Montenegro Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

The book focuses on the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation and wars that followed viewed through the comic art in the local and international press. War propaganda and political discourse are examined and placed in the larger historical context of this conflict. The study reveals that Yugoslav cartoonists anticipated, as early as 1984, the disintegration of the country and were forecasting armed conflict in 1989. Using print media and comic art as a primary source of investigation, the author has presented the mental representation of the war as seen in press cartoons, both chronologically and thematically. A representative sampling of some 400 cartoons (out of a database of almost 7’500) and dozens of interviews undertaken with political cartoonists in the 1990s are quoted in the book as a primary source.

- by
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- Media and Cultural Studies, Balkan Studies, International Security, Kosovo

Before the former Yugoslavia was divided by wars, its inhabitants successfully lived side by side in peace. This collection seeks to explain how former neighbors became enemies, with the hope that understanding what drove these peoples apart will help us discover ways for them to coexist in peace again.Contributors analyze political cartoons, psychiatry, the arts, visual media, and law to present a diversity of views on the conflicts in Yugoslavia. While the chapters in this book deal with regional developments, they are not so much focused on politics as they are concerned with how values and attitudes are altered and new identities formed. Thus, this volume goes beyond recent journalistic accounts and should remain relevant for years to come.This book began as a special issue of the journal Anthropology of East Europe Review. Most of the contributors to that issue have revised their chapters for this collection, and new chapters have been added, including one on the recent war in Kosovo. Essays range across all of former Yugoslavia, emphasizing the variability and diversity of ethnic relations throughout its history: Joel M. Halpern & David A. Kideckel (eds.)

- by Goran Jovanovic
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- Caricature (Visual Studies), Media and Cultural Studies, Comics Studies, Kosovo

In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19, measures that entailed serious restrictions to individual freedoms. They also introduced extra powers that upset the ordinary division and balance of governmental power. In this context, several analysts have expressed concern that the authoritarian trend observed in the region during the last decade will become further entrenched. The worst fear, that some of the Western Balkan leaderships may retain extraordinary powers indefinitely, has not been confirmed. However, constitutionally prescribed procedures were disregarded and the operation of formal and informal mechanisms of checks and balances ignored. The article argues that the ease with which the Western Balkan leaders removed any checks and controls over their rule raises the valid question of how they may deal with future circumstances which may endanger their power.

- by Nikolaos Tzifakis
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- European Studies, Balkan Studies, Democratization, Kosovo

Abstract: The security of demand for fossil fuels (crude oil, oil products, natural gas and coal) in the wider Central Europe is determined by energy intensity of economies, economic activity, access to maritime trade and availability of substitutes. Assuming that the Western Balkan countries are (collectively) potential providers of access to maritime trade and specific substitutes, their collective and individual governance (including cross border cooperation, use of infrastructure, urban planning, etc.) determines the actual use of that potential. If the quality of governance is not adequate, it represents an effective barrier to access for overseas traders (to use existing infrastructure), Central European traders (to trade substitutes) and investors into new
infrastructure. The introduction of inadequate governance is a device at disposal of incumbent suppliers to ensure the security of demand. The use of this device remains cost-effective as long as the costs are low, and the resource rents are high. Incumbent suppliers need a certain degree of coordination and coercive capacity of the state to avoid free riders and increase the cost-effectiveness of the device. Such barriers to trade tend to simultaneously increase the costs and risks of supplying energy to some EU consumers and the political risks for the EU as a whole. In the context of climate change, these barriers to access limit policy options and increase the social and political costs of transition to sustainable energy. The countries of the Western Balkan collectively refrain from utilising existing infrastructure and are maximising demand for boondoggle investments in new infrastructure, resource rents and financial liquidity. The likelihood of poverty reduction remains negligible low, while the risks to development aid providers are maximised.

- by Dušan Medin
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- Philosophy, Literature, Poetry, Intellectual History of Enlightenment

Montenegro, being a small country, is considered such a market which is characterized by rapid modifications and changes in respect of its business and financial environment. Focusing to create and develop a consolidated financial background new Montenegrin Law on Capital Market, which came into power at the very beginning of 2018, is the first attempt that introduces a systematic regulation in this domain where investors are supported and kept safe with maximum efficiency.

- by Andrej B Bracanović and +1
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- Capital Markets, Montenegro

Publikacija sadrži analizu stanja (uključujući analizu pravnog okvira, međunarodnog okvira, zakone i pravilnike, proces licenciranja i akreditacije programa obuke), institucionani okvir, politike, analizu problema, iskustva drugih... more

- by Aleksandra Gligorovic
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- Montenegro, Social Services, NVO, Inkluzija

Change is coming to Montenegro slowly, laboriously and unwillingly. The fact that Igor Lukšić is the Prime Minister is still less relevant than the fact that Milo Đukanović, who is not a Prime Minister, remains politically the most important and influential person in the country. The new Prime Minister introduced the practice of communicating and cooperating with the opposition, non-governmental actors and other representatives of the society. He also demonstrated a new political sensibility in his approach to social problems, his attitude, and his work methods. Yet, his premiership remains in Đukanović's shadow. In this context, it is unclear whether Lukšić is at all trying to achieve a certain degree of autonomy in decision-making, and when could that happen. The process of European integrations, i.e. the principle of conditionality, is the key factor in accelerating reforms. Without a strong influence of the international community (EU and USA), in synergy with a strengthening role for independent and professional media and NGOs, reforms whose pace would depend on the Government alone would be doomed to stagnate. This much is evident from the intensity of the reform efforts undertaken, albeit mostly in the legal sphere, in an extremely short period under the pressure of living up to the seven recommendations of the European Commission. With the same people in government for so long, the line separating the leading DPS party from the state itself disappeared. Consequently, regular institutions, norms and practices are not functioning or are doing very poorly in a political context that had been frozen for decades. The most obvious examples of poor results concern the fight against corruption and development of a professional public administration-two areas that are fundamental to the structure of political elite Major decisions which are crucial for further economic development of Montenegro are delayed or avoided altogether, and the Government failed to rally public support for its proposals and make the citizens believe in transparency and accountability of these processes. There is much internal struggle within DPS, gradually pitting Đukanović on the one side against Marović and Vujanović on the other. On the surface, the most obvious differences concern identity issues, with Ranko Krivokapić, president of SDP, acting as an explicit interpreter of the politics of the president of DPS. In the meantime, the internal (interest-based) chasms are deepening, threatening to undermine the DPS monolith in the medium term. While some expect these tensions in DPS' leadership to soon erupt to the surface, it is still too early to talk about divisions and splits from the party, although it is almost certain that some changes are to take place in the near future. The opposition is still doing little in terms of organisational and strategic moves to improve its capacities. Public opinion trends suggest that DPS' popularity continued to grow, while that of the opposition declined slightly, alongside a growing population of non-voters. Parliamentary elections could take place in autumn 2012. An earlier date would interfere with the demanding six-month monitoring period of the European Commission in expectation of the final opening of accession talks with EU. Montenegro under the watchful eyes of Đukanović and EU The opinions expressed here are the authors' own and do not necessarily coincide with those of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

- by Institut alternativa
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- European Union, Montenegro, Public Policy
- by Savo Marković
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- Maritime Law, Montenegro

Cílem studie je nastínit kontury a pojmenovat specifika černohorské literatury. Autor vytyčuje několik milníků, které dokládají relevanci literárního dědictví Černé Hory i současné černohorské literatury v širším jihoslovanském kontextu. Hájí přitom stanovisko o příslušnosti tvůrců a děl do více národních literatur. Vysvětluje, proč černohorská literatura vykazuje mimořádně vysokou míru provázanosti se sousedními kulturními centry a národními prostředími, zmiňuje nejvýznamnější autory původem z Černé Hory, kteří mají nezastupitelné místo v srbské a dalších jihoslovanských literaturách. Poukazuje na skutečnost, že utváření kánonu černohorské literatury může být užitečným impulsem k inovativním interpretacím, přehodnocení a zviditelnění díla autorů, kteří byli upozaděni při tradičním vnímání černohorské literatury jako regionálně specifické součásti srbského písemnictví.
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The aim of this study is to provide an outline of Montenegrin literature and name its specific features. The author presents several milestones that illustrate the relevance of Montenegrin literary heritage and contemporary Montenegrin literature in the wider South Slavic context. He argues that certain authors and works could naturally belong to two or several national literatures, explains why Montenegrin literature shows an extremely high level of interconnectedness with neighboring cultural centers and national contexts, and mentions the most significant authors from Montenegro who enjoy a unique position in Serbian or other South Slavic literatures. The author points out the fact that the formation of the Montenegrin literary canon can be an effective stimulus for innovative interpretations and reassessments and for highlighting the work of authors who have been overlooked due to the traditional perception of Montenegrin literature as a regionally specific component of Serbian literature.

Der Fotograf Franz Thiard de Laforest (1838-1911) und sein Reiseführer zu den Buchten von Kotor

- by Thomas Zimmel
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- Balkan History, Travel & Tourism, History of photography, Dalmatian history
- by Dominique Barjolle
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- Engineering, Focus Groups, Culture, Consumer Behavior

In this article, Kurt Bassuener assesses the Biden administration's recent strong advocacy for the "Open Balkan" initiative, championed by Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, in the context of the current security crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Not only has the Biden administration effectively adopted a variant of the Trump administration's transactional policy in the Western Balkans, the policy represents an embrace of the EU's functionalist approach in the region - a failure. What this means is a de facto embrace of a Serbian/Albanian/Croatian co-prosperity sphere in the region.

- by Kurt W . Bassuener, PhD
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- Geopolitics, Democratization, Kosovo, Nationalism

Conflict resolution features strongly as an objective of the European Union's foreign policy. In promoting this aim, the EU's geographical focus has rested primarily in its beleaguered backyard to the south and to the east. Taking a strong comparative approach, Nathalie Tocci explores the principal determinants of conflict dynamics in Cyprus, Turkey, Serbia-Montenegro, Israel-Palestine and Georgia in order to assess the impact of EU contractual ties on them. The volume includes topical analyzis based on first-hand experience, in-depth interviews with all the relevant actors and photography in ongoing conflict areas in the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Balkans and the Caucasus. This revealing study shows that the gap between EU potential and effectiveness often rests in the specific manner in which the EU collectively chooses to conduct its contractual relations.

Aside from comprehensive research in the archives of the Republic of Montenegro which still needs to be completed, sources from other places make it possible to shed some light on the commercial maritime activity of people from the Montenegrin littoral (Perast, Kotor, Ulcinj, Budva, Paštrovići). On the basis of customs permits from Šibenik, Split, and Ancona, in the period from the first half of the 15th to the end of the 16th century, we can see the active involvement of people from the Montenegrin littoral in the current of maritime commercial traffic. They are present as carriers in the service of other traders or as independent entrepreneurs. In this fashion they are involved in the international trade of goods (ranging from crisp breads from Ancona to Ottoman handiworks sold for Armenians or Jews) from the East (Ottoman Empire) to the West (primarily the western coast of Italy).
Further, examining their activity in Zadar and Dubrovnik, in this case on the basis of notary records and official correspondence of the Venetian administration (from as early as the 14th century), this article attempts to clarify the contribution made by these individuals to commercial import and export in the Adriatic, alongside a brief examination of their assistance in pirate activity.

Purpose Plastic pollution in the world has led to an abundance of microplastics (MPs) and has been identified as a potential factor that can lead to serious environmental problems, especially in oceans and seas. Information on the current status of MPs pollution along the Montenegrin coast is insufficiently investigated. This study monitors the abundance, distribution, and sources of MPs, and identifies present polymers in the surface sediment of the Montenegrin coast, as well as comparison with previous research. Materials and methods Ten sampling sites along the Montenegrin coast were selected to collect surface sediment samples. The upper layer of sediment (0-5 cm) was collected by a Petite ponar grab. The samples were dried, and density separation was performed using a NaCl solution. The abundance and morphological characteristics of MPs were determined using an optical microscope (DP-Soft software), while FT-IR analysis was done to identify the polymer type. Results and discussion Microplastics were identified in all sediment samples with an average abundance of 307 ± 133 (SD) MPs/kg in dry sediment. The highest abundance of MPs was found in locations in the vicinity of highly populated areas, near wastewater discharges, and areas with high fishing and tourist activities. The most dominant shape types of MPs in all samples were filaments and fragments. The most common colors of MPs were blue and red, while the dominant MPs sizes were 0.1-0.5 mm and 0.5-1.0 mm. Of the eight identified polymers, PP, PE, and PET were the most common. Conclusion This study reveals MPs characteristics (abundance, distribution, shape type, colors, size, polymers type) in surface sediment along the Montenegrin coast, as well as the most significant sources of MPs pollution, and provides important data for further research on MPs to identify the effects of MPs pollution on the quality, health, and functionality of the marine environment.

- by Neda Bošković
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- FTIR spectroscopy, Adriatic Sea, Enviromental Science, Montenegro

During the European crisis caused by the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in October 1908, Italy and Montenegro established the most intense political cooperation in the history of their mutual relations thus far. The Italian support was influential for the partial abolishment and modification, to
Montenegro’s advantage, of the Article 29 of the Treaty of Berlin from 1878, which limited the sovereignty of Montenegro in its coastal territories. In consequence to the investment of the Italian capital in the construction of the Port of Bar, Italy was directly involved in the question. During the crisis, Montenegro, had requested from Austria-Hungary, though to no avail, also territorial compensations, primarily in the Spič region and the Herzegovina borderlands. Intervening for Montenegrin interests, Italian diplomacy closely collaborated with the Russian and the British
diplomacy. The efforts of the Entente Forces and Italy to resolve all issues which had arisen from the act of annexation at the Conference of the contracting powers of the Treaty of Berlin, including the issue of the compensation for Montenegro, however
had no results.
The crisis ended in the beginning of April 1909 thanks to the Italian mediation in the normalization of relations between Montenegro and Austria-Hungary.

- by Slavko Burzanovic
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- Italy, Montenegro, Annexation Crisis
- by Savo Marković
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- Cultural History, Cultural Studies, Medieval Literature, Medieval History
- by Dušan Medin
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- Religion, Cultural Heritage, Landscape Architecture, Cultural Landscapes

Celebration of the bicentennial of the poet's birth in 2013 was characterized by a surprising intensity of the events as well as by the multiplicity and diversity of the agencies and actors involved. In this chapter, the input into marking the bicentennial by four central agencies is briefly described and tentatively analyzed:
1. (largely official) celebrations by the Montenegrin government bodies, aiming at recuperating Njegoš as the Montenegrin national poet, peaking in October with ceremony in front of the renovated Njegoš Mausoleum on the top of the Lovćen Mountain. This canonization of Njegoš has to be seen as the third of its kind (the first two established Njegoš as a Serbian national poet after the WWI and Yugoslav national poet after 1951 – at the occasion of the centennial of his death);
2. contribution by the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro: in May 2013, the notorious Mitropolite of the Montenegrin-Littoral Eparchy, which has its seat in the Monastery of Cetinje, ordered to introduce the icon of Njegoš into the named monastery, thereby making Njegoš the saint. With the exception of some Serb ultranationalist networks, the prevailing reaction to this sanctification of the poet (not confirmed by the synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church) was one of derision;
3. celebrating the bicentennial in Serbia. The focus is on a small network of radical nationalist poets mostly from Belgrade, headed by Matija Bećković;
4. the contribution of the Montenegrin diaspora in Croatia. Dimitrije Popović, a Cetinje-born sculptor living in Zagreb donated to his native town an abstract sculpture named Homage to Njegoš, which was inaugurated in May in a central place between the Monastery and the Njegoš's Palace (Biljarda). The less known Montenegrin-Croatian »connection« (based on the long history of the interaction in the Eastern Adriatic) was thus given a significant recognition.

- by Bojan Baskar
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- Romanticism, Balkan Studies, Poetry, Orality-Literacy Studies

At the end of October 1918, the delegates of the National Council from Zagreb went to Geneva to inform themselves about the current international position. Because of political pressure from the Entente the South Slav politicians reached the so-called Geneva agreement in November 1918. Based on it, an equal number of members from the Kingdom of Serbia and the State of SCS, which would work on common affairs, would form a joint ministry. Nikola Pašić, the Serbian PM, agreed on the postponement of the Monarchy. In his false report, Pašić misinformed his government, that the members of the ministry would take an oath to the Serbian king and to the National Council. Consequently, the vice-president of the Serbian government resigned, as well as Pašić. When Belgrade found out about the difficult international position of Zagreb, the Serbian court carried out the unification behind the scenes, bypassing Korošec and other politicians that were abroad. They leaned on Svetozar Pribičević, the vice-president of the National Council, who carried out the wishes of the Serbian royal court with joy.

- by Tomaž Ivešić
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- Yugoslavia, Croatian History, Serbian history, Yugoslavia (History)

Kotor_Kulturna_bastina_Crne_Gore

- by Predrag Malbasa
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- Riemann zeta function, Montenegro, Crna Gora, Boka Kotorska
- by Ira Topalli
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- Entrepreneurship, Kosovo, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Employment
- by Dušan Medin
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- History, Cultural Heritage, Montenegro, Crna Gora

Between March and May of 2020, a number of guslars (bards) and other traditional singers from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia flooded YouTube with songs about the COVID-19 pandemic. Though the musicians chose divergent vantage points from which to approach the topic of the pandemic, all settled on a similar goal. They sought to deliver a message of solidarity and hope to those struggling with the realities of life under lockdown measures and to allay the fears and uncertainties that spread with the virus. This article provides a critical overview of the guslars’ songs to explore their shared and divergent tropes, themes, and tones, and to highlight the goals of their singers in disseminating their messages in traditional form. Here I comment on what the high degree of convergence in the songs’ final messages reveals about vernacular responses to the pandemic and folk views on the measures taken to halt the virus’s spread. Finally, the article places these songs into a wider historical context of contemporary singing to the gusle, remarking on the vagaries of navigating authority when one sings subjective opinion in the name of a collective.

- by Dorian Jurić
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- Conspiracy Theories, Oral Traditions, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro

Analiza „Radne grupe za pripremu i vođenje pregovora sa EU - značaj, uloga i položaj članova“ ima za cilj da, uoči četvrte godišnjice od otvaranja pregovora Crne Gore sa Evropskom unijom, pruži doprinos u ocjeni kvaliteta ovog procesa i unaprijeđenju efikasnosti i efektivnosti rada pregovaračke strukture kroz fokus na radne grupe, koje su sastavni dio pregovaračke strukture. Značaj, uloga i položaj članova radnih grupa ostaju nedovoljno akcentovani u crnogorskoj javnosti, iako radne grupe predstavljaju jedan od stubova pregovaračkog procesa. Upravo to je motivisalo Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) da skrene pažnju na njihov rad, kao i da pokuša procijeniti koliko je uloženo u njihovo funkcionisanje i što dalje može biti urađeno kako bi se radne grupe bolje valorizovale, a posebno imajući u vidu širok spektar zainteresovanih strana koje one okupljaju.

- by Ana Vujošević
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- European integration, Montenegro, EU Accession Negotiations

U literaturi se već nekoliko decenija govori o opadanju značaja društvenih rascepa za političko ponašanje, dok vrednosne i/ili kulturološke podele sve više dobijaju na političkom značaju. Prema nekim koncepcijama u osnovi ideološko-vrednosnih podela, poput distinkcije autoritarno-libertarijansko, leže razlike u obrazovnom nivou. Potvrda ovakvih teza uglavnom dolazi iz zapadno-evropskih zemalja, gde je veza obrazovanja i klasnog statusa drugačija nego u bivšim komunističkim društvima. Predmet ovog rada jeste značaj obrazovnog nivoa kao determinante izborne odluke, kao i povezanost nivoa obrazovanja sa autoritarno-libertarijanskim stavovima u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori. Empirijsku osnovu rada čini serija istraživanja javnog mnenja koja su u Srbiji sprovođena u periodu 1990-2012. godine (ukupno 9 studija), odnosno od 2005. do 2015. godine u Crnoj Gori (11 studija). Rezultati analize ukazuju na to da među pristalicama različitih političkih partija kako u Srbiji tako i u Crnoj Gori postoje značajne razlike u obrazovnom nivou. U oba slučaja su, takođe, registrovane značajne povezanosti između nivoa obrazovanja i autoritarno-libertarijanskih stavova koja značajno razlikuju pristalice političkih partija. Međutim, razlike u obrazovanju se u Srbiji jasnije povezuju za dominantni vrednosno-kulturološki rascep, dok je u Crnoj Gori obrazovanje mnogo manje relevantno, uz tendenciju opadanja sa vremenom. U završnom delu rezultati su diskutovani u kontekstu opštijeg teorijskog problema, ali i iz perspektive potpunijeg razumevanja političkih podela u Crnoj Gori i Srbiji.

- by Olivera Komar and +1
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- Political Sociology, Education, Electoral Behavior, Parties; Political cleavages

ABSTRACT. Following the successful referendum of May 2006, Montenegro became the last of the former Yugoslav republics to opt for an independent state. Only fifteen years earlier, when the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia collapsed, Montenegro was resolute to continue the Yugoslav state-formation in a union with Serbia. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why did it take so much longer for the Montenegrin population to follow the experience of other republics in its decision on independence? How can one explain a staggering change in public opinion on questions of national self-determination over such a short time-span? And, finally, what are the dominant discourses of “Montenegrin-ness”? The authors argue that the answers to these questions are to be found in the particularities of Montenegro's historical development, and especially in the structural legacies of state socialism. The consequence of these developments was the formation of two separate Montenegrin national ideologies: one which sees Montenegrins as ethnically Serb, and the other that defines Montenegrins in civic terms. The paper concludes that these two divergent trajectories of nation-formation in Montenegro are largely the unintended consequence of intensive state-building, cultural and political modernisation and, most of all, the gradual politicisation and institutionalisation of high culture.

- by Sinisa Malesevic
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- Nationalism And State Building, Balkans, Montenegro
- by Татьяна Кочеткова
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- NATO, Conflict, Migration, Crisis Management
- by Savo Marković
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- History, Intellectual History, Cultural History, Diplomatic History

Published in: Stiller, A. (Ed.), Contrast Landscape - Architecture Context, Vienna, 2013

- by Vladimir Vukovic
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- Vernacular Architecture, Montenegro, Vernacular Settlements, Paštrovići

On the basis of historical sources and historiography, the life path and circumstances related to the death of Marc' Antonio Borisi (c. 1570-1620), the nobleman of Bar and Koper, the Grand Dragoman in the Venetian embassy of Constantinople, are reconsidered. The interdisciplinary approach to the research and particularly the comparative method shed light on the work, significance and reputation of this polyglot in the diplomatic world of the Ottoman capital, Venice and Europe.

- by Savo Marković
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- History, Cultural History, Military Intelligence, Humanities

In this article, I return to the history of the collection of songs exhibiting the ‘Building Sacrifice’ story-pattern in BCMS-speaking regions to explore the ethno-national manipulations to which the song has fallen victim over the last 200 years. I highlight three critical problems of past folklore research that allowed folklorists, ethnologists and others to draw these materials into such contentious misuse, offering a corrective for each that allows for a clearer understanding of the true diffusion and history of this oral tradition in the region.

- by Dorian Jurić
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- Folklore, Oral Traditions, History of Scholarship, Ballads
- by Dušan Medin
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- Cultural History, Local History, Feminism, Montenegro
- by Jacek Szymala
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- Cultural Studies, Film Studies, Early Modern History, Cultural Heritage

This work focuses on the shifts in the religious nation-building narratives of Milo Đukanović regarding the statuses and importance of the Serbian and Montenegrin Orthodox Churches since the independence referendum, and the narratives' impact on the overall status of the present and future Montenegrin religious identity. The aim of this work is to examine the religious nation-building narratives trends in Montenegro. Material and Methods: In order to examine the main questions of this work, the method of process tracing was utilised, whereby the examined period was separated into four stages, each examined on the basis on four different variables (the subject S , the objects, O1 and O2, the cause-A, and the outcome-B) and the causal and consequential relationships between them. Results: The results of this research showed that there is a sharp contrast between the rhetoric between Đukanović and the Serbian Orthodox Church, and Đukanović and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church in the same time periods, whereby the relationship between them goes from mutually neutral to deteriorating gradually for the former, or improving gradually, for the latter. The work concludes that religious nation-building narratives are on the rise in order to solidify the independent religious identity of Montenegrins.

Dietary habits of tortoises in Croatia and Montenegro

- by Herpetological Bulletin Editor and +1
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- Diet, Montenegro, Reptiles, Croatia

Posjednik (Gluhi Do, XV v.); pristalica mletacke vlasti. ASVe, Senato Mar, 1442.

- by Savo Marković
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- Medieval History, Medieval Studies, Legal History, Bosnia

Based on the collected specimen and available photographs, we provide first records of the invasive assassin bug species Zelus (Diplodacus) renardii Kolenati, 1857 from Croatia and Montenegro. We also report a case of accidental introduction of a larva of Z. renardii to the Czech Republic. These records document further spreading of this species native in America in Mediterranean Europe and possible ways of its spreading to the new areas.

- by Torsten van der Heyden
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- Heteroptera, Czech Republic, Montenegro, Invasive Alien Species

This article considers the relief work of the American Red Cross in wartime and postwar Montenegro, between 1915 and 1919. It is based on primary sources of American provenance, such as reports submitted by the American Red Cross field workers. Many U.S. sanitary officers, doctors, nurses, and social workers arrived in Serbia and Montenegro during WWI, and a great many more after the signing of the armistice. Their notes and reports, along with the official documents, represent valuable sources on the humanitarian situation in the war-torn countries in the Balkans.

- by Biljana Vučetić
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- American Studies, Humanitarianism, First World War, Montenegro