Greek Americans Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Greek American historical studies have noted the importance of organizations such the American Hellenic Progressive Association within Greek American communities. In addition to this major influential organization, topika somateia,... more

Greek American historical studies have noted the importance of organizations such the American Hellenic Progressive Association within Greek American communities. In addition to this major influential organization, topika somateia, meaning Local Organizations, or also played a role. Between 1911 and 1924 evidence for the existence of many Local Organizations has been presented by many past researchers. The author of this study has found evidence of a plethora of organizations composed of immigrants from Asia Minor. Specifically, the Greek American Pontus Leagues was found in the New York Times and Ethnikos Keryx archive. The Greek American Pontus League provided a means for its members to preserve and promote the culture and tradition of their homeland. Thereby creating a link of memories and a physical space were these memories could yield contemporary realities. These realities were produced by a mingling of their own virtues with those of American society. They organized dances, presentations, and fundraising events that served as community building reference points. In addition, they carried out philanthropic fundraising drives and with the funds acquired they supported their respective communities in Asia Minor. These monetary infusions were the product of individual transfers or via philanthropic organizations such as Near East Relief. The extent of the Greek American Pontus League’s impact in Greek American communities between 1919 and 1922 will be examined in this study.

The role of a NYC-based group of Greek American organizations made up of 1st generation immigrants in the Greek lobbying efforts in the US following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974.

Greek-American identity, as it was conceptualized during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was not simply a reiteration of Greek nationalist discourse but rather the result of a long process inevitably bound to socio-political... more

Greek-American identity, as it was conceptualized during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was not simply a reiteration of Greek nationalist discourse but rather the result of a long process inevitably bound to socio-political and cultural currents on both sides of the Atlantic as well as the social status of Greeks in the United States. While the Greek state had attempted to cultivate a pan-Hellenic identity among immigrants, not necessarily different from the ideological orientation of the Greek state, it was only after World War I that a Greek American ideology, and consequently a particular identity, was successfully framed. This identity, however, was a construction along the lines of American nationalism that was mainly supposed to serve as a bulwark against the xenophobic and racist climate prevalent in the United States during this period.

The Greek language press in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century was established by several individuals with strong affiliations with the two major Greek political sides, the liberal venizelists and the... more

The Greek language press in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century was established by several individuals with strong affiliations with the two major Greek political sides, the liberal venizelists and the conservative pro-royalists. Initially formed as the organs of those two ideological blocks, the newspapers gradually had to adapt to the realities of their American environment.

Spyros P. Skouras (1893-1971) was the most influential Greek immigrant in American history and one of America's preeminent citizens during the Cold War period. In an astonishing sixty-year career, he shaped two industries (film and... more

Spyros P. Skouras (1893-1971) was the most influential Greek immigrant in American history and one of America's preeminent citizens during the Cold War period. In an astonishing sixty-year career, he shaped two industries (film and shipping), turned Twentieth Century-Fox into a global film leader, saved Hollywood by introducing CinemaScope, masterminded Century City in Los Angeles, and, not least, helped save millions of Greeks from starvation and disease during World War II. For the first time his story is being told in his own words and in full detail. Coinciding with Skouras' 120th birth anniversary, this book is a valuable contribution to American and Greek Diaspora historiography that will inspire younger generations to pursue the intertwined ideals of business excellence and public service.

In an increasingly global world, diasporas are unique actors since they represent a fusion of the cultures, interests and mentalities of their old and new homelands. Thus, the relationship between homelands and diasporas becomes quite... more

In an increasingly global world, diasporas are unique actors since they represent a
fusion of the cultures, interests and mentalities of their old and new homelands. Thus, the
relationship between homelands and diasporas becomes quite significant. Nevertheless, it
remains understudied. This dissertation attempts to contribute to the study of this phenomenon
through an in-depth examination of the relationship between Greece and the Greek diaspora in
the United States. The Greek state and the Greek-American community are interdependent on
each other. The state relies on the community for assistance in the areas of development,
economic cooperation, humanitarian aid, and advocacy for foreign policy issues. The
community relies on the Greek state for support with respect to Greek education and the
preservation of Greek culture in the United States. The relationship between the two entities
reflects the dynamics of a partnership although the state has tried in the past to extend its
control over the Greek-American community. However, the community has proved its
independence vis-à-vis the Greek state. In order to have a more fruitful partnership in the
future, a number of conditions should be in place, including a systematic and well-planned
diaspora policy on the part of the Greek state and better organized structures on the part of the
Greek-American community. Moreover, a better and deeper knowledge and appreciation of
each other is very important for any further cooperation: the Greek state needs to get to know
the spectrum of Greek identity and culture that exists in the Greek-American community while
the Greek-Americans need to have a deeper knowledge of Greece and Greek culture. The
Greek-American diaspora can have a significant role as an agent of positive change and it can
be a unique bridge between the two nations enriching them both at the same time.

When Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. marched from the Brown Chapel of the African Methodist Episcopal Church to the Dallas County Courthouse in Selma, Alabama on March 15, 1965, Archbishop Iakovos, leader of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese... more

When Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. marched from the Brown Chapel of the African Methodist Episcopal Church to the Dallas County Courthouse in Selma, Alabama on March 15, 1965, Archbishop Iakovos, leader of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America, was among the few white men who accompanied him. Iakovos, who had experienced religious oppression himself as a child, accepted Dr. King's invitation demonstrating his commitment to freedom and civil rights as key principles of the American life. Iakovos stated that the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese could no longer remain a " spectator and listener, " and it must labor and struggle to develop its spiritual life. In the end, his firm support of Dr. King's initiative helped bring to fruition the passage of voting rights legislation, advancing equality among his communicants. This paper examines the leadership role of Iakovos in his support of the African American Civil Rights Movement and, furthermore, assesses the impact of his activism on the Greek Orthodox community in America with regard to the previously introverted and conservative attitudes.

This article traces a specific moment when Castellorizian settlers intersected with the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction in the Northern Territory, between 1916 and 1920. Through an examination of a... more

This article traces a specific moment when Castellorizian settlers intersected with the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction in the Northern Territory, between 1916 and 1920. Through an examination of a contested labour issue, a political immigration debate and a racialist newspaper dispute, this history aims to demonstrate how a group of ethnically Greek labourers from the Dodecanese island of Castellorizo ushered in a distinctive form of “white” racial preferencing. By examining how Castellorizian labourers were viewed by unionists, politicians and public commentators, this article suggests that confusing, and, at times, porous, national and racial classifications—such as Greek and Turk, and white and Asiatic—predisposed how these distinctive settlers could engage with the society in which they lived. In direct opposition to being classified as, and compared to, Asians, Castellorizians articulated their own distinct attachments to Australia and the white race. An investigation into their
articulations offers us a nuanced reading into the making and fluidity of white racial consciousness in Australia. By examining the precarious positioning and self-articulations of Castellorizians in the Northern Territory, we can begin to reflect on how the racialised and labour-based politics of immigration restriction impacted on the making of an early Greek-Australian racial consciousness.

The Greek American owned Billy Goat Tavern in Chicago

By drawing upon interviews with immigrants, this essay explores travel as a transformative space and time. Migrants’ identifications were modified in the liminal space of the ship and during their stay in Ellis Island through their... more

By drawing upon interviews with immigrants, this essay explores travel as a transformative space and time. Migrants’ identifications were modified in the liminal space of the ship and during their stay in Ellis Island through their encounters with people from other regions of their country of origin and from other ethnic groups. In this respect, travel provides a useful heuristic tool for analyzing emigrants' evolving relations with their country of origin and their host country.

The article examines the relation of Greek-American organizations and the Archdiocese of North and South America with the US government and the regime of the colonels. At the same time, it presents the organization of the resistance by... more

The article examines the relation of Greek-American organizations and the Archdiocese of North and South America with the US government and the regime of the colonels. At the same time, it presents the organization of the resistance by immigrants against the junta and the controversies caused by the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The Greek lobby, contrary to what is believed, was the result of a conflict and not a united stance within the Greek-American community.

The Greek Orthodox Church of America has demonstrated a significant degree of political mobilisation in critical moments, especially during the 37-year tenure of the late Archbishop Iakovos (1959-1996). As the prelate of the Archdiocese... more

The Greek Orthodox Church of America has demonstrated a significant degree of political mobilisation in critical moments, especially during the 37-year tenure of the late Archbishop Iakovos (1959-1996). As the prelate of the Archdiocese in the Americas, he contributed to the growth of the Greek-American community and helped it become an active segment of American society. Among his achievements was his robust advocacy for civil and human rights, marching abreast with Martin Luther King Jr. in Selma, Alabama. For his pioneering work, he was held in high esteem by his counterparts in the US which earned him access to decision-makers in Washington, DC. Later, Iakovos used his recognition to lobby US Presidents and garner support for his ‘homeland’ in critical circumstances, strengthening Greece’s relations with the United States. But, apart from Greece, Iakovos had also to take care of issues related solely with the Greek-American community as an integral part of American society. The purpose of this paper is to explore Iakovos’ involvement in American politics related to Greece and the Greek-American community - both at the parish or citizen level, and to evaluate his work in the framework of international relations.

Although the film My Big Fat Greek Wedding (MBFGW) (written by and starring Nia Vardalos and directed by Joel Zwick, 2002) is widely considered one of the most successful independent films in the history of US cinema, it has received very... more

Although the film My Big Fat Greek Wedding (MBFGW) (written by and starring Nia Vardalos and directed by Joel Zwick, 2002) is widely considered one of the most successful independent films in the history of US cinema, it has received very little scholarly attention by the existing literature and has often been dismissed as an aesthetically conservative film, a romantic comedy that is permeated by a televisual aesthetic given that its director, Joel Zwick, had been working primarily on television prior to that film. However, it is the film’s “relationship to the broader social, cultural, political or ideological landscape” (King 2005) that this paper is interested in. More specifically, it will argue that from this angle the film is very much part of a US contemporary independent film discourse, one that gives voices to minorities and (in this case Greek Americans – an ethnic minority that has seen very little representation in both Hollywood and independent film prior to MBFGW) and provides alternative views – elements that will be explored within the context of a contested authorship. Released in a sensitive cultural climate in March 2002, just a few months after the 9/11 events, the film actively celebrates gender and ethnic difference, and given its incredible commercial success it represents a rare example of a cultural product of that nature that was fully endorsed by mainstream America.

The article focuses on the importance of the migration experience in transform- ing the ‘identifications’ of Greek-Orthodox Ottoman subjects in relation to the historical reality of their country of origin and their host country, the... more

The article focuses on the importance of the migration experience in transform- ing the ‘identifications’ of Greek-Orthodox Ottoman subjects in relation to the historical reality of their country of origin and their host country, the United States, as well as the country that from the beginning claimed their loyalty as a national centre, Greece. Subsequently, it examines the terms that defined the construction of religious, social and political diaspora groupings and the atti- tudes that conditioned their participation in the Greek nationalist project.
Although ‘rival’ ethnic groups in the United States came to blows during periods of violence in the Ottoman Empire, it appears that they also reconstructed in their daily life a ‘deterritorialized Ottoman space’ based on their origin in a common city or region or common cultural characteristics. There are hints that immigrants’ common references or memories led to the construction of a ‘nostalgic Ottomanism’ when the Empire dissolved, contributing to the survival of cultural elements and the continuation of social and labour relations with persons from rival ethnic groups.

The political system of the United States is unique for permitting access to organized pressure groups through lobbying. In many western countries lobbying and political pressure provokes reservations but in the US it is part of the... more

The political system of the United States is unique for permitting access to organized pressure groups through lobbying. In many western countries lobbying and political pressure provokes reservations but in the US it is part of the regular political process. These groups vary in cause and scope and among them one can trace ethnic pressure groups consisted of American citizens with a different ethnic background. Those entities advocate for issues related to their ethnicity and their country of origin trying to persuade Congress to adopt certain positions. This paper will assess the case of the Greek American lobby and its efforts in the late 1970s, aiming to export theoretical conclusions from the perspective of the academic discipline of International Relations.

This co-edited volume considers Greek American formal and informal educational efforts, institutions, and programs, broadly conceived, as they evolved over time throughout the United States. This book’s focus on Greek Americans aims to... more

This co-edited volume considers Greek American formal and informal educational efforts, institutions, and programs, broadly conceived, as they evolved over time throughout the United States. This book’s focus on Greek Americans aims to highlight the vast array of educational responses to local needs and contexts as this distinct, yet, heterogeneous immigrant community sought to maintain its linguistic, cultural, and religious heritage for over one hundred years. The chapters in this volume emend the scholarly literature that thus far, has not only overlooked Greek American educational initiatives, but has also neglected to recognize and analyze the community’s persistence in sustaining them. This book is an important contribution to an understanding of Greek Americans’ long overdue history as a significant diaspora community within an American context.

The aim of this article is to unfold and analyze John Gennadius’, one of the most important diplomats of nineteenth century Greece, perception of America. Having spent most of his life in England to the Greek legation of which he had been... more

The aim of this article is to unfold and analyze John Gennadius’, one of the most important diplomats of nineteenth century Greece, perception of America. Having spent most of his life in England to the Greek legation of which he had been appointed for more than 20 years, Gennadius was influenced by the ongoing British discussion on the “American miracle”. His perception was, however, fostered during two visits there, a professional (1888) and a private one (1893). He was involved in its political life as the official negotiator of the Greek Government but also enjoyed the culture, witnessed the wealth, the galloping development and made many acquaintances. All this left on him an impression. He commented on the importance of the British influence on the American civilization, he acknowledged mostly the material and intellectual progress of its people and foresaw the potential of its thriving economy in world politics.