Yemen (History)

Yemen Civil War is one of the conflicts labeled as the "Worst Humanitarian Crisis" by the United Nations at 2018. 1 This Civil War has claimed more than 70,000 inhabitants and more than 3 million Yemenis have to evacuate. 2 The war situation in Yemen involving airstrikes and a blockade made it increasingly difficult to make a living in the areas where refugees come from. Divided into two blocks, Houthi which is the rebel forces that hold the ideology of Shia. Meanwhile Hadi, the government that holds the ideology of Sunni. Hadi was backed up by the Saudi-led military coalition with the support of the United Arab Emirates and the United States by providing them military assistance fought against the Houti rebels who are allegedly supported by Iran. Based on the explanation above, it can be seen that the conflict in Yemen Civil War is an Intrastate conflict. Hadi and Houthi tried to uphold their own interests, but by assassinating Ali Abdullah Saleh, the former Yemeni president who has led Yemen for more than three decades, the opposition party is using the wrong path to serve their interests. 3 This conflict is considered strategic for the interests of the countries