Akkadian Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)
This article challenges the common tendency in modern research to treat impurity as a religious phenomenon divorced from mundane concerns. Employing the cross-cultural psychological notion of “contagion,” this investigation examines the... more
This article challenges the common tendency in modern research to treat impurity as a religious phenomenon divorced from mundane concerns. Employing the cross-cultural psychological notion of “contagion,” this investigation examines the usage of terms for pollution and purity in Hittite and Akkadian as they relate to distinct domains of human experience, specifically: uncleanness, infection and transgression. Special attention is given to the use of these terms in reference to infectious disease. This analysis demonstrates the real-world experiential basis for notions of impurity and also provides a new perspective to shed light on the peculiarities of each culture (e.g. the absence of an Akkadian term for “pollution”). The article concludes with a detailed excurses on the etymology of Akkadian musukku and its relation to Sumerian (m)uzug.
Eski Mezopotamya'daki inanışa göre tanrılar insanlar hakkındaki düşüncelerini çeşitli yollardan mesajlar göndererek bildiriyorlardı. Gök olayları tanrı mesajlarını okumak için birer işaret olarak görülerek incelenip yorumlanmış ve... more
Eski Mezopotamya'daki inanışa göre tanrılar insanlar hakkındaki düşüncelerini çeşitli
yollardan mesajlar göndererek bildiriyorlardı. Gök olayları tanrı mesajlarını
okumak için birer işaret olarak görülerek incelenip yorumlanmış ve geleceğe dair
astrolojik kehanetlerde bulunulmuştur. Kehanetlere göre, eğer gökyüzünde olumlu
bir işaret görülmüş ise, yeryüzünde de olumlu bir gelişme meydana gelecektir. Tam
tersine gökyüzünde görülen olumsuz bir işaret de yeryüzünde meydana gelecek
olumsuz olayların bir habercisidir. Kehanetlerden anlaşıldığına göre gök cisimlerinin
her birisinin yeryüzüne etkileri farklıdır. Bununla birlikte mana bakımından
olumlu veya olumsuz göksel fenomenlerin birbirleri ile kombinasyonları belirli bir
mantık çerçevesinde yorumlanmıştır. Gökte meydana gelen değişken durumlar kehanetlere
konu olmuştur. Bu değişkenlerden bazıları: Gök cisimlerinin parlak veya
sönük olmaları, renkleri, birbirlerine yaklaşıp uzaklaşmaları, Ay ve güneş tutulmaları
ile fırtına gibi meteorolojik olaylardır. M.Ö. I. Binyıl ortalarına kadar astrolojik
kehanetler krallar ve ülke için iken, bu devirden sonra sıradan kişiler için de astrolojik
kehanetlerde bulunulmuştur. Astrologlar saraya bağlı olarak görev yapmışlar,
saray tarafından maddi olarak desteklenip saygı görmüşlerdir.
Anahtar kelimeler: Astroloji, Enuma Anu Enlil,, Yıldız falı.
This article focuses on the spellings of the 3 sg. pres. form of Gtn-stem of the verb apālu(m) «to pay» in one of the legal formulas from the Neo-Babylonian texts. This form in some documents from the archives of the city of Ur has a... more
This article focuses on the spellings of the 3 sg. pres. form of Gtn-stem of the verb apālu(m) «to pay» in one of the legal formulas from the Neo-Babylonian texts. This form in some documents from the archives of the city of Ur has a spelling with an unusual realization of Iʔ that when in contact with -t- of the infix gives sometimes the spelling of imtanappal.
In two different treatments of the Nuzi contract HSS V 67, E. A. Speiser provided two different transliterations and translations of a key phrase without giving his reasons for the revision. It turns out that the text in question is... more
In two different treatments of the Nuzi contract HSS V 67, E. A. Speiser provided two different transliterations and translations of a key phrase without giving his reasons for the revision. It turns out that the text in question is damaged, rendering one particular cuneiform sign nearly unreadable. The significance of Speiser’s revision for biblical studies is that, depending on which reading is taken, this text provides some legal background either for the concern that a full wife might send away the children of a secondary wife (as in Genesis 21) or for the phenomenon of surrogate motherhood (i. e. the identification of the child of a secondary wife as in some way the child of the full wife; see Genesis 16 and 30). Though some biblical scholars have noted Speiser’s two translations, no one so far has engaged in a technical discussion of the primary text in order to understand the revision. Rather, scholars have sometimes simply chosen the reading that fits better with their purposes (usually Speiser’s earlier reading). This article examines the original cuneiform text of HSS V 67 in order to ascertain, using orthographical and linguistic data, which of Speiser’s two readings is the more likely. Speiser’s revised reading proves to be the correct one, meaning that HSS V 67 does not provide a background legal concern that a full wife might send away the sons of a secondary wife (e. g. Genesis 21).
The chief aim of this essay is to posit a well-known Mesopotamian royal and divine epithet, ušumgallu "great dragon," as the source behind Ezekiel's enigmatic description of Pharaoh in 29.3, hattannīn haggādôl, "the great dragon." This... more
The chief aim of this essay is to posit a well-known Mesopotamian royal and divine epithet, ušumgallu "great dragon," as the source behind Ezekiel's enigmatic description of Pharaoh in 29.3, hattannīn haggādôl, "the great dragon." This relationship sheds new light and meaning on an old problem: why does Ezekiel refer to Pharaoh as a dragon? Rather than viewing this prophetic expression as a pejorative, the cognate evidence argues for the converse by rooting it in an enduring tradition of regal titles. Replicating Akkadian ušumgallu (Sumerian UŠUM.GAL) as efficiently as possible and drawing upon Israelite cosmological history (viz. Gen 1.21a), Ezekiel feigned including Pharaoh within a venerable, long line of Mesopotamian kings and deities to receive this title. Instead, and as is characteristic of Ezekiel's rhetoric, he upended the putative associations of the "great dragon," thereby exposing its true subordinate position under the hegemony of YHWH
The paper offers an edition of an Old Babylonian Gilgamesh tablet from the Schøyen Collection (OB Schøyen2 in the edition by A.R. George). The text has been extensively commented upon. New interpretations are proposed for ll. 30, 37, 40,... more
The paper offers an edition of an Old Babylonian Gilgamesh tablet from the Schøyen Collection (OB Schøyen2 in the edition by A.R. George). The text has been extensively commented upon. New interpretations are proposed for ll. 30, 37, 40, 46, 55.
- by Lorenzo Verderame and +1
- •
- Sumerian Religion, Egyptology, Assyriology, Hittitology
Od roku 2016 prebieha v južnej Mezopotámii jeden z najvýznamnejších projektov v dejinách slovenskej archeológie. Ide o archeologický Projekt SAHI – Tell Jokha. Báda dôležitú lokalitu, na ktorej podľa aktuálneho stavu vedeckého skúmania... more
Od roku 2016 prebieha v južnej Mezopotámii jeden z najvýznamnejších projektov v dejinách slovenskej archeológie. Ide o archeologický Projekt SAHI – Tell Jokha. Báda dôležitú lokalitu, na ktorej podľa aktuálneho stavu vedeckého skúmania dominovalo v 3. tisícročí pred n. l. sumerské osídlenie.
This thesis explores a specific form of representation from the Syrian Bronze Age: aniconic standing-stones, lacking inscriptions or decorations. These have been mainly studied from the point of view of texts which mention cult activity... more
This thesis explores a specific form of representation from the Syrian Bronze Age: aniconic standing-stones, lacking inscriptions or decorations. These have been mainly studied from the point of view of texts which mention cult activity associated with them, but there has been heretofore no integrated analysis of archaeological finds, analysing architecture and associated material culture in comparison to texts. I will interpret litholatry (the cult of standing-stones) from the point of view of the influence of semi-nomadic pastoralists from the Syrian desert frontier on the culture of urban societies, and of the negotiation of urban/tribal identities of city kings through ritual.
[Keywords: assyriology, Mesopotamia, cuneiform, review, astronomy, astrology, neo-assyrian]
The text on this large stone stele is a defense of Phoenician temple activity.
The Phaistos Disk is a hybrid phonic and alphabetic text written in the empire language of Akkadian dating to about 1800 BCE. It is a philosophical debate about the cause of a recent drought and it represents the first use of alphabetic... more
The Phaistos Disk is a hybrid phonic and alphabetic text written in the empire language of Akkadian dating to about 1800 BCE. It is a philosophical debate about the cause of a recent drought and it represents the first use of alphabetic letters. It has many letter sign similarities with the pure Alphabetic Akkadian texts found at Serabit el Khadim (1450-1250 BCE) and these similarities are what provided the extra knowledge needed for making the translation. Alphabetic letters are wildcard phonic signs meaning they are consonants with arbitrary following vowel sounds. As such they were a writing simplification scheme developed by traders, mercenaries and working priests. Akkadian provides the source words for the alphabetic letter names in both Greek and Semitic. The Phaistos Disk mentions magic, the gods Hu (sun form of Atu and the source of Greek Helios), Su (full moon), Yahu (Mesopotamian Ea and original form of Israelite Yahweh), the goddesses Ayu (sun “setter” and crescent moon, source of Greek Athena and Artemis, equivalent to Mesopotamian Ishtar and Inanna), and Utu (Minoan snake goddess). Finally, it mentions the divine birds which are the eagle-vultures and the Aku-owls (Athenian owls).
The paper presents an edition of two tablets of Old Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, a tablet from Tell Harmal (designated as OB Harmal1 in the edition by A.R. George) and a tablet from Nippur (OB Nippur in George’s edition). Both texts are... more
The paper presents an edition of two tablets of Old Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, a tablet from Tell Harmal (designated as OB Harmal1 in the edition by A.R. George) and a tablet from Nippur (OB Nippur in George’s edition). Both texts are extensively commented upon. New interpretations are proposed for ll. 3, 4, 7, 8, 9 in the tablet from Tell Harmal and ll. 5, 13//2′ in the Nippur tablet.
The presented master’s thesis deals with the Epic of Zimrī-Lîm, a text from the ancient city of Mari from the beginning of the 18th century BC. The text of the epic is included in transliteration (based on the edition by Michaël Guichard... more
The presented master’s thesis deals with the Epic of Zimrī-Lîm, a text from the ancient city of Mari from the beginning of the 18th century BC. The text of the epic is included in transliteration (based on the edition by Michaël Guichard from 2014) and in English translation. The epic has also been published online as the first entry of NERE (Near Eastern Royal Epics) project on ORACC (Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus). In addition to the text itself, the thesis includes a broader historical-cultural commentary. There, selected elements of the ancient text are portraited as well-set within the lived cultural-political environment of the ancient Near East, with particular attention to the time of Zimrī-Lîm. Most of the space is devoted to the religious aspect of the work, especially the role of the deities. Last but not least, the composition is discussed within the context of other royal epics of the ancient Near East.
Email for full. Ancient scribes writing Biblical Hebrew could mark a Goal argument (the place to which one is moving) with the directive he suffix, with a directional preposition, or as an accusative of destination. Previous studies... more
Email for full. Ancient scribes writing Biblical Hebrew could mark a Goal argument (the place to which one is moving) with the directive he suffix, with a directional preposition, or as an accusative of destination. Previous studies have explained this alternation in terms of a few historical or linguistic variables at a time. In this study, I use a comprehensive dataset (all factive Goals from prose Biblical Hebrew texts), a broad set of potential explanatory variables coded for each Goal and the clause in which it appears (including more than thirty diachronic, social, and linguistic variables, with a particular focus on previously-understudied syntactic-semantic variables), various statistical tools (especially multinomial logistical regression), and comparative data (from Epigraphic Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, Ugaritic, and Akkadian) to explore the influences on and choices of the ancient scribes. Important findings of this study include indications that 1) scribes of the Late Biblical Hebrew corpus consciously promoted the use of directive he despite the convergence of the Late Biblical Hebrew goal-marking system with that of Aramaic, as evidenced in the behavior of the goal-marking prepositions across time (a conclusion not consistent with purely stylistic explanations of the linguistic differences between Classical and Late Biblical Hebrew); 2) due to educational and social disruptions during the exile, the scribes originating texts described as Transitional Biblical Hebrew mobilized fewer prestigious linguistic features than scribes of the Classical and Late corpora, as evidenced by limitations in their goal-marking repertoires and paralleled by data from other Semitic corpora; 3) the scribes’ choices between goal-marking strategies are largely driven by sensitivity to a Prototypical Intransitive Motion Construction (in which a salient Affected Agent moves successfully and completely to an inanimate single-point Goal that contains inherent, specific geographic information) and other Motion Construction prototypes (Caused-Motion, Pursuit, etc.), with the directive he and the accusative of direction being strongly correlated with more-prototypical environments; and 4) individual prepositions may encode the type of Goal location (single-point or divisible), the place of the Goal in the information structure of the text, the mover’s configuration with respect to the Goal, or Goal animacy.
This volume is the edited collection of the papers from a conference we hosted in Oxford in 2017, drawing together specialists from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and the United States, to examine afresh the relationship between... more
The present article deals with the comparative method as applied to the Semitic cognate sets with phonological correspondences. It demonstrates how one with help of comparative Semitic approach and certain principles of analysis can... more
The present article deals with the comparative method as applied to the Semitic cognate sets with phonological correspondences. It demonstrates how one with help of comparative Semitic approach and certain principles of analysis can establish a Proto-phoneme, how to reconstruct it and how to distinguish between true cognates and borrowed ones, illustrated through a set of case studies within the framework of phonological correspondences. For this task, historical linguistics prefer cognates from basic vocabulary (body parts, close kinship terms, and the like), since such terms are considered to resist borrowing more than other sorts of vocabulary. Applying this to the Semitic languages and looking for potential Semitic true cognates I have chosen cognate sets denoting body parts as the basic illustrative examples for my investigation, which in the course of discussion is widened to
include other illustrative examples.
The characteristically Isaianic term אליל for other gods does not have its roots in an earlier Semitic adjective, as has often been thought. Rather, it was adopted from Akkadian Illil/Enlil into Hebrew because it reflected the rhetoric of... more
The characteristically Isaianic term אליל for other gods does not have its roots in an earlier Semitic adjective, as has often been thought. Rather, it was adopted from Akkadian Illil/Enlil into Hebrew because it reflected the rhetoric of Neo-Assyrian rulers. As in Akkadian, it was used in an extended sense to refer to major divinities; and it was retained in the Isaianic tradition presumably because it was a useful term for »false gods«—readily comprehensible even as a new coinage, yet distinct from the terms used for Yhwh. As anti-idol polemics became increasingly prominent and vicious, the latest Isaianic tradents avoided אליל, preferring more overt terms for idols. Eventually, it came to be reanalyzed as an adjective and used as a mere insult: »worthless«.
Not only Abraham, Isaac and Jacob but also Sarah, Hagar, and Esau might be linked to the planets
The paper studies the expression of tense and voice in an Akkadian variety, Neo-Assyrian. The grammatical reading of a given verb form results from the interaction of the lexical meaning of the verb in question with the grammatical... more
The paper studies the expression of tense and voice in an Akkadian variety, Neo-Assyrian. The grammatical reading of a given verb form results from the interaction of the lexical meaning of the verb in question with the grammatical semantics of the morphological form used. Starting from this observation, the authors single out five verbal classes of Neo-Assyrian, related to the values of dynamicity and transitivity.