Recht Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Van den vos Reynaerde bewerkt voor groot en klein n.a.v. Koos Meinderts (bewerker), De schelmensteken van Reinaert de Vos Hoorn: Uitgeverij Hoogland en Van Klaveren, 2018. € 17,50. Kleine bijdrage over de verhouding tussen het boek van... more

Van den vos Reynaerde bewerkt voor groot en klein n.a.v. Koos Meinderts (bewerker), De schelmensteken van Reinaert de Vos Hoorn: Uitgeverij Hoogland en Van Klaveren, 2018. € 17,50. Kleine bijdrage over de verhouding tussen het boek van Meinderts en de oorspronkelijke tekst. Dit is een uitgebreide en herziene versie van het artikel 'Een weerspiegeling van een middeleeuwse bespiegeling' dat 4 december op Neerlandistiek.nl geplaatst is.

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were... more

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

O texto analisa o código civil como parte do projeto de modernização republicana, enfocando a relação entre direito civil e política na virada do século 20. O argumento aqui é que a conso-lidação do regime republicano no governo Campos... more

O texto analisa o código civil como parte do projeto de modernização republicana, enfocando a relação entre direito civil e política na virada do século 20. O argumento aqui é que a conso-lidação do regime republicano no governo Campos Sales criou as condições político-institucionais que viabilizaram o encaminhamento bem-sucedido do código a partir de 1899. Da perspectiva política, os debates parlamentares mostram que a tramitação do projeto rapi-damente se converteu em instrumento tanto de exercício quanto de oposição ao projeto de poder do presidente. Da perspectiva jurídica, o texto argumenta que, ao contrário do sustenta-do pela doutrina atual, o código representou uma tentativa real de ruptura com o ordenamento vigente, buscando criar as condições de uma organização das relações privadas fundada em igual liberdade jurídica. A hipótese aqui é que a conexão entre metodologia jurídica e moder-nização legislativa ajuda a entender não só as premissas a partir das quais é construído o pro-jeto, como também algumas de suas limitações.

Place of women from past to present day can’t be ignored, protection of the family and the necessary measures have been taken to prevent violence against women. We can only ensure that violence isn’t repeated, violence is prevented and... more

Place of women from past to present day can’t be ignored, protection of the family and the necessary measures have been taken to prevent violence against women. We can only ensure that violence isn’t repeated, violence is prevented and violence can be overcome if the woman is economically strong. The purpose of financial supports provided by laws enacted and contracts signed by State provides woman with an opportunity.
Republic of Turkey are contracting state party Council Europe Convention on preventing, combating violence against women and domestic violence according to article 8. parties shall allocate appropriate financial, human resources for adequate implementation of integrated policies, measures and programmes to prevent and combat all forms of violence covered by scope of this Convention, including those carried out by non-governmental organisations. Law No. 6284 has regulated protection against acts and acts that have caused human rights violations as a result of being women only. The law regulates provision of provisional financial assistance under Article 17 under Financial Provisions. Law No. 6284 in Official Gazette No. 28519 dated 5 January 2013 Regulation on Opening and Operation of Women's Guesthouse and financial provisions to implemented are detailed. In this way, women will be able to meet their needs stand on one’s own legs.
Prevention of violence against women and protection of family is to be able to show existence of women in society. In some laws, regulations should be made regarding the opening of cadres regarding women who are victims of violence, introducing minimum conditions in collective labor agreements and vocational training in public education centers. Protection of family and recruitment of women by employment of women who are subjected to violence makes possible for both acts of violence to be reduced and women who are victims of violence to adapt to life again.

J. Doomen and A. Ellian (eds.), De strijd van gelijkheid en vrijheid. The Hague: Boom Juridische Uitgevers, 2015. This study inquires the extent of freedom of expression in the present era. I wrote a chapter (pp. 107-123) and co-authored... more

J. Doomen and A. Ellian (eds.), De strijd van gelijkheid en vrijheid. The Hague: Boom Juridische Uitgevers, 2015. This study inquires the extent of freedom of expression in the present era. I wrote a chapter (pp. 107-123) and co-authored the general introduction (pp. 9-24).

In und zwischen Nationalstaaten hängt die Rechtsposition von Menschen entscheidend von ihrem Pass ab, der ihnen den Status der Staatsbürger*in verleiht. Dagegen ist Staatenlosigkeit der Status derer, die keinem Staat angehören. Heute sind... more

In und zwischen Nationalstaaten hängt die Rechtsposition von Menschen entscheidend von ihrem Pass ab, der ihnen den Status der Staatsbürger*in verleiht. Dagegen ist Staatenlosigkeit der Status derer, die keinem Staat angehören. Heute sind weltweit mehrere Millionen Menschen staatenlos; angesichts steigender Meeresspiegel und dem drohenden Untergang vieler Territorialstaaten könnte diese Zahl in den kommenden Jahren noch rasant steigen. Mira L. Siegelbergs Buch "Statelessness. A Modern History" widmet sich indessen nicht der Zukunft, sondern der Vergangenheit der Staatenlosigkeit. Siegelberg erzählt dabei keine Geschichte der Staatenlosen, der Menschen ohne Pass, sondern eine Geschichte des politischen und rechtlichen Umgangs mit Staatenlosigkeit in der internationalen Politik. Der untersuchte Zeitraum reicht vom Zusammenbruch der großen Imperien nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg bis in die Jahrzehnte nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, als im Zuge der Dekolonisation das Prinzip der nationalen Souveränität erneut Aufwind erhielt und mit neuen Staaten auch neue Staatenlose in Erscheinung traten.
Siegelbergs Buch wendet sich gegen ein wirkmächtiges Narrativ, demzufolge das Problem der Staatenlosigkeit durch die flächendeckende Aufteilung der Welt in Nationalstaaten verursacht worden sei und nur durch die Internationalisierung des Rechts und der Politik gelöst werden könne. Während bereits mit dem Ersten Weltkrieg viele Menschen staatenlos wurden, war die Welt noch bis in die 1960er-Jahre hinein nicht ausschließlich nationalstaatlich organisiert. Staatenlosigkeit, so Siegelbergs These, sei daher nicht unmittelbar als Effekt der Entstehung von Nationalstaaten zu verstehen, vielmehr hätten es gerade Konzeptionen der internationalen Ordnung im 20. Jahrhundert erschwert, der Staatenlosigkeit zur Geltung als Rechtsstatus mit damit verbundenen Rechten zu verhelfen.

The concept of “network” has become the most central concept within the work of Karl‐Heinz Ladeur (KHL). It is an omnibus concept which he uses to extrapolate insights at all levels: It is used to provide a general framework at the level... more

The concept of “network” has become the most central concept within the work of Karl‐Heinz Ladeur (KHL). It is an omnibus concept which he uses to extrapolate insights at all levels: It is used to provide a general framework at the level of Gesellschaftstheorie (social theory) in the sense that it provides insights into the general structure of society and thereby into the context within which legal processes unfold. At the level of organizational theory it provides a basis for understanding the transformation of organizational structures as it unfolds through the breakdown of hierarchy and the boundaries between the private and the public, just as the network concept plays an important role in its attempt to formulate a legal theory which is adequate for a society which, according to KHL, has become postmodern.
This article seeks to critically examine the function and “added value” of KHL’s network concept in relation to the European integration and constitutionalization process. It is argued that the concept provides a very useful overall framework, but that its usefulness might be enhanced when combined with more concrete studies of the actual function of networks in the EU context, just as the network concept should be more directly combined with an attempt to develop a conceptual framework for the juridification of networks.

In diesem Artikel möchte ich Zweifel an der weit verbreiteten Vorstellung sowohl von der Legitimität, als auch der Unvermeidbarkeit staatlicher Gewalt anmelden. Dafür möchte ich zunächst eine sehr prägnante Kritik an der kantischen... more

In diesem Artikel möchte ich Zweifel an der weit verbreiteten Vorstellung sowohl von der Legitimität, als auch der Unvermeidbarkeit staatlicher Gewalt anmelden. Dafür möchte ich zunächst eine sehr prägnante Kritik an der kantischen Begründung staatlich prozessierter Zwangsbefugnis vorstellen, nämlich diejenige des heute leider weitgehend in Vergessenheit geratenen Marburger Neukantianers Hermann Cohen. In einem zweiten Teil will ich eine detranszendentalisierte Version dieser Kritik am staatlichen Zwang skizzieren, die ich in Form einer radikaldemokratischen Weiterentwicklung von Habermas’ Modell der deliberativen Demokratie ausprobieren möchte, um auf diese Weise die Idee eines Rechts ohne Zwangsbefugnis zu plausibilisieren.

Four hundred years ago, the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius was commissioned by the United Netherlands’ East India Company (VOC) to write a defense of Admiral Jakob van Heemskerk’s seizure of a Portuguese merchant carrack in... more

Four hundred years ago, the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius was commissioned by the United Netherlands’ East India Company (VOC) to write a defense of Admiral Jakob van Heemskerk’s seizure of a Portuguese merchant carrack in the Straits of Singapore (February 1603). At the time he was twenty-one years old. What Grotius produced between 1604 and 1606 is a comprehensive political and historical exposé on war. Today, this work is known as De Jure Praedae Commentarius, or “Commentary on Law of Prize and Booty”. Only part of this comprehensive manuscript was published during its author’s lifetime and is known as Mare Liberum or “The Free Sea” (1609).
Mare Liberum is essentially a propagandistic treatise and argues for Holland’s merchants to freely access emporia in Asia by unimpeded navigation across the high seas. The freedom of navigation forms a subset to the overarching arguments on the freedom of access and trade. This particular assessment of Mare Liberum stands in sharp contrast to past interpretations, insofar as these have placed the ‘freedom of the seas’ - and not the broader issues surrounding ‘free trade’ - at the forefront of scholarly attention. From this vantage point, Grotius was surprisingly consistent in his thinking on the broader issues of maritime trade and navigation.
During the first two decades of the seventeenth century, Grotius lent a helping hand in the process of forging political and commercial treaties between the VOC and Asian rulers. Far from championing peace and the freedom of navigation on the high seas for which the Dutch humanist is best remembered in modern times, Grotius should also assume a place among the intellectual fathers of Dutch colonial rule in Asia.""""

Departing from systems theory, Marc Amstutz has developed a refined theory of world law. In the course of developing this theory he has, however, reformulated or changed the status of a number of central system theoretical concepts,... more

Departing from systems theory, Marc Amstutz has developed a refined theory of world law. In the course of developing this theory he has, however, reformulated or changed the status of a number of central system theoretical concepts, including the concepts of (co-)evolution, interpenetration and function. At first glance, these changes appear to be relatively inconsequential but at second glance they amount to a radical reformulation of systems theory because the focus is systematically shifted away from system internal processes and towards inter-systemic processes. Although Amstutz departs from a legal perspective, his theory is in fact projecting a mirror image of the wider society. Amstutz has, in other words, not just developed a theory of world law, but rather a central contribution to a novel inter-systemic theory of society as such.

The EU is a structure positioned “in-between” hierarchically organized nation-state governing structures and heterarchically structured global governance structures. Thus, the EU is a hybrid which relies partly on governing and partly on... more

The EU is a structure positioned “in-between” hierarchically organized nation-state governing structures and heterarchically structured global governance structures. Thus, the EU is a hybrid which relies partly on governing and partly on governance. This two-dimensionality is a central reason why the question of the constitutional character of the EU remains fundamentally unresolved. Thus, it is proposed that the EU should aim for developing a constitutional form aimed at alleviating the tensions inherent in the European construction through a conflict of laws approach. In order to respect the hybridity of the Union, such an approach, however, will have to be based on a three-dimensional conflict of laws concept. It would have to take account of horizontal conflicts between territorial units, vertical conflicts between the EU and its member states, and also horizontal conflicts between the functionally differentiated structures of the wider society.

Die in Artikel 8 Absatz 1 Grundgesetz garantierte Versammlungsfreiheit ist nach der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts ein Kernelement der öffentlichen Meinungsbildung und der politischen Partizipation. Dennoch stehen... more

Die in Artikel 8 Absatz 1 Grundgesetz garantierte Versammlungsfreiheit ist nach der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts ein Kernelement der öffentlichen Meinungsbildung und der politischen Partizipation. Dennoch stehen Versammlungen immer wieder im Fokus polizeilicher Überwachung. Die Teilnehmer_innen werden häufig durch polizeiliche Maßnahmen eingeschränkt und dadurch in ihrer freien Willensäußerung behindert. Die Autoren stellen diese widersprüchliche polizeiliche Praxis u.a. anhand von empirischem Material aus dem Forschungsprojekt „ViDemo“ dar. Sie gelangen zu dem Schluss, dass einige polizeiliche Überwachungsbefugnisse im Rahmen eines grundrechtsfreundlichen Versammlungsrechts abgeschafft werden sollten und die bestehende polizeiliche Kontroll- und Überwachungspraxis eines systematischen und kontinuierlichen Monitorings bedarf.

Since 2012, 16 laws granting rights to trans individuals have been passed in Spanish regions. How can we assess the quality of these laws? Do they all profoundly and positively transform trans people’s well-being? Do they tackle the... more

Since 2012, 16 laws granting rights to trans individuals have been passed in Spanish regions. How can we assess the quality of these laws? Do they all profoundly and positively transform trans people’s well-being? Do they tackle the economic marginalization of trans people? Do they have a symbolic impact? Using multidimensional criteria, I analyze trans-specific and LGBTI+ antidiscrimination policies to define trans-positivity in policymaking. This article uses feminist theory to judge this legislation’s value, contrasting that with the insights of activists and policymakers interviewed for this purpose. Benefiting from the discussion between Nancy Fraser (1995) and Judith Butler (1997), the quality of trans legislation can be assessed by looking at both cultural recognition and economic redistribution. In addition, following Andrea Krizsan and Emanuela Lombardo (2013), I also analyze these laws through the lens of empowerment and transformation. Having made the elusive relationship...

Petroleum contracts are an important and sensitive issue in Iranian petroleum industry. Monitoring on petroleum contracts especially in upstream section is too important due to length of term and high financial volume. After Islamic... more

Petroleum contracts are an important and sensitive issue in Iranian petroleum industry. Monitoring on petroleum contracts especially in upstream section is too important due to length of term and high financial volume. After Islamic revolution in Iran, a challenging discussion between the Parliament and Government was the supervision and approval of petroleum contracts by Parliament. Article 77 of Iranian Constitutional Law permits the Parliament to monitor on international agreements directly. Therefore, determining the nature of petroleum contracts would highly impact on this kind of supervision by the Parliament. However, Parliament can monitor on these contract properly by using its authorities mentioned in the Constitutional Law and by codification or modifying relevant laws including the Law to Modify Petroleum Law.

Abstract in English (the article is written in German): Relations to Nature in Crisis: Societal Action and Natural Processes in the COVID-19 Pandemic In the current corona crisis, the emergence of the crisis – the spread of the... more

Within the European Union (EU), Italy is one of the main countries of transit and destination for migrants coming from Africa and Asia, including a significant component of forced migrants and protection seekers. In particular, Italy is... more

Within the European Union (EU), Italy is one of the main countries of transit and destination for migrants coming from Africa and Asia, including a significant component of forced migrants and protection seekers. In particular, Italy is the first European country of arrival for many migrants and asylum seekers crossing the Mediterranean from North Africa (mainly but not exclusively from Libya and Tunisia). Along with maritime migration flows, Italy has been receiving growing numbers of (forced) migrants entering the country through its Eastern land borders, mainly coming from Pakistan and Afghanistan, and transiting through Greece and the Balkans. These persons often find themselves in situations of protracted precariousness, vulnerability and marginalisation, both in terms of their legal status, attached rights and socio-economic conditions. Such situations of protracted displacement are largely (although not exclusively) determined by the legal and policy structures governing migr...

Purpose This paper aims to explain how the EU projects its own data protection regime to third states and the US in particular. Digital services have become a central element in the transatlantic economy. A substantial part of that trade... more

Purpose This paper aims to explain how the EU projects its own data protection regime to third states and the US in particular. Digital services have become a central element in the transatlantic economy. A substantial part of that trade is associated with the transfer of data, most of it personal, requiring many of the new products and services emerging to adhere to data protection standards. Yet different conceptions of data protection exist across the Atlantic, with the EU putting a particular focus on protecting the fundamental right to privacy. Design/methodology/approach Using the distinction between positive and negative forms of market integration as a starting point (Scharpf, 1997), this paper examines the question of how the EU is projecting its own data protection regime to third states. The so-called California effect (Vogel, 1997) and the utilization of trade agreements in the EU’s foreign policy and external relations are well researched. With decreasing effectiveness ...

Over the past few decades, international courts and tribunals have once more risen to prominence: their number has grown and their case-load increased significantly, to the point where we are said to live in an ‘era of adjudication’. At... more

Over the past few decades, international courts and tribunals have once more risen to prominence: their number has grown and their case-load increased significantly, to the point where we are said to live in an ‘era of adjudication’. At the same time, the functions and mandates of courts have changed. Whilst 19th and early 20th century thinkers thought of them as guardians of world peace, contemporary designs of world order seek to ensure peace through varied forms of international organisation. International courts play important roles, but are no longer expected to prevent war and military conflict. In charting this evolution, this Research Paper offers a panorama on two centuries of debate on international arbitration and adjudication.

O texto procura esclarecer o sentido do fascismo contemporâneo, em particular a partir do exemplo do bolsonarismo, definindo-o como uma perspectiva antissistêmica, anti-institucional, antijurídica e infralegal com caráter personalista,... more

O texto procura esclarecer o sentido do fascismo contemporâneo, em particular a partir do exemplo do bolsonarismo, definindo-o como uma perspectiva antissistêmica, anti-institucional, antijurídica e infralegal com caráter personalista, vocacionado, voluntarista, espontaneísta e militante que começa dentro do judiciário e sob a forma de subversão da relação direito, política e moral e que, por meio da politização e da partidarização do direito, se ramifica ao sistema político, servindo de instrumento para a guerra político-partidária fratricida, dali se vinculando à sociedade civil em termos de produção de uma massa-milícia digital-social de aclamação com caráter e orientação antissistêmicos. Nesse diapasão, o fascismo possui dois núcleos constitutivos e dinamizadores: por um lado, subverte a correlação entre direitos humanos e direito, deslegitimando e, na verdade, destruindo a primazia ontogenética, a separação, a diferenciação, a autorreferencialidade e a sobreposição do direito e...