Pacifism Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The telling of the Great War (1914-1918), mainly through the point of view of combatants, is one of the best scenarios exemplifying how women have been obviated and censored throughout history. Moreover, the engagement of pacifist women... more

The telling of the Great War (1914-1918), mainly through the point of view of combatants, is one of the best scenarios exemplifying how women have been obviated and censored throughout history. Moreover, the engagement of pacifist women has been doubly belittled due to a misinterpretation of the term pacifism. Consequently, this paper aims at re-examining the origins and values of pacifism and giving visibility to pacifists Jane Addams, Mabel St Clair Stobart and Rose Macaulay.

Conferencia en la cátedra de la paz de la Universidad EAFIT (Medellín).

The message of peace and nonviolence was believed in the early church until the claim of Constantine's vision was endorsed by Eusebius and Lactantius. Scriptures and quotes from early church writers are reviewed, and thought questions... more

The message of peace and nonviolence was believed in the early church until the claim of Constantine's vision was endorsed by Eusebius and Lactantius. Scriptures and quotes from early church writers are reviewed, and thought questions challenge the reader.

Da qualche anno assistiamo a un curioso, ma ben comprensibile, comportamento da parte di alcuni stati, di osservatori ed esponenti politici europei e tedeschi, ovvero quello di richiamare la Germania a un maggiore impegno militare. Nel... more

Da qualche anno assistiamo a un curioso, ma ben comprensibile, comportamento da parte di alcuni stati, di osservatori ed esponenti politici europei e tedeschi, ovvero quello di richiamare la Germania a un maggiore impegno militare. Nel 2014, ad esempio, dalla Cancelliera Merkel al ministro della Difesa tedesco Ursula von der Leyen, al Capo dello Stato Gauck, tutti avevano ribadito la necessità per la Germania di “immischiarsi” negli affari internazionali anche con azioni militari. Lo stesso
ministro degli Esteri polacco Sikorski aveva detto di preferire una Germania forte e leader a una debole e incerta. In mancanza della prima, ai polacchi non sarebbe rimasto altro che rivolgersi alla difesa americana e creare, come poi avvenuto, una sorta di fascia cuscinetto con gli Stati Baltici e la Svezia in chiara funzione antirussa. Lo stesso Hollande ha chiesto e ottenuto, a seguito degli attentati di Parigi (13 novembre 2015), un impegno armato tedesco e la Germania ha inviato 650 militari in Mali e dei Tornado in Siria. Dello stesso parere erano testate importanti come Die Welt o Der Tagespiegel, che sottolineavano che era giunto il momento per il paese di uscire dalla pubertà e abbracciare il ruolo di potenza. Era questo un dibattito interno alla Germania, ma anche esterno ed europeo, dettato dalla profonda evoluzione avvenuta (e tuttora in corso) nel panorama geopolitico globale. La sensazione generale è che sia ormai giunto il tempo per la Germania di lasciare la «cornice Europa»1, ma essa, consapevole dei suoi limiti più culturali che fisici, continua a rimanere sul ciglio del balcone di casa, con lo sguardo rivolto verso l’interno nella speranza di poter tornare a far parte di un’Europa forte, nel suo classico ruolo di gregario.

This workshop has two aims: first, to bring considerations of gender into international history; second, to reconceptualise international Jewish history as having a gendered dimension. This focus on the experience of a particular group of... more

This workshop has two aims: first, to bring considerations of gender into international history; second, to reconceptualise international Jewish history as having a gendered dimension. This focus on the experience of a particular group of actors will allow for a more systematic engagement with the conceptual issues involved in gendering internationalism.

At the beginning of World War I, the voice of the socialist leader Rosa Luxemburg was one of those that most resonated within what is known as the peace movement; a space that is in fact broad and complex. On the other hand, that fact... more

At the beginning of World War I, the voice of the socialist leader Rosa Luxemburg
was one of those that most resonated within what is known as the peace movement; a
space that is in fact broad and complex. On the other hand, that fact that Luxemburg
did not belong to the feminist movement — at least not as we understand it today
—has for many years been an ongoing source of controversy within this movement.

Bizumic et al. (2013) have recently shown that attitudes towards peace and war reflect two distinct constructs rather than two poles of a single dimension. We present an attempt at validating the French version of their 16-item Attitudes... more

Bizumic et al. (2013) have recently shown that attitudes towards peace and war reflect two distinct constructs rather than two poles of a single dimension. We present an attempt at validating the French version of their 16-item Attitudes toward Peace and War Scale (APWS) on five distinct (mainly Belgian) French-speaking samples (total N = 808). Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that attitudes toward peace and war, although negatively related, are distinct in terms of their antecedents and consequences. On the one hand, antecedents of attitudes toward peace included egalitarian ideological beliefs and empathic concern for others, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-peace behaviors. On the other hand, antecedents of attitudes toward war included national identification and authoritarian ideological beliefs, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-war behaviors. Furthermore, both attitudes toward peace and war were, respective...

The Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security signed between the United States and Japan in 1960 was a revision of the historic San Francisco Peace treaty of 1952 that had ended 7 years of postwar American occupation of Japan. Japan had... more

The Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security signed between the United States and Japan in 1960 was a revision of the historic San Francisco Peace treaty of 1952 that had ended 7 years of postwar American occupation of Japan. Japan had gained back its sovereignty, however, due to the adoption of Article IX in its postwar pacifist constitution, de-militarized Japan's security came to virtually lay with the Americans, who were by the 1952 treaty not explicitly obligated to use their forces in Japan for Japan's defence. The treaty was not mutual and suffered from asymmetry; it was seen as Japan's subservience to the US. To alleviate this one-sided unequal 'big brother-little brother' relationship to an equal and respectable bilateral relationship of that between two independent, sovereign powers; the Japanese statesmen made use of patient, skilful diplomacy and compromise on limited rearmament as a means to their end, leading upto the signing of a new Security Treaty in 1960. The new revised treaty did not alter the US-Japan security relationship but only set down in writing the actual arrangements that had already evolved since 1951. Nevertheless, it stirred unprecedented political turmoil and heated public opposition. The year of 1960, characterised by student agitations, parliamentary and public debate over the nature of US-Japan relations, came to be remembered as one of the most turbulent years of postwar Japanese history.

The history of civil resistance in Italy is almost unknown beyond its frontiers. The iftieth anniversary of the Liberation in 1995 was the occasion to learn about a new historiography that emphasized the existence of an unarmed struggle... more

The history of civil resistance in Italy is almost unknown beyond its frontiers. The iftieth anniversary of the Liberation in 1995 was the occasion to learn about a new historiography that emphasized the existence of an unarmed struggle
against the German occupation that gave prominence to women and underlined the importance of fostering social awareness and cohesion to face the barbarity of war. This historiography made possible relativizing the key role given to armed struggle for the Liberation cause and paved the way for discussing the potential of an unarmed civil defense.

Few subjects are as widely discussed in religious circles as War and Peace. Yet, as followers of Christ, we live in a world order run by sinners under the dominion of the Devil himself. Even so, religious people debate and argue over this... more

Few subjects are as widely discussed in religious circles as War and Peace. Yet, as followers of Christ, we live in a world order run by sinners under the dominion of the Devil himself. Even so, religious people debate and argue over this multifaceted issue as if there is a more righteous position, condemning the world to its own trajectory. These positions range from Augustine's "Just Cause" to what is thought to be higher-minded notions like "Non-Resistance", "Non-Violence," or "Pacifism." As is usual, I will take you on a path right between all the thinking factions to present something that transcends the boundaries of the argument. I want to raise a more provocative thought as it relates to people whose aim it is to follow Christ and who see their citizenship to a different realm, yet while they live in this one.

Publié les 22-23 septembre 1914 dans les colonnes du Journal de Genève, « Au-dessus de la mêlée » compte parmi les plus spectaculaires manifestes de l’histoire des intellectuels européens. L’article, jeté dans l’arène au moment où le... more

Publié les 22-23 septembre 1914 dans les colonnes du Journal de Genève, « Au-dessus de la mêlée » compte parmi les plus spectaculaires manifestes de l’histoire des intellectuels européens. L’article, jeté dans l’arène au moment où le patriotisme atteignait son paroxysme, fit de Romain Rolland, non pas seulement, un pôle de répulsion, « l’icône bien trouvée du défaitisme » (Roland Roudil), il lui conféra également une autorité morale telle qu’il fut considéré dès lors, comme un point de ralliement privilégié pour les forces opposées aux contraintes mentales nées des cultures de guerre. D’abord censuré en France, le texte de Rolland put néanmoins circuler sous le manteau grâce à l’entremise de Gaston Thiesson, Charles Vildrac ou bien encore d’Amédée Dunois. L’année suivante, il fut repris dans une brochure éponyme qui parvint à passer la censure et parut chez Ollendorff et Attinger frères.
Cet ouvrage, issu d’une journée d’études organisée à la Sorbonne le 17 octobre 2014, s’attache à redécouvrir la singularité d’un « texte de combat » et à réfléchir à sa réception ainsi qu’à sa diffusion dans l’espace et dans le temps.

It is noted that Adolf Hitler lived his rise to power, connected to the realization and the military expansion of the Third Reich, with the conviction of being invested with a messianic task, a conviction wrapped in a halo of religious... more

It is noted that Adolf Hitler lived his rise to power, connected to the realization and the military expansion of the Third Reich, with the conviction of being invested with a messianic task, a conviction wrapped in a halo of religious selfcelebration and characterized by an improper exploitation of religious symbols and, above all, by the propagation of a ‘new’ vision of the world and of humanity
based on the principles of National Socialism. Max Josef Metzger, theologian and Catholic priest, stands out among the persons against such a dangerous manipulation of religion and determined to oppose the pseudo-messianism of
Hitler. His resistance was not of the violent type, but rested on the intent of proposing to German society an alternative world view to that of the Führer, based on consummately evangelical values and animated by a renewed faith in the
Messiahship of Jesus. Such courageous action, that invited Christians to undertake a way of authentic conversion, sought to sow in the dark and vast terrain of the Third Reich ideals of brotherhood and tolerance, of peace and unity, educating toward a true and authentic ethic of the Beatitudes. Executed by guillotine for his untiring activity of wanting to give witness to the Kingdom of Christ as the one true Reich, Metzger represents also today a significant and actual example of someone taking up the Gospel position against the repeated temptations of the ‘world’ to restart the construction of the Tower of Babel and to force humanity to submit to the idols created by its own hands.

Points out how religion is power; power will be used by others--even the non-religious; when things go awry, then, religion is then blamed, often by the same ones who have exploited its power. This calls for critical and wary analysis of... more

Points out how religion is power; power will be used by others--even the non-religious; when things go awry, then, religion is then blamed, often by the same ones who have exploited its power. This calls for critical and wary analysis of the rhetorical use of religion as a pawn, followed by its being blamed as a scapegoat. Published in The Destructive Power of Religion; Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, edited by J. Harold Ellens (4 volumes, Westport/London: Praeger Publishers, 2004), Vol. 2, 265-83.

An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between... more

An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between nations (pax). In other words, the term portrays creation of peace on a continuum from complete to moderate resistance to armed conflict while different arguments of abstract, spiritual and scriptural nature defend its core. Pacifism maxim that war is wrong as killing is wrong belongs to the primary theory virtues that the paper will attempt to visualize in sections of absolute, deontological, and consequentialist conviction as well as that of contingent belief and civil rights movements. Another hallmark refers to pacifists’ belief in nonviolence as what only defends the innocent or prevents breaking out the conflict. The theory disapproves armed dispute; it simultaneously means moderate opposition and denial of cruelty in building peace. It is concent...

The paper examines the changing conceptions of international arbitration in french pacifism in the second half of the 19th century. In these years pluralist interpretations of arbitration as a conflict resolution scheme comporting an... more

The paper examines the changing conceptions of international arbitration in french pacifism in the second half of the 19th century. In these years pluralist interpretations of arbitration as a conflict resolution scheme comporting an element of consent and negociation replace hierarchical schemes centered on the supreme autority of the arbitrator.

In a sociological perspective, this communi- cation explores the artistic endeavour of an author like Stefan Zweig who let the rethinking of new politics take place in his literary imaginary. The pacifist discourse is a particular... more

In a sociological perspective, this communi- cation explores the artistic endeavour of an author like Stefan Zweig who let the rethinking of new politics take place in his literary imaginary. The pacifist discourse is a particular characteristic of the stereotype he impersonates, the “dandy”, following the classification of the German sociologist Max Weber: this social order is a typical status for the fin-de-siècle Viennese poet whose work is deeply influenced by war, peace and the creation of a new society based on aesthetic and artistic creation. The pacifist discourse of Stefan Zweig is admittedly diffused by his numerous biographies and historical miniatures. This essay looks into biographical writing, the use of histor- ical miniature and Zweig’s abundant correspondence as matter of analysis of pacifist discourse.

The article tries to understand the dynamics of Japanese national identity and Abe Shinzo's revisionism. It argues that although Abe has launched the strongest ever attack on Japanese pacifist identity, there remain institutional and... more

The article tries to understand the dynamics of Japanese national identity and Abe Shinzo's revisionism. It argues that although Abe has launched the strongest ever attack on Japanese pacifist identity, there remain institutional and emotional constraints that prohibit this change from materializing. Theoretically, it tries to reconcile social constructivist and post-structural approaches to Japan's policy change and presses forward a sedimentation model that can explain the contemporary dynamics. Methodologically, the article builds on narrative analysis – it uncovers the revisionist narratives and shows how these interact with societal pressures. This is shown on two particular case studies: Abe's push for constitutional revision and Abe's attempt to transform school education. Within these case studies, the article shows that although Abe commands strong popular support and a hugely revisionist mindset, his societal and political changes have been rather limited.

For more than thirty years after World War II, the unconventional economist Kenneth E. Boulding (1910–1993) was a fervent advocate of the integration of the social sciences. Building on common general principles from various fields,... more

For more than thirty years after World War II, the unconventional economist Kenneth E. Boulding (1910–1993) was a fervent advocate of the integration of the social sciences. Building on common general principles from various fields, notably economics, political science, and sociology, Boulding claimed that an integrated social science in which mental images were recognized as the main determinant of human behavior would allow for a better understanding
of society. Boulding’s approach culminated in the social triangle, a view of society as comprised of three main social organizers – exchange, threat, and love – combined in varying proportions. According to this view, the problems of American society were caused by an unbalanced combination of these three organizers. The goal of integrated social scientific knowledge was therefore to help policy makers achieve the “right” proportions of exchange, threat, and love that would lead to social stabilization. Though he was hopeful that cross-disciplinary exchanges would overcome the shortcomings of too narrow specialization, Boulding found that rather than being the locus of a peaceful and mutually beneficial exchange, disciplinary boundaries were often the occasion of conflict and miscommunication.

an affirmation of pacifism

Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte 65/2 (2015), p. 283-293.

Friday, January 3, 2020. The dramatic contrast between our surgical bombings around the globe and those blind mass shootings at home calls for the mobilization of parents and teachers alike: we are citizens, after all. We must set aside... more

Friday, January 3, 2020.
The dramatic contrast between our surgical bombings around the globe and those blind mass shootings at home calls for the mobilization of parents and teachers alike: we are citizens, after all. We must set aside our political or religious differences; we can’t wait for the Washington smarties to find a solution.
Update May 24, 2021.
According to the Gun Violence Archive, at least 117 people were killed and 303 wounded in shootings across the country over 72 hours.
https://edition.cnn.com/2021/05/10/us/us-weekend-mass-shootings/index.html
Keep up the good work, folks.

Vingtième Siècle 120 (octobre-décembre 2013)

Roland B. Gittelsohn, the first Navy rabbi assigned with U.S. Marines, served in the Pacific during World War II. In his wartime memoir, written in 1946 but only published in 2021, he related his odyssey from doctrinaire pacifist to... more

Roland B. Gittelsohn, the first Navy rabbi assigned with U.S. Marines, served in the Pacific during World War II. In his wartime memoir, written in 1946 but only published in 2021, he related his odyssey from doctrinaire pacifist to "pacifist no more," his training, and his ministry to Marines and sailors on Iwo Jima. His sermon at the dedication of the 5th Marine Division cemetery riveted all Americans, even though it would only be heard by a small gathering that day. Woven though his account are reflections on morale, service, leadership, and interfaith understanding. Donald M. Bishop edited the volume, which includes a foreword by Rear Admiral Harold Robinson, Chaplain Corps, U.S. Navy (Retired) and a preface by Ronit Y. Stahl, Assistant Professor of History at the University of California, Berkeley. (Copies of the print book may be ordered from the Marine Corps University Press at no cost. Email mcu_press@usmcu.edu.

Maria Stona; Bertha von Suttner; Pacifism; Silesia; Salon

In the early 1960s, thousands of Black activists used nonviolent direct action to challenge segregation at lunch counters, movie theaters, skating rinks, public pools, and churches across the United States, battling for, and winning,... more

In the early 1960s, thousands of Black activists used nonviolent direct action to challenge segregation at lunch counters, movie theaters, skating rinks, public pools, and churches across the United States, battling for, and winning, social change. Organizers against segregation had used litigation and protests for decades but not until the advent of nonviolence did they succeed in transforming ingrained patterns of white supremacy on a massive scale. In this book, Anthony C. Siracusa unearths the deeper lineage of anti-war pacifist activists and thinkers from the early twentieth century who developed nonviolence into a revolutionary force for Black liberation.
Telling the story of how this powerful political philosophy came to occupy a central place in the Black freedom movement by 1960, Siracusa challenges the idea that nonviolent freedom practices faded with the rise of the Black Power movement. He asserts nonviolence's staying power, insisting that the indwelling commitment to struggle for freedom collectively in a spirit of nonviolence became, for many, a lifelong commitment. In the end, what was revolutionary about the nonviolent method was its ability to assert the basic humanity of Black Americans, to undermine racism's dehumanization, and to insist on the right to be.

Il Pellicano - Fonti e testi della storia del cristianesimo ----- Nel febbraio del 1965 i cappellani militari della Toscana emanano un comunicato stampa accusando i giovani italiani obiettori di coscienza di essere dei vili. In loro... more

Il Pellicano - Fonti e testi della storia del cristianesimo ----- Nel febbraio del 1965 i cappellani militari della Toscana emanano un comunicato stampa accusando i giovani italiani obiettori di coscienza di essere dei vili. In loro difesa interviene don Milani con una lettera aperta agli stessi cappellani, una lettera di altissimo valore morale e civile nella quale chiede rispetto per chi accetta il carcere per l’ideale della nonviolenza. Per questa sua lettera Milani viene denunciato da un gruppo di ex combattenti e messo sotto processo. Impossibilitato a parteciparvi per l’aggravamento del tumore che lo porterà, di lì a poco, alla morte, Milani scriverà una memoria difensiva sotto forma di lettera ai giudici. In essa la storia civile dell’Italia unita viene riletta senza retorica celebrativa come storia feroce di guerre, di spietato colonialismo, di sopraffazione di poveri. La lettera, vero manifesto contro l’obbedienza cieca, metterà anche sotto accusa la illusoria deresponsabilizzazione dell’esecuzione di ordini, anche omicidi, impartiti da una autorità. Per la prima volta le due lettere di Milani sono accompagnate da note che ne chiariscono il senso e le relazioni con la sua opera.

O capítulo de livro, publicado pela editora Almedina no livro "Guerra e Paz no século XXI: políticas e direito internacional", introduz temas como o pacifismo jurídico e a paz pelo direito internacional, em suas imbricações juridicas,... more

O capítulo de livro, publicado pela editora Almedina no livro "Guerra e Paz no século XXI: políticas e direito internacional", introduz temas como o pacifismo jurídico e a paz pelo direito internacional, em suas imbricações juridicas, políticas e filosóficas.

Pacifism is often painted into a corner as an absolute rejection of all violence and war. Such a dogmatic and negative formulation of pacifism does leave us with pacifism as a morally problematic position. But pacifism is not best... more

Pacifism is often painted into a corner as an absolute rejection of all violence and war. Such a dogmatic and negative formulation of pacifism does leave us with pacifism as a morally problematic position. But pacifism is not best understood as a negative claim. Nor is pacifism best understood as a singular or monistic concept. Rather, there is a "pacifist tradition" that is grounded in an affirmative claim about the importance of nonviolence, love, community building, and peaceful conflict resolution. This more positive conception of pacifism aims to transform social and political life. When understood in this way, pacifism is a robust and useful critical social theory. This paper explores the philosophy of pacifism in an attempt to reconceptualize pacifism as a tradition of normative critical theory. The paper argues that pacifism ought to be understood on analogy with other critical theories-such as feminism; that pacifism should be understood in terms of the "pacifist tradition"-along lines familiar from interpretations of the "just war tradition"; and that pacifism should be seen as offering interesting themes and ideas that are worthy of philosophical attention.