Agrarian reform Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Esquema, en forma de paradigma (libre de polvo y paja, en blanco y negro), del quehacer trianual para un presidente de Comisariado Ejidal o para un presidente de Consejo de Vigilancia, en un Ejido de la república mexicana, a la luz de la... more

Esquema, en forma de paradigma (libre de polvo y paja, en blanco y negro), del quehacer trianual para un presidente de Comisariado Ejidal o para un presidente de Consejo de Vigilancia, en un Ejido de la república mexicana, a la luz de la conversión deseable del ejido en la palanca del desarrollo integral de medio rural, de México y del planeta tierra en su conjunto.

U članku je izložen komparativni pregled osnovnih karakteristika agrarnih reformi sprovedenih u Kraljevini SHS, Rumuniji, Grčkoj i Bugarskoj nakon Prvog svetskog rata. Analizirana je u zakonodavnom okviru, obim eksproprijacije i efekati... more

U članku je izložen komparativni pregled osnovnih karakteristika agrarnih reformi sprovedenih u Kraljevini SHS, Rumuniji, Grčkoj i Bugarskoj nakon Prvog svetskog rata. Analizirana je u zakonodavnom okviru, obim eksproprijacije i efekati reforme kako bi se istakle sličnosti i razlike i doprineli boljem sagledavanju i razumevanju ovog pitanja u okviru balkanske istorije. Politički, socijalno i ekonomski uslovljene agrarne reforme sa svojim kompleksnim uticajima odigrale su važnu ulogu ne samo u poljoprivrednom sektoru već i u čitavom društvu.
The article presents a comparative overview of basic characteristics of agrarian reforms implemented in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and in Romania, Greece and Bulgaria after the World War I. Its legislative frame was analyzed, through its basic principles and the extent of expropriation and effects of the reform, with the aim to point out the similarities and differences and to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of this question within the Balkan history.Agrarian reforms were more a part of social and political needs than an integral part of the economic development. When making conclusions about agrarian reforms it is im-portant to separate the context of social justice and development of successful agriculture. In social context agrarian reforms were more successful that in economic one. There were more problems, such as inability to create economic development or sustainable agriculture; small properties offered insufficient quantities for the owners, and for capital accumulation. Agrarian reforms only partly influenced progress and sustainable agriculture, while effects on economic production were twofold. In the long term, reduction of progressive and large properties caused inevitable fall of production, and unabled development of the sustainable agricultural sector, growth of capital, investments and technical and technological innovations. On the other side, short-term effects on the economic condition of the agricultural population and their existence were positive, because they enabled short-scale production and consumption

¿Por qué reflexionar sobre un territorio específico de nuestro país? Una pregunta abierta que sólo un enfoque multidisciplinario puede responder de mejor manera. Para esta labor hemos querido proponer una visión más amplia de los variados... more

¿Por qué reflexionar sobre un territorio específico de nuestro país? Una pregunta abierta que sólo un enfoque multidisciplinario puede responder de mejor manera. Para esta labor hemos querido proponer una visión más amplia de los variados aspectos que describen el Valle Central de Chile. Esa ha sido la razón para editar un libro monográfico, que reúne catorce ensayos —de autores de diferentes disciplinas, con enfoques teóricos diversos— y que esperamos sea una de las fortalezas de este esfuerzo.
Nuestro propósito no solo ha sido caracterizar los rasgos propios de la región, sino debatir cuáles fueron los hechos, tendencias y tensiones que han construido y siguen forjando esta zona.
Nuestro trabajo conjunto pretende ser un ejercicio intelectual e informativo y además ofrecer a la comunidad académica, a estudiantes de distintos niveles formativos y lectores en general, un texto que sea el inicio para pensar en las problemáticas del país y sus territorios, reflexiones que debiesen ser concebidas desde lo local y con las comunidades desde donde emergen.

The aim of the article consists in the research of transformations of ethnic identity in descendants of Belarusian peasantsmigrants of Siberia and the Far East. The source basis of the research includes field data collected by the author... more

The aim of the article consists in the research of transformations of ethnic identity in descendants of Belarusian peasantsmigrants
of Siberia and the Far East. The source basis of the research includes field data collected by the author in ethnographic expeditions
on the territory of 12 regions of Siberia and the Far East during the period from 2009 to 2017, the national structure of the
explored regions reflected in population censuses from 1897 to 2010 and also publications about local history of different years. Results
of the research indicate that at the time of mass agrarian migrations of the second half of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th
centuries the ethnic identity of most Belarusians was not created yet. Due to the internal nature of migrations, peasants identified
their homeland with Russia. Their identity had regional rather than ethnic differentiation. In Siberia Belarusian migrants began to live
near the Russian old resident population and received a new social and cultural status which found reflection in the wide use of the
name “samokhod” (lit. “self-movers”). After the establishment of the Soviet power, administrative and political factors initiated the
process of belarusization. Results of the All-Union population census of 1926 showed that most migrants already identified themselves
with Belarusians. In the 1930s–1940s the socio-political and economic factors of collectivization and industrialization as well
as the consequences of World War II led to serious demographic changes in places of compact accommodation of Belarusian peasants-
migrants. As a result of urbanization and modernization of the way of life of the Soviet village in the second half of the 20th
century, most descendants of Belarusian peasants-migrants began to identify themselves with Russians or just did not think about
their ethnic origin. Since the 1990s, the author observes a growth of interest of professional researchers and amateur enthusiasts in
the history and traditional culture of Belarusian peasants-migrants as in historical and cultural heritage. On this background, the Belarusian
ethnic identity begins to develop again among people who are interested in traditions of their ancestors. Today, mediated information
dominates in its formation rather than intergenerational historical memory. The author comes to a conclusion that during
different periods of time a number of demographic, political, social and cultural factors had impact on features of ethnic identity of
descendants of Belarusian peasants-migrants. Therefore, today it is considered more suitable to use the concept “descendants of Belarusian
peasants-migrants” rather than the ethnonym “Belarusian” when referring to offsprings of people who moved from Belarus to
Siberia and the Far East in the second half of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th centuries.

Comentarios al libro de Carlos Villamil sobre la reforma agraria de Lleras Restrepo, en Colombia, años de 1960. Carlos Villamil, uno de sus ejecutores en los años 60, la califica de quimérica dada la vigencia del Frente Nacional, creado,... more

Comentarios al libro de Carlos Villamil sobre la reforma agraria de Lleras Restrepo, en Colombia, años de 1960. Carlos Villamil, uno de sus ejecutores en los años 60, la califica de quimérica dada la vigencia del Frente Nacional, creado, en parte, para que nada cambiara.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo propiciar un nuevo diálogo entre la cuestión agraria “desarrollista” y los nuevos contenidos de una cuestión agraria en Costa Rica, delimitada no solamente alrededor de la tierra como “recurso... more

Este artículo tiene como objetivo propiciar un nuevo diálogo entre la cuestión agraria “desarrollista” y los nuevos contenidos de una cuestión agraria en Costa Rica, delimitada no solamente alrededor de la tierra como “recurso productivo”, sino además en torno a nuevas dinámicas territoriales y valoraciones ambientales de los bosques. En ese diálogo se consideran tres conjuntos de procesos históricos: primero, la cuestión agraria desarrollista, la importancia de los productos tradicionales, los granos básicos, así como la expansión del pastizal y la formación de los asentamientos del Instituto de Tierras y Colonización (ITCO) . Segundo, los nuevos patrones de producción y uso del suelo asociados con la expansión de la “agricultura de cambio”, la crisis de la agricultura para consumo interno y la consolidación de los Productos No Tradicionales (PNTs) en el esquema exportador. Y tercero, la nueva cuestión agraria en Costa Rica: la expansión del bosque como el nuevo espacio de concentración de tierras y el desarrollo de los Programas de Pago por Servicios Ambientales (PPSA), así como el dominio territorial del monocultivo para la exportación. Todo lo anterior, en el contexto de un sector agropecuario que ha perdido relevancia en la estructura económica nacional, en comparación con actividades como el turismo y los servicios en general.

Caste discrimination and Dalit Rights over natural resources is one of the most complicated issues that the country is today faced with. As such this is not a new question; however the current format is a relatively newer one. There are... more

Caste discrimination and Dalit Rights over natural resources is one of the most complicated issues that the country is today faced with. As such this is not a new question; however the current format is a relatively newer one. There are specific reasons and compulsion for raising this question at this juncture of history as the betrayal of the betrayed continues for centuries unknown till today. Raising this issue would unfold the conspiracy of the upper caste rulers of this country to which they may be obliged to answer. This paper investigates the overall idea of caste in relationship with natural resources, human resources and human wisdom!

Capitalismo: tierra y poder en América Latina (1982-2012) reúne un balance sobre la situación del agro en 17 países latinoamericanos, con ello se busca continuar el magno esfuerzo realizado hace tres décadas por Pablo González Casanova... more

Capitalismo: tierra y poder en América Latina (1982-2012) reúne un balance sobre la situación del agro en 17 países latinoamericanos, con ello se busca continuar el magno esfuerzo realizado hace tres décadas por Pablo González Casanova con su historia de los movimientos campesinos y, al mismo tiempo, se intenta reflejar los efectos del proceso de mundialización exacerbado y dirigido por el capital financiero internacional que arrolla al agro mundial desde hace más de 30 años. América Latina abarca regiones diferentes que poseen orografía, recursos hídricos y sistemas climáticos y son fruto de una construcción histórica del territorio que varía mucho. Por lo tanto, para facilitar el cotejo entre los diversos casos, consideramos esas diferencias al organizar los tres volúmenes que integran esta colección. A eso responde la agrupación en regiones vastas (el Cono Sur, el Arco Andino, Mesoamérica) de países que, grosso modo, tienen algunas características similares, a pesar de sus difere...

Since the mid-2000s, India has been beset by widespread farmer protests against land dispossession. Dispossession Without Development demonstrates that beneath these conflicts lay a profound shift in regimes of dispossession. While the... more

Since the mid-2000s, India has been beset by widespread farmer protests against land dispossession. Dispossession Without Development demonstrates that beneath these conflicts lay a profound shift in regimes of dispossession. While the postcolonial Indian state dispossessed land mostly for public-sector industry and infrastructure, since the 1990s state governments have become land brokers for private real estate capital. Using the case of a village in Rajasthan that was dispossessed for a private Special Economic Zone, the book ethnographically illustrates the exclusionary trajectory of capitalism driving dispossession in contemporary India. Taking us into the lives of diverse villagers in "Rajpura," the book meticulously documents the destruction of agricultural livelihoods, the marginalization of rural labor, the spatial uneveness of infrastructure provision, and the dramatic consequences of real estate speculation for social inequality and village politics. Illuminating the structural underpinnings of land struggles in contemporary India, this book will resonate in any place where "land grabs" have fueled conflict in recent years.

Over the past four decades, the Syrian government has pursued a policy of food self-sufficiency. Together with Turkey, Syria had the most productive agricultural sector of the Middle East in total figures, and was self-sufficient from... more

Over the past four decades, the Syrian government has pursued a policy of food self-sufficiency. Together with Turkey, Syria had the most productive agricultural sector of the Middle East in total figures, and was self-sufficient from 1991 until 2008. Agriculture is highly subsidized and counts for one-third of the gross domestic product (GDP), employing a third of the working population. But the drought that hit the entire Middle East in 2008 was terrible for Syria. The country had to receive international aid and food supplies for one million farmers, herders, and their families living in the northeastern provinces of Al-Raqqa, Hassaka, and Deir al-Zor (the Jazira), the poorest region in Syria (OCHA 2009). The country’s emergency grain reserves were used, but were not sufficient to meet the needs of the entire population. Tens of thousands of farmers have fled to the main cities and suburbs in search of informal jobs. The drought accentuated the destruction of the agrarian sector, already weakened by the dismantling of the socialist
structures. Even before the drought, between 2002 and 2008, Syria had lost 40 percent of its agricultural work force, which dropped from 1.4 million to 800,000 workers (Aita 2010), because of mismanagement of
water and land resources.
The process of economic liberalization upon which President Bashar al-Assad embarked in July 2000 has taken on a radical form in the domain of public agriculture: the dismantling of state farms and the renting out of undeveloped land confiscated during the land reforms. This privatization of the state farms (Ba‘th Party Decision no. 83, December 16, 2000) put an end to 43 years of collectivist experiments in the field of land reform, including 38 years under the rule of the Ba‘th party. The land was parceled out in shares of three hectares for irrigated land and eight hectares for non-irrigated land. It was formally allocated as ‘right of use,’ not as property. It called for land to be distributed to, in order of priority, the former owners, the farm workers, and employees of the General Administration of the Euphrates Basin (GADEB).
In Jazira, the decision triggered considerable tension and competition among these three categories, as each feared being excluded from the land redistribution process. Elsewhere, I have demonstrated that this land reform marked the end of the socialist Ba‘thist ideology, to an even greater extent than the political liberalization process announced in 1991 (Ababsa 2004). However, it has done so while simultaneously renewing the clientelist political system. Based on fieldwork conducted in al-Raqqa governorate, I concluded that Syria has been undergoing a counterrevolution similar to that documented by Ray Bush for Egypt, as the land was given back in priority to its former land owners, who also managed to buy distributed plots illegally, leaving a large number of former workers without land (Bush 2002; Ababsa 2005). In this paper I extend my previous work on the privatization of state farms by focusing on another governorate of the Syrian Jazira: al-Hassaka. The question of land distribution is particularly sensitive
here, as it intersects with the Kurdish issue. In 1974, 41 villages and six state farms were established at the Turkish border in order to create an ‘Arab belt’ in this predominantly Kurdish area (Meyer 1990). This policy followed the controversial Decree no. 93 of August 23, 1962 that deprived 120,000 Kurds of their citizenship. Seven hundred twenty thousand donums (a donum is one-tenth of a hectare) were distributed to Arab families from the al-Raqqa and Aleppo governorates, mainly those whose villages were flooded by the Assad dam in 1974. Each family received between 150 and 300 donums. After riots in Qameshlia in 2004, a new restrictive land law was adopted that further limited the possibility of Kurds becoming landowners at the borders. It was followed in 2008 by Decree no. 49, which limited the sale of land at the Syrian borders and forbade it to several categories of Kurds in al-Hassaka governorate. This article will describe the new land structures that are emerging in the Syrian Jazira and the several laws that continue the ‘Arab belt’ policy in northeast Syria. Academic work on this issue is scarce (except for Meyer 1984; 1991), and fieldwork in al-Hassaka is difficult for political reasons. Accordingly, I use mainly newspaper articles available on Arabic and Kurdish websites, and Human Rights Watch reports (2009; 2010).

Catatan lapangan dari kunjungan delegasi Indonesia ke Filipina untuk belajar tentang pelaksanaan Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) di Filipina. CARP merupakan kebijakan reforma agraria yang telah berjalan selama puluhan tahun... more

Catatan lapangan dari kunjungan delegasi Indonesia ke Filipina untuk belajar tentang pelaksanaan Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) di Filipina. CARP merupakan kebijakan reforma agraria yang telah berjalan selama puluhan tahun di Filipina.

Новые требования общества и экономики в целом больше не позволяют осуществлять обеспечение реализации генеральных целей компании учитывая лишь интересы с точки зрения бизнеса. В этой ситуации не является исключением и агропредприятия.... more

Новые требования общества и экономики в целом больше не позволяют осуществлять обеспечение реализации
генеральных целей компании учитывая лишь интересы с
точки зрения бизнеса. В этой ситуации не является исключением и агропредприятия.
Отечественные бизнес-структуры, начавшие вставать
на социально ответственную платформу развития, уже начали понимать для себя потенциальные выгоды цивилизованного бизнеса. Однако такие трансформации происходят
преимущественно в сырьевой промышленности и менее
всего в сельском хозяйстве. Можно предположить, что агропромышленный комплекс у нас и так имеет множество
проблем и «вешать» на него работу по изменениям в социальных структурах менеджмента смысла, как минимум, не
имеет. Однако это предположение, как показывает практика
современного успешного российского агробизнеса, легко
опровергнуть.
В настоящее время, когда у большинства населения на-
шей страны село ассоциируется с упадком и бесперспективностью, способом, который может решить известные
проблемы аграриев, может оказаться реализация концепции корпоративной социальной ответственности. Главным
преимуществом ее реализации может являться решение
множества насущных проблем не только одного выделенно
го сельхозпроизводителя, но, потенциально, и всех аграриев страны, причем преимущественно не за счет финансовых
вливаний, а благодаря инновационным преобразованиям
в менеджменте. При благоприятном развитии, успешная
реализация социально ответственных практик позволит
приобрести отечественным агропроизводителям новый,
современный опыт управления, который сможет принести
не только экономические выгоды хозяйству, но также будет
активно способствовать формированию престижа аграрно-
го труда и развитию села в целом.
Ключевые слова: агробизнес, корпоративная социальная ответственность, развитие, эффективность, конкурентоспособность.

Pembentukan pengadilan khusus agraria merupakan suatu isu yang terus berkembang dan didorong untuk diwujudkan didalam sistem peradilan Indonesia, terutama lembaga-lembaga yang berfokus pada permasalahan agraria, seperti Konsorsium... more

Pembentukan pengadilan khusus agraria merupakan suatu isu yang terus berkembang dan didorong untuk diwujudkan didalam sistem peradilan Indonesia, terutama lembaga-lembaga yang berfokus pada permasalahan agraria, seperti Konsorsium Pembaruan Agraria. Isu ini semakin hangat dikarenakan penyelesaian konflik agraria selama ini hanya mendorong eskalasi kekerasan dalam penyelesaiannya serta melihat peningkatan dari konflik agraria dari tahun ke tahun menandakan perlu mekanisme yang mumpuni untuk menjawab tantangan akan kebutuhan penyelesaian yang lebih baik lagi.
Berdasarkan data yang dilansir dari KPA dari tahun 2009 hingga tahun 2014, konflik agraria terus meningkat. Peningkatan ini semakin menuntut dibentuknya pengadilan khusus agraria sebagai bentuk kepedulian dan komitmen politik pemerintah dan parlemen dalam penanganan konflik agraria. Pembentukan pengadilan khusus agraria pun mulai diwujudkan dengan masukanya RUU tentang Pengadilan Keagrarian pada program legislasi nasional (PROLEGNAS) 2010 – 2014. Namun, kandasnya RUU tersebut menunjukan bahwa pemerintah memandang belum ada urgensi dalam hal ini, sehingga mekanisme yang sekarang sudah dirasa cukup untuk dapat menyelesaikan konflik agraria. Perbedaan pandangan inilah yang akan dianalisis dari dua pemikiran, yaitu pro dan kontra terhadap pembentukan pengadilan khusus agraria.

Masyarakat adat to karunsi'e dongi adalah masyarakat adat yang mendiami wilayah adat mereka di sekitaran danau matano,sorowako kab. luwu timur. mereka adalah masyarakat adat yang terlibat konflik agraria dengan salah satu perusahaan... more

Masyarakat adat to karunsi'e dongi adalah masyarakat adat yang mendiami wilayah adat mereka di sekitaran danau matano,sorowako kab. luwu timur.
mereka adalah masyarakat adat yang terlibat konflik agraria dengan salah satu perusahaan tambang Nikel terbesar di indonesia

World Bank, inside its Country Partnership Framework for Indonesia, explicitly stated that it is needed in "focusing the reform agenda around making more space and a more reliable and enabling environment for the private sector, in all... more

World Bank, inside its Country Partnership Framework for Indonesia, explicitly stated that it is needed in "focusing the reform agenda around making more space and a more reliable and enabling environment for the private sector, in all our engagements." The framework contains a 200 million USD loan for 'accelerating agrarian reform' in Indonesia. The purposes for the loan are creating parcel plots in the designated region villages, administer all land claims, and facilitate the land arrangement and registration into the e-land. It includes legal rights and communal land, land registration (common or individual land) for women. The loan needs a new mechanism to consult several NGOs, CSOs and advocacy groups on agrarian reform, adat rights, good governance and woman rights. The consultation must be included in the Environmental and Social Management Framework (document). Several movement organizations agreed that they would make the organized rural area part of the designated loan project area. It was a surprising one since several of the organization mentioned before were the leading impetus for 'genuine agrarian reform' (based on BAL 1960) implementation. The questions on “what form and to what extend the transmutation of agrarian movement In Indonesia is happening” and “how scholar-activists, which have been using the social movement to accommodate their interest, position themselves” then arisen, even though the agrarian reform loan package from World Bank clearly done for the capital accumulation’s sake.

Brazil’s Amazon deforestation is a major global and national nvironmental concern, and the ability to model and project both its course and the effect of different policy options depends on understanding how this process occurs at... more

Brazil’s Amazon deforestation is a major global and national
nvironmental concern, and the ability to model and project both its course and the effect of different policy options depends on
understanding how this process occurs at present and how it might change in the future. The present paper addresses one key factor in Amazon deforestation: land-tenure concentration in settlements. Brazil’s policies for establishing and regulating settlement projects represent critical government decisions shaping the landscape in the 5 � 106 km2 Legal Amazonia region. We used remote-sensing data and information provided by the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) to evaluate the effect of land-tenure concentration in a settlement project (Projeto de Assentamento) located in a frontier area where cattle-ranching is expanding. We identified the actors and their
deforestation patterns in the Matupi settlement in the southern part of Brazil’s state of Amazonas. We spatially identified actors who concentrated “lots” (the parcels of land distributed to individual settlers) in 2011 and assessed whether the concentration was done by individual landholders or by “families” (where members merged their lots and the clearing was done together). Deforestation rates (1995–2011) were estimated for each type of actor and the trajectory of deforestation in the settlement (cumulative deforestation to 1994 and annual deforestation 1995–2016) was also analyzed. Concentrators occupied 28% (9653 ha) of the settlement and 29% of the lots (152 lots) analyzed; the numbers of lots concentrated ranged from two to ten. Concentrators of two lots and non-concentrators were the predominant actor types in the settlement. The mean annual clearing per landholding for concentrators of two lots (families: 4.1 � 2.8 ha (mean � SD); individuals: 5.1 � 4.6 ha) was greater than for non-concentrators (1.7 � 1.2 ha), despite their having similar patterns of small clearings.
Concentrators of three or more lots had mean annual clearing per landholding between 6.2 � 12.2 ha and 23.9 � 38.7 ha and, the pattern of patches cleared per year >34 ha in area was predominant. The deforestation rate per lot was higher among concentrators as compared to non-concentrators, showing that lot concentration speeds
deforestation. Analysis of deforestation patterns helps to better understand the process of lot concentration by spatially identifying the predominant patterns of each type of actor. The approach used in our study could assist authorities in identifying and monitoring land-tenure concentration in settlements. Agrarian-reform policymakers
need to monitor this process, since it speeds deforestation in Amazonian settlement projects, as well as undermining the social objectives of the agrarian-reform program.

Abstract: The developmentalist gaze of the Fair Trade movement is on Global South producers. In this article we turn our analytic gaze toward North American fair traders to explore the racialized, neocolonial power relations in which... more

Abstract: The developmentalist gaze of the Fair Trade movement is on Global South producers. In this article we turn our analytic gaze toward North American fair traders to explore the racialized, neocolonial power relations in which these movement actors are implicated. Section One is a brief historical sketch of Fair Trade certification. We argue that the certification system is a multi-sited, global institution that is shaped by and shapes neocolonial power relations in Fair Trade by exploring the consolidation and more recent splintering of the international certification system. Section Two provides a postcolonial critique of developmentalism, with a focus on the timing of development, in order to lay a foundation for the remaining sections. In Section Three we analyze the spatiality of Fair Trade, with an emphasis on what and who are missing from or erased by the structural and conceptual frameworks of Fair Trade. In Section Four we explore the relationship between Fair Trade, commodity fetishism, and the developmentalist conception of space/time propagated by Fair Trade advocates. Section Five is a critical analysis of the neocolonialist and racist discourse of Fair Trade, with a focus on the “helping” discourse. We contend that as Global North fair traders strive to “help” Global South producers, they re-entrench neocolonial narratives of white supremacy and the desire to develop.

Approximately 80 percent of the poor and hungry people in the world live in the country, not the city. PROMISED LAND examines the recent history, current state, and future of land reform, the centuries-old process of redistributing land... more

Approximately 80 percent of the poor and hungry people in the world live in the country, not the city. PROMISED LAND examines the recent history, current state, and future of land reform, the centuries-old process of redistributing land from large owners, who aren't necessarily using it to smallholders, who need it. This monumental work is the most comprehensive study to date of current land reform movements worldwide, a project of the Land Research Action Network (LRAN).

Since the 1980s all Ghanaian governments have promoted large-scale mining by transnational mining companies (TNMCs) as a fundamental development strategy. This is consistent with the euphoria in the international development community... more

Since the 1980s all Ghanaian governments have promoted large-scale mining by transnational mining companies (TNMCs) as a fundamental development strategy. This is consistent with the euphoria in the
international development community about the development potential of extractive industries. Paradoxically, this ‘new extractivism’ has spawned horrific injustices against peasants and artisanal and
small-scale miners, a segment of the citizenry whose wellbeing development is supposed to promote. These injustices, particularly land-dispossessions, are similar to the violence of primitive accumulation that created the agrarian transformations in some core Western countries, leading to capitalism and capitalist development. This paper critically examines the capitalist development potential of mining-extractivism in Ghana. Based on the theory of ‘uneven and combined development’, the specificity of foreign capital accumulation in Africa within a globalised capitalist economy, and the way in which these have shaped the integration of African economies into the global economy, the paper concludes that the prospects for capitalist development in Ghana from extractivism agrarian change are dismal.

Laporan Utama: Menakar Reforma Agraria dalam Visi Misi

Materi dasar terkait sejarah Reforma Agraria dan pemahaman dasae seputar Reforma Agraria

This paper investigates the context laying beyond L. Apuleius Saturninus’ reforms (103-100 a.C.) and the political construction of the myth of the Gracchi. The leges Apuleiae are presented as a resumption of gracchan laws and imitate... more

This paper investigates the context laying beyond L. Apuleius Saturninus’ reforms (103-100 a.C.) and the political construction of the myth of the Gracchi. The leges Apuleiae are presented as a resumption of gracchan laws and imitate their contents and aims. A special attention of the reformers on western Traspadana can be seen in this process. The article presents the hypothesis that the foundation of Eporedia was the mean that Marius’ populares used to reaffirm their presence in the area after ten years of dismantling of gracchan reforms. The opening of libri sibyllini before the foundation of the colony can be considered a citation of Appius Claudius Pulcher’s precedent and an evidence to interpret the colony as popularis.

Widespread “land wars” in contemporary India have rekindled older debates over the implications of capitalism for caste, with some arguing that land dispossession for new economy projects may be liberating for Dalits. We assess this... more

Widespread “land wars” in contemporary India have rekindled older debates over the implications of capitalism for caste, with some arguing that land dispossession for new economy projects may be liberating for Dalits. We assess this argument through comparative ethnographic and survey research into the consequences of dispossession for Dalits in the cases of two Special Economic Zones built during the 2000s. We advance three arguments. The first, methodological, is that approaching this question requires systematically comparing the outcomes of dispossession for Dalits relative to upper castes. The second, based on such an assessment, is that the interaction between exclusionary growth and caste-based agrarian inequalities has in both cases expanded socio-economic inequalities between upper and lower castes and left most dispossessed Dalits worse off in absolute terms. Third, the cases demonstrate important qualitative differences across generally bad outcomes for Dalits, which derive from the combination of project characteristics and pre-existing agrarian inequalities. While demonstrating how the exclusionary growth driving dispossession in contemporary India is generally unpromising for Dalits, we underscore the importance of comparative ethnographic research into the interaction between different forms of dispossession and specific agrarian social structures.

Buku ini mengantarkan pembaca pada Perspektif Agraria Kritis (PAK) sebagai satu pendekatan di dalam memahami hubungan dialektis manusia dengan sumber-sumber agraria serta lingkungan sekelilingnya--dalam transformasinya dari waktu ke... more

Buku ini mengantarkan pembaca pada Perspektif Agraria Kritis (PAK) sebagai satu pendekatan di dalam memahami hubungan dialektis manusia dengan sumber-sumber agraria serta lingkungan sekelilingnya--dalam transformasinya dari waktu ke waktu. Meski demikian, buku pengantar ini tidak berkutat pada uraian teoretis yang abstrak semata, akan tetapi juga menyertakan contoh-contoh pengetrapan PAK ini dalam menganalisis beberapa kasus spesifik, seperti: kebijakan reforma agraria, UU Desa, dimensi keagrariaan dari konflik clan perdamaian di Aceh, serta isu agraria dari sudut pandang Islam. Sebagai penutup, buku ini juga menyajikan kerangka normatif pembaruan tata pengurusan agraria (agrarian governance) berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip dasar yang terkandung di dalam UU Pokok Agraria (UU No. 5/1960).

Reforma Agraria dapat digalangkan oleh negara, partai politik, ataupun masyarakat sipil. Tulisan ini berusaha menjelaskan dinamika reforma agraria oleh aktor yang ketiga ; yaitu masyarakat sipil. Papper ini akan membahas bagaimana... more

Reforma Agraria dapat digalangkan oleh negara, partai politik, ataupun masyarakat sipil. Tulisan ini berusaha menjelaskan dinamika reforma agraria oleh aktor yang ketiga ; yaitu masyarakat sipil. Papper ini akan membahas bagaimana karakteristik dan tarik menarik reforma agraria oleh Serikat Petani Pasundan.

Beberapa nilai strategis program perhutanan sosial yang telah dirinci di atas memperkuat padangan betapa pentingnya program reforma agrarian dan perhutanan sosial yang dasara-dasarnya telah dimulai pada era pemerintahan Jokowi – JK ini.... more

Beberapa nilai strategis program perhutanan sosial yang telah dirinci di atas memperkuat padangan betapa pentingnya program reforma agrarian dan perhutanan sosial yang dasara-dasarnya telah dimulai pada era pemerintahan Jokowi – JK ini.
Oleh sebab itu, untuk menjamin agenda ini menjadi agenda kebangsaan ke depan, agar tidak sekedar menjadi agenda temporal presiden terpilih saja, boleh jadi sudah saatnya berbagai komponen masyarakat sipil dan masyarakat politik yang concern dengan permasalahan ini segera saling bergandengan tangan untuk memperjuangkan program ini diformulasikan lebih jauh ke dalam suatu undang-undang tentang pelaksanaan program reforma agraria dan perhutanan sosial.

In sum of my dissertation, food security is the targeted subject. Its relation with Malthus theory of population growth and the role of scarcity, is equivalent to pronounce scarcity an endemic result. I evolve the discussion, into... more

In sum of my dissertation, food security is the targeted subject. Its relation with Malthus theory of population growth and the role of scarcity, is equivalent to pronounce scarcity an endemic result. I evolve the discussion, into problems inclusive in food security, which includes food wars, conflict, religious-ethnic, ideological battles. I used has evidence to my assertion, case studies: Ethiopia & Brazil.