New social movements Research Papers (original) (raw)

Ruch Solidarności, jak i nowe formy współbycia, kryzys demokracji i kapitalizmu oraz próby jego przekroczenia, wreszcie przyszłość Polski i Europy to motywy przeplatające się w niniejszej pracy. W swych esejach mierzą się z nimi wyjątkowe... more

Ruch Solidarności, jak i nowe formy współbycia, kryzys demokracji i kapitalizmu oraz próby jego przekroczenia, wreszcie przyszłość Polski i Europy to motywy przeplatające się w niniejszej pracy. W swych esejach mierzą się z nimi wyjątkowe postaci współczesnej humanistyki: Zygmunt Bauman (1925–2017), Edwin Bendyk, Krzysztof Czyżewski, Dominika Kozłowska, Sławomir Magala, Reinhard Marx, Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński, Shalini Randeria, Michael Sandel, Gesine Schwan, Timothy Snyder, Guy Sorman i Michel Wieviorka. Na niniejszy tom składają się wykłady cyklu "Etyka solidarności" i eseje, które zostały napisane dla Europejskiego Centrum Solidarności w latach 2011–2019. Stały się one dla ECS inspiracją, wyznaczając tematy poruszane w codziennej pracy oraz pomocne w odkrywaniu kierunków, w jakich instytucja powinna się rozwijać, by sprostać wyzwaniom współczesności.

Like Arena, the sociology of social movements is fifty years old. As in social movement theory, the nature, structure, contexts, theoretical conflicts and consequences of social movement activity have been debated continuously in and by... more

Like Arena, the sociology of social movements is fifty years old. As in social movement theory, the nature, structure, contexts, theoretical conflicts and consequences of social movement activity have been debated continuously in and by Arena. It would be difficult to do justice to the scope and intensity of Arena's intellectual engagement with social movements and the questions provoked by both new and old forms of collective action. Any investigation, by definition, would be partial and highly selective. One could choose the nuclear-disarmament movement, the feminist movement, Indigenous activism, the politics of the green movement or any example of the various nationalist struggles with social movement aims - such as those in East Timor, West Papua and New Caledonia - that Arena has covered or uncovered, often having been at the forefront of debate over the last decades. This essay moves in a slightly different direction. In order to examine key aspects of Arena's impact on our understanding of social movements, my comments will span contributions from the May 1968 events in Paris to the Occupy movement from 2011 on. Given the themes of beginnings and endings running through the publication over the last half a century ('the end of students', 'the end of social movements', 'goodbye to the sixties'), this seems like an apt way forward. My aims are threefold: first, to trace some interpretive shifts in Arena in relation to the emergence of 'the student' as a new revolutionary subject; second, to try to capture something very distinctive about Arena's publications - first 'Arena', the 'Arena Journal and Arena Magazine' - namely their blend of a transnational and an idiosyncratically Australian focus; and, third, to tentatively suggest that, like social movements themselves, Arena produces activist subjects through the processes of writing, interpretation, reading and related forms of cultural radicalism.

The Iraq War’s enduring conflict has proven resilient in its on-and-off relationship with the US and international forces occupying. Streamlining a more sustainable counterinsurgency plan remains a critical link to securing stability... more

The Iraq War’s enduring conflict has proven resilient in its on-and-off relationship with the US and international forces occupying. Streamlining a more sustainable counterinsurgency plan remains a critical link to securing stability designed to promote Iraqi nation-rebuilding efforts. While the smart power approach to foreign policy has yet to realize its potential full effect, recruitment of younger generations into recurrent violence via Islamist co-optation persists with threat to bleed across the region. Military, diplomatic and politically weighed strategies struggle to contain the violence by advancing innovative methods to counter and disengage while supporting Iraqi democracy, not altogether unlike US operations in Afghanistan. COIN directive requires in-depth analysis of the socialization of teenage youth as they undertake transnational violence into adulthood. Nation building through better concerted and inclusive effort of relief, intelligence, military and policymaking drive is the key to tapping the potential of next generation Iraqis as immediate and future leaders. Youth at risk raised with a history of violence will otherwise require constant intervention. Policy transition moving towards internal stability and an exit strategy has the resources to launch effective social programming for political infrastructure and business strategy to guide better negotiation in resource and conflict management. Media’s role in promoting proactive social networks promises to be a game-changer for ground game where youth are enabled to access it. International support and inter-alia networking then remain to be fully realized if Iraq and the US are to emerge from the war in two pieces.

The purpose of this research is to show the changing face of cultural participation in hidden sub-cultures of the West. Through repackaging social partnership to adapt to post-modern realities, Middle-Earth Strategy Battle Gamers... more

The purpose of this research is to show the changing face of cultural participation in hidden sub-cultures of the West. Through repackaging social partnership to adapt to post-modern realities, Middle-Earth Strategy Battle Gamers establish community, identity, and social mobilization through tabletop wargaming. This research is a call for anthropologists to expand their presence on social media as a means of understanding shifting images of culture. It is also a call for Christian participation in all segments of society.

This paper explores how the Greater London Council (1981–1986) deployed community focused cultural policy initiatives to disseminate cultural forms of nuclear scepticism during its ‘GLC Peace Year 1983’ campaign. Drawing upon archival... more

This paper explores how the Greater London Council (1981–1986) deployed community focused cultural policy initiatives to disseminate cultural forms of nuclear scepticism during its ‘GLC Peace Year 1983’ campaign. Drawing upon archival sources and interviews, this paper will present an overview of Peace Year’s cultural programme, which promoted London’s ‘nuclear-free zone’ through arts commissions, poster campaigns, pop concerts, murals, documentary films and photography exhibitions. Focusing on two GLC funded projects aimed at promoting positive representations of women’s peace activism, this paper will reflect upon the emotional and political impacts of the GLC’s radical cultural strategy.

This chapter seeks to understand the concept of new media in the Arab world and how politics in the information age has changed Arab politics and moved citizens to the streets. However, the evolution of new media social networks and the... more

This chapter seeks to understand the concept of new media in the Arab world and how politics in the information age has changed Arab politics and moved citizens to the streets. However, the evolution of new media social networks and the cause of political information in particular during the revolution will not be studied alone. In fact, the evolution of the Arab Spring and the effects of new media social networks will be taken into account, by exploring how politics in the information age has influenced Arab citizens and allowed them to use information for the greater good and established such a new social movement. This chapter takes the Arab Spring as a case study and an empirical example to understand the transnational protests and global movements, the concept of global media and global politics in the case of the Arab Spring, new media and new politics regarding the Arab Spring, city and street and public sphere as people power in the information age, finally, the chapter distinguishes between the new social movements through social networks and the roles of ICTs to aim revolution and whether such a revolution will erupt without new media social networks. http://www.igi-global.com/chapter/political-information-political-power-and-people-power/110668

A Brazilian Portuguese translation of my book Digital Media and Society

Este trabajo estudia la protesta estudiantil en 2011. En la primera parte se analizan las movilizaciones del estudiantado y en las tres siguientes se estudia la estructura de oportunidad política (EOP), las estructuras de movilización y... more

Este trabajo estudia la protesta estudiantil en 2011. En la primera parte se analizan las movilizaciones del estudiantado y en las tres siguientes se estudia
la estructura de oportunidad política (EOP), las estructuras de movilización y
los marcos de la acción colectiva y discursos políticos. El ciclo de protesta se explica, en buena parte, por una EOP favorable debido al apoyo que consiguió
el movimiento en diversos sectores sociales y en algunos de la clase política. Sin embargo, tal grado de movilización no se habría producido sin la Mesa Amplia Nacional Estudiantil (MANE), que aglutinó las principales organizaciones estudiantiles y, al plantearse como un espacio amplio, fue desbordada por el enrolamiento de estudiantes no organizados. El éxito del movimiento fue coronado por unas estrategias discursivas, basadas en la reivindicación de la educación como derecho, que contrarrestaron la argumentación del Gobierno y articularon a su lucha diversos actores.

This article explores the policy towards transport and mobility in Antwerp (Belgium) in around 1970-1975. The main subjects studied are the creation of the first pedestrian zone and the construction of the underground light rail... more

This article explores the policy towards transport and mobility in Antwerp (Belgium)
in around 1970-1975. The main subjects studied are the creation of the first pedestrian
zone and the construction of the underground light rail transport system, known as
pre-metro. The article examines the contributions and interactions of the main actors:
the Ministry of Transport, the city government and new social movements.
Moreover, the article examines the evolution of ideas concerning transport and mobility.
The main conclusion is that during the seventies, the older functionalist vision
of mobility, which focused on large-scale planning and technological efficiency, was
gradually replaced by a more human-centered vision, which emphasized ‘soft’ values,
such as liveability, and favored a small-scale approach

This chapter focuses on the role of social media in galvanizing street protests, demonstrations, and other forms of democratic participation associated with the Iranian Green Movement, and examines how Iranian activists framed relevant... more

This chapter focuses on the role of social media in galvanizing street protests, demonstrations, and other forms of democratic participation associated with the Iranian Green Movement, and examines how Iranian activists framed relevant events, norms, values, ideologies, issues, narratives, and symbols on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and other websites. The political, social, economic, and technological circumstances in Iran that triggered the Green Revolution and eventually contributed to its apparent demise are investigated. In particular, the chapter explores how movement activists utilized social media to enunciate their political demands and mobilize supporters – both within Iran and around the world. Attempts by activists to achieve a frame alignment between the Green Movement and relevant indigenous (national) and transnational discursive concepts are examined. The chapter proposes that the use of collective action frames in social media was instrumental initially in mobilizing the Green Movement and contesting the dominant frames of the regime, but ultimately proved to be insufficient and even counterproductive at times in sustaining the necessary levels of popular support to topple the regime from power.

In this chapter, I examine two social movements as they involved young women seeking to create new paths in Wellington, New Zealand in the 1990s: the Young Women’s Division of Soka Gakkai International New Zealand (SGINZ), a lay Buddhist... more

In this chapter, I examine two social movements as they involved young women seeking to create new paths in Wellington, New Zealand in the 1990s: the Young Women’s Division of Soka Gakkai International New Zealand (SGINZ), a lay Buddhist movement; and the radical lesbian feminist movement. I was an active participant in both movements, thus the chapter is autoethnographic, distilling insights from the perspective of a Complete Member Researcher (CMR). For each movement, I analyse the motivations for young women’s involvement, the type of revolutionary change sought, and the approach to organisation. I determine that the lesbian feminist movement of the 1990s was ‘of its time’: a flotilla lashed temporarily together to explore and create landing spaces in barely charted waters. It unleashed an outpouring of radically transgressive energy that transformed young women’s lives and the social landscape, but it struggled to support all its members in the face of internal schisms. The Young Women’s Division of the Soka Gakkai International, in contrast, existed within a tightly designed organisational structure based on deep historic roots, that carefully directed participants’ energies to enhance their self-development, grow
the organisation, and transform wider society. The SGINZ did not confront political oppression head-on, but rather gave young women opportunities to undertake their ‘human revolution’ with a view to contributing to social change. The overlap of the membership of these two groups suggests that individuals may be drawn to more than one model. Looking back, from a relatively near future, it is clear that social movements work in mysterious ways, with at times unexpected results.

Not all social movements will have a corresponding counter-movement. The aim of this paper would be to examine why that is the case and propose four conditions that encourage the formation of a counter-movement. I begin by examining the... more

Not all social movements will have a corresponding counter-movement. The aim of this paper would be to examine why that is the case and propose four conditions that encourage the formation of a counter-movement. I begin by examining the current literature on social movements and counter-movements. Next, I compare two social movements, Black Lives Matter and Black Power to examine why the former had counter-movements and the latter did not. Using my analysis of the comparison between the two movements, I then propose the four conditions which when present, encourage the development of a counter-movement. My four conditions are: Organisational Structure, State Intervention, Narrative Control and Socioeconomic Processes/Participant Habitus. I argue that for a counter-movement to form, it has to have an organisational structure that is similar to or more horizontal than the movement it is opposing; that the state needs to intervene in the social movement as a signal of the political significance of the movement; that the counter-movement has to be able to control a narrative that is opposed to the movement; and that the socioeconomic processes/participant habitus of the counter-movement participants need to be similar to each other so as to prevent the counter-movement from splintering into separate groups.

The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, leads to a series of social, economic and political changes. Information Society in their expectations and through access to knowledge, significantly affect... more

The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, leads to a series of social, economic and political changes. Information Society in their expectations and through access to knowledge, significantly affect the change in the model of democracy, causing a kind of return to the original forms of communication in relation citizen-government. It is accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from real to virtual world. In the literature, the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is called: electronic democracy. Its pillar is a civic network democracy, implemented in various forms of online activity. A good example of this type of activity are the new social movements, as a result of a number of processes taking place in modern society. Many of them are characterized by high efficiency operation, and in recent years we have seen their significant impact on the functioning of political systems.
The basic research problem in this article focuses on the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. Among the numerous examples of this type of movements, both in democratic and authoritarian regimes, I have chosen to analyse three: the Burmese National League for Democracy, organizations sites in South Korea and the protest movements in the Arab Spring. For this purpose, I used the method of case study and comparative analysis. The main research goal is therefore to present the role of new media in shaping the new social movements, and consequently their activities overlap changes in the political system.

Given the increasing importance of the role of new social movements in the field of global governance, this article seeks to answer the fundamental question of how environmental movements, as one of the most important new social... more

Given the increasing importance of the role of new social movements in the field of global governance, this article seeks to answer the fundamental question of how environmental movements, as one of the most important new social movements, can play a role in Iran's global politics. Given the fundamental impact of the approaches of the Islamic Revolution on world politics in Iran, this article focuses on how environmental movements are related to the approaches of the Islamic Revolution in the world. Therefore, according to Alain Touraine’s theoretical basics about new social movements and using a qualitative method, this paper comparatively studied three components of identity, purpose, and competitor in the Islamic Revolution and the Environmental movement as one of the new social movements in the world arena. It also extracted, compared, and examined the relations between these movement-stimulant components using categorization and encoding techniques. According to the findings of this study, Islamic Revolution has an identity, a goal and a opponent beyond environmental movement. However, there is no contradiction between their components and therefore there is an overlap between the Islamic Revolution and environmental movement in the field of global governance.

Academic explorations of anti-authority movements are virtually non-existent in Canada. We have no reliable primary data or empirical insights into Freemen-on-the-Land (FOTL) or other similar contingents. What we do know comes largely... more

Academic explorations of anti-authority movements are virtually non-existent in Canada. We have no reliable primary data or empirical insights into Freemen-on-the-Land (FOTL) or other similar contingents. What we do know comes largely from Associate Chief Justice Rooke’s decision in Meads v. Meads (2012). He refers to the loose collection of individuals and small cells as “vexatious litigants.” In the absence of any academic assessment of these movements, we embarked on a one-year pilot project, bringing an exploratory and multi-method approach to this first such study, grounded in interviews with law enforcement, lawyers, judges, notaries, and movement adherents (n = 32), along with analysis of open source data which included media reports, court documents, and movement websites.

This chapter traces the historical process through which Mexico had moved from relative isolation to being one of the most globally connected societies, particularly after its membership to NAFTA. After discussing the economic and... more

This chapter traces the historical process through which Mexico had moved from relative isolation to being one of the most globally connected societies, particularly after its membership to NAFTA. After discussing the economic and socio-political components of the process, the chapter focuses on the most recent stages of global integration. Since globalization impacts different regions and sectors differently, particular perspectives and responses of the business, labor, agricultural sectors and the indigenous communities are discussed separately.
In conclusion, there is a tentative balance sheet for the Mexican case and highlights for its significance for the rest of the developing world.

This book catalogues the ways that various emotions help and hinder us in politics, including not only the obvious short-run emotions of fear and anger but long-run moral emotions like shame and compassion and affective commitments such... more

This book catalogues the ways that various emotions help and hinder us in politics, including not only the obvious short-run emotions of fear and anger but long-run moral emotions like shame and compassion and affective commitments such as love and hate, trust and respect, even simply feeling comfortable or uncomfortable. It also includes an appendix on how to study emotions and politics, and a review of the many ways in which the emotions of politics have been studied in the past.

#NiUnaMenos ha sido un movimiento ciudadano singular en diversos aspectos, que se caracterizó por haberse constituido a partir de un nuevo tipo de actividad ciudadana, en Twitter. A partir del análisis de los tweets que le dieron origen,... more

#NiUnaMenos ha sido un movimiento ciudadano singular en diversos aspectos, que se caracterizó por haberse constituido a partir de un nuevo tipo de actividad ciudadana, en Twitter. A partir del análisis de los tweets que le dieron origen, esta ponencia describe el surgimiento de #NiUnaMenos e identificar algunas de sus características principales que lo distinguen de otras forma de expresión de la ciudadanía y lo constituyen en novedoso. El análisis se realizó desde una perspectiva político - sociológica, sirviéndose de elementos del análisis del discurso, y se basa en tres ejes principales: el surgimiento discursivo del sujeto #NiUnaMenos, la construcción de su identidad y ethos, sus objetivos criterios de eficacia. Las conclusiones describen a #NiUnaMenos como un nuevo sujeto político que supone fronteras porosas y compromisos débiles, pero consignas fuerte, no efímero y con cierto grado de institucionalización provisto por Twitter.

Gerechtigkeit sollte die Grundlage allen politischen Handelns sein. Doch was, wenn staatliche Maßnahmen und Gesetze dieser Norm widersprechen? Können dann auch in Demokratien Akte des zivilen Ungehorsams gerechtfertigt sein? Und wenn ja,... more

Gerechtigkeit sollte die Grundlage allen politischen Handelns sein. Doch was, wenn staatliche Maßnahmen und Gesetze dieser Norm widersprechen? Können dann auch in Demokratien Akte des zivilen Ungehorsams gerechtfertigt sein? Und wenn ja, unter welchen Bedingungen? Dieser Band versammelt erstmals die zentralen Positionen einer Debatte, die von Thoreau über Gandhi und Martin Luther King, über John Rawls, Hannah Arendt und Jürgen Habermas bis zur Occupy-Bewegung führt. Auch kritische Stimmen kommen zu Wort, denen ziviler Ungehorsam mal zu viel, mal zu wenig Widerstand bedeutet.

Reviews, interviews and quotes of the book Utopías artísticas de revuelta.

Opublikowane w: Colloquia Anthropologica II, red. J. Jasionowska, K. Kaniowska, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa 2017, s. 177-193. Nowe wyzwania antropologii politycznej. Etnografia usieciowionej rzeczywistości Abstrakt: Cyfrowy aktywizm to... more

Opublikowane w:
Colloquia Anthropologica II, red. J. Jasionowska, K. Kaniowska, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa 2017, s. 177-193.
Nowe wyzwania antropologii politycznej. Etnografia usieciowionej rzeczywistości Abstrakt: Cyfrowy aktywizm to nowe zjawisko, ściśle związane z możliwościami technologicznymi Web 2.0, które zasadniczo zmienia dotychczasowe formy zaangażowania politycznego. Cyfrowe technologie umożliwiają nowe formy oporu i kontrolowania władzy, warunkują nowe sposoby protestu i zmuszają instytucje władzy do większej otwartości i przejrzystości. Na ile nowe formy ruchów społecznych wykorzystujące nowe możliwości technologiczne zmieniają ugruntowane instytucje władzy? Czy cyfrowy aktywizm doprowadzi do zmian neoliberalnej demokracji? Oto nowe pytania antropologii politycznej XXI wieku.

This study addresses the dynamics of new social movements with a special emphasis on the " Refugees Welcome UK " in the light of the Syrian refugee crisis. Since March 2011, over four millions of people have fled civil war in Syria and... more

This study addresses the dynamics of new social movements with a special emphasis on the " Refugees Welcome UK " in the light of the Syrian refugee crisis. Since March 2011, over four millions of people have fled civil war in Syria and sought refuge mainly in neighbouring countries, such as Turkey, Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon. However, precarious living circumstances and uncertain legal status in these countries have forced hundreds of thousands of Syrians to head for Europe in quest for a better life. The European countries, on the other hand, have adopted restrictive approaches towards Syrian refugees. Among these European countries, the UK has been the most criticized one because of its indifference to the plight of Syrian refugees. Under the leadership of David Cameron, the UK has taken a restrictive stance on accepting Syrian refugees and resisted any solution attempts at the EU level. Contrary to this anti-refugee approach at the state level, there emerged social movements in support of refugees throughout the UK. The most prominent one is the " Refugees Welcome " movement engaging in various strategies, ranging from seeking donation to raising public awareness. Building upon the insights of " New Social Movements " paradigm and using documentary analysis, this article explores the dynamics of this movement, its demands and objectives, social base, organizational structure, mobilization strategies and medium of action and social location. The article seeks to contribute both to the literature on social movements and to the current debate on refugees.

An analysis of the emergence and rise of an alternative sport scene using social movement theory. The rise of Freestyle BMX in "Pro-Town, USA" (Greenville, NC) from local kids erecting guerrilla ramp parks on vacant lots to a residential... more

An analysis of the emergence and rise of an alternative sport scene using social movement theory. The rise of Freestyle BMX in "Pro-Town, USA" (Greenville, NC) from local kids erecting guerrilla ramp parks on vacant lots to a residential concentration of top pros.

What factors drive people to choose nonviolent civil resistance to achieve human rights, peace, and justice? This Special Report offers ground-breaking knowledge about the link of colonialism, the Cold War, and the War on Terror with... more

What factors drive people to choose nonviolent
civil resistance to achieve human rights,
peace, and justice? This Special Report offers
ground-breaking knowledge about the link of
colonialism, the Cold War, and the War on Terror
with Talibanization, oppression, and human
rights violations in the northwestern tribal
areas of Pakistan. This knowledge is drawn from
three years of in-depth field work studying the
nonviolent resistance of the Pashtun Protection
Movement in Pakistan. The report provides
key takeaways to civil resistance scholars,
policymakers, civil society, and activists who are
confronting colonial phenomena and its remnants
in the form of minority suppression, violence,
exclusion, and injustice.

This research uses a resource mobilization analytic framework to undertake an empirical assessment of central and controversial claims of new social movements (NSM) theory. Key dimensions of organizational style along which social... more

This research uses a resource mobilization analytic framework to undertake an empirical assessment of central and controversial claims of new social movements (NSM) theory. Key dimensions of organizational style along which social movement organizations (SMOs) among the "new" social movements are expected to differ significantly from those within "old" social movements are specified. These include degree of bureaucracy, (de)centralization of power and organizational operating strategy, whether participatory or professionalized. The rich organizational level data assembled here from separate national samples of "new" and "old" SMOs enable each dimension of organizational style to be examined empirically. Multiple regression analyses of cross-movement differences and intra-movement variation over time in these indicators of organizational style constitutes the empirical basis for assessing new social movements theory.
NSM data comes from 411 peace movement organizations (PMOs) that responded to a nationally representative 1988 mail survey of "groups working for peace" in the United States. The PMO sample of 803 was drawn from among the 7,700 groups listed in the 1987 edition of the Grassroots Peace Directory. "Old" movement data comes primarily from 177 poor people's empowerment organizations that responded to a 1987 mailed survey of 482 groups that received grant funding from the Campaign for Human Development (CHD) between 1982-1986. The strengths and limitations of this unique cross-movement data set are described and its appropriateness for assessing specific claims of NSM theory claims discussed extensively.
Results of the cross movement analyses generally contradict or fail to confirm relevant expectations of NSM theory and undermine confidence in it as an explanation of the distinctiveness of the so called new social movements. Generally only the smallest SMOs regardless of their social class base, social change goals or the broader movement to which they belong fit the NSM organizational profile. Similarly, the age related expectations of NSM theory regarding the persistence of the NSM organizational style over time find no support in this assessment. NSM theory undervalues the importance of meso level social structures in understanding the reflexive relationship between social movements and social change, and oversimplifies the dynamics related to the distribution, persistence, and transformation of SMO forms over time.

Przedmioty protestu to książka prezentująca nowatorskie badania nad materialnością protestów ulicznych w Polsce i na świecie. Autor posługuje się koncepcjami z zakresu socjologii ruchów społecznych oraz społecznych studiów nad... more

Przedmioty protestu to książka prezentująca nowatorskie badania nad materialnością protestów ulicznych w Polsce i na świecie. Autor posługuje się koncepcjami z zakresu socjologii ruchów społecznych oraz społecznych studiów nad materialnością, aby rozpoznać znaczenie i funkcje przedmiotów, takich jak transparenty, maski, kostiumy i bardziej kreatywne konstrukcje materialne, które możemy zobaczyć w trakcie zgromadzeń publicznych. Poszukując wzorców dla kultury materialnej protestu, przeprowadził między innymi fotograficzne obserwacje uczestniczące w trakcie demonstracji ulicznych, jak również rozmawiał z bezpośrednimi i pośrednimi wytwórcami przedmiotów oraz ramy materialnej dla wydarzeń publicznych. Analizie poddane zostały między innymi Czarny Protest, demonstracje Stop ACTA oraz Marsze Niepodległości. Autor przez pryzmat przedmiotów protestu patrzy na relacje między ludźmi, którzy aktywnie i w różnych rolach angażują się w procesy kontestacji. [opis pochodzi od wydawcy]